Bancroft's works: History of Mexico vol. 1

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Presented by: John F. Evans
In memory of: J. Fred Evans

Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2013

http://archive.org/details/historyofmexico02bancroft

PRESENTED

TO

Walter w. Mclaughlin,

15Y HIS FATHER

JAMES MCLAUGHLIN,

Aspen, Colorado

March, 1886.

THE WORKS

OF

HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.

THE WORKS

OF

HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.

VOLUME IX.

HISTORY OF MEXICO.

Vol. I. 1516-1521.

SAN FRANCISCO :
A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS.

1883.

Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1883, by

HUBERT H. BANCROFT,

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

All Rights Reserved.

PREFACE.

As the third greatest of the world's republics,
wherein society and civilization are displayed under
somewhat abnormal aspects, under aspects at least
widely different from those present in other than
Spanish -speaking communities, configurations and
climates, races and race intermixtures, civil and re-
ligious polities, and the whole range of mental and
physical environment being in so many respects ex-
ceptional and individual, Mexico presents a study
one of the most interesting and profitable of any
among the nations of to-day.

A brilliant though unjust and merciless conquest
was followed by the enforcement of Spain's institu-
tions upon the survivors, who were themselves so far
advanced in arts, industries, and intellectual culture
as to render such metamorphosis most disastrous.
After the awful success of Cortes, Spain neither ex-
terminated the natives, like the United States, nor left
them in their aboriginal independence, like the fur-
magnates of British America. Aiming at the utmost
kindness, the Spanish government fastened on body
and soul the iron fetters of tyranny and superstition ;
aiming at liberty and humanity, slavery and wrong
were permitted. With grants of land, grants of men

(V)

vf PREFACE.

and women were made. The church fought valiantly
against the evils of the encomienda system, and
against the cruelty and injustice imposed by the colo-
nists upon the natives. There was here little of that
wholesome indifference to the welfare of her colonies
later manifested by England with regard to her settle-
ments in America. Spain's American possessions be-
longed not to the Spanish people but to the Spanish
sovereign; the lands and the people were the king's,
to be held or disposed of as he should direct. Hence
among the people were encouraged dividing castes;
commerce was placed under the severest restrictions,
and in rnany ways it became clear that provinces were
held and governed almost exclusively for the benefit
of the crown. And so they remained, Europeans and
Americans intermingling their loves and hates for
three hundred vears, which was indeed Mexico's dark
age, two civilizations being well nigh crushed therein,
Light at last breaking in upon the people, the three
centuries of viceregal rule were brought to a close by
their taking a stand for independence, such as their
Anglo-American neighbor had so recently achieved.
And now during these latter days of swift progression
Mexico is happily aroused from her lethargy, and is
taking her proper place among the enlightened nations
of the earth, to the heart-felt joy of all.

The first of the five great periods of Mexican his-
tory, embracing the aboriginal annals of An&huac, has
been exhaustively treated in the fifth volume of my
Native Races. The second is that of the conquest by
Cortes ; the third covers nearly three centuries of vice-
regal rule in New Spain ; the fourth comprises the strug-
gle for independence and the founding of the republic;

PREFACE. vii

and the fifth extends thence to the present time,
including as salient features a series of internal revo-
lutions, the war with the United States, the imperial
experiment of Maximilian, and the peaceful develop-
ment of national industries and .power in recent years.
It is my purpose to present on a national scale, and
in a space symmetrically proportioned to the impor-
tance of each, the record of the four successive periods.
The conquest of Mexico, filling the present and
part of another volume, has been treated by many
writers, and in a masterly manner. In the three
periods of Mexican history following the conquest
there is no comprehensive work extant in Eng-
lish; nor is there any such work in Spanish that
if translated would prove entirely satisfactory to
English readers. Of the few Spanish and Mexican
writers whose researches have extended over the
whole field, or large portions of it, none have been
conspicuously successful in freeing themselves from
the quicksands of race prejudice, of religious feeling,
of patriotic impulse, of political partisanship; none
have had a satisfactory command of existing author-
ities; none in the matter of space have made a sym-
metrical division of the periods, or have appreciated
the relative importance of different topics as they
appear to any but Spanish eyes. Yet there has been
no lack among these writers of careful investigation
or brilliant diction. Indeed there is hardly an epoch
that has not been ably treated from various partisan
standpoints.

The list of authorities prefixed to this volume
shows approximately my resources for writing a
History of Mexico. I may add that no part of my

viii PREFACE.

collection is more satisfactorily complete than that
pertaining to Mexico. I have all the standard his-
tories and printed chronicles of the earliest times,
together with all the works of writers who have ex-
tended their investigations to the events and develop-
ments of later years. On the shelves of my Library
are found the various Colecciones cle Documentos, filled
with precious historical papers from the Spanish and
Mexican archives, all that were consulted in manu-
script by Robertson, Prescott, and other able writers,
with thousands equally important that were unknown
to them. My store of manuscript material is rich
both in originals and copies, including the treasures
secured during a long experience by such collectors
as Jose Maria Andrade and Jose Fernando Ramirez;
a copy of the famous Archive General de Mexico, in
thirty-two volumes ; the autograph originals of Carlos
Maria Bustain ante's historical writings, in about fifty
volumes, containing much not found in his printed
works; the original records of the earliest Mexican
councils of the church, with many ecclesiastical and
missionary chronicles not extant in print; and finally
a large amount of copied material on special topics
drawn from different archives expressly for my work.
Documents printed by the Mexican government,
including the regular memorias and other reports of
different departments and officials, constitute a most
valuable source of information. Partisan writings
and political pamphlets are a noticeable feature of
Mexican historical literature, indispensable to the his-
torian who would study both sides of every question.
Prominent Mexicans have formed collections of such
works, a dozen of which I have united in one, making
two hundred and eighteen volumes of Papeles Varios,

PREFACE. ix

some five thousand pamphlets, besides nearly as many
more collected by my own efforts. The newspapers
of a country cannot be disregarded, and my collection
is not deficient in this class of data, being particularly
rich in official periodicals.

The conquest of Mexico, which begins this history,
has the peculiar attractions of forming the grandest
episode in early American annals from a military
point of view, and in opening to the world the
richest, most populous, and most civilized country
on the northern continent, and of gradually in-
corporating it in the sisterhood of nations as the
foremost representative of Latin -American states.
On the other hand, an episode which presents but a
continuation of the bloody path which marked the
advance of the conquerors in America, and which
involved the destruction not only of thousands of
unoffending peoples but of a most fair and hopeful
culture, is not in its results the most pleasing of pic-
tures. But neither in this pit of Acheron nor in that
garden of Hesperides may we expect to discover the
full significance of omnipotent intention. From the
perpetual snow- cap springs the imperceptibly moving
glacier. A grain of sand gives no conception of the
earth, nor a drop of water of the sea, nor the soft
breathing of an infant of a hurricane; yet worlds are
made of atoms, and seas of drops of water, and storms
of angry air- breaths. Though modern Mexico can
boast a century more of history than the northern
nations of America, as compared with the illimitable
future her past is but a point of time.

CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.

CHAPTEE I.

VOYAGE OF HERNANDEZ DE CORDOBA TO YUCATAN.

1516-1517. PAGE.

A Glance at the State of European Discovery and Government in America
at the Opening of this Volume — Diego Velazquez in Cuba — Character
of the Man — A Band of Adventurers Arrives from Darien — The Gov-
ernor Counsels them to Embark in Slave-catching — Under Hernan-
dez de Cordoba thay Sail Westward and Discover Yucatan — And are
Filled with Astonishment at the Large Towns arid Stone Towers they
See there — They Fight the Natives at Cape Catoche — Skirt the
Peninsula to Champoton — Sanguinary Battle — Return to Cuba —
Death of C6rdoba 1

CHAPTEE II.

JUAN DE GRIJALVA EXPLORES THE WESTERN SIDE OF THE MEXICAN GULF.

1518.

Velazquez Plans a New Expedition — Gives the Command to his Nephew,
Juan de Grijalva — Who Embarks at Santiago and Strikes the Conti-
nent at Cozumel Island — Coasts Southward to Ascension Bay — Then
Turns and Doubles Cape Catoche — Naming of New Spain — Fight at
Champoton — Arrival at Laguna de Terminos — Alaminos, the Pilot,
is Satisfied that Yucatan is an Island — They Coast Westward and
Discover the Rivers San Pedro y San Pablo and Tabasco — Notable
Interview at this Place between the Europeans and the Americans —
The Culhua Country — They Pass La Rambla, Tonala, the Rio Goaza-
coalco, the Mountain of San Martin, the Rivers of Alvarado and
Banderas, and Come to the Islands of Sacrificios and San Juan de
Ulua 15

CHAPTEE III.

RETURN OF GRIJALVA. A NEW EXPEDITION ORGANIZED.

1518.

Refusal of Grijalva to Settle — Alvarado Sent back to Cuba — Grijalva
Continues his Discovery — After Reaching the Province of Panuco he

(xi)

xii CONTENTS.

PAGE.

Turns back — Touching at the Rio Goazacoalco, Tonala, the Laguna
de Terminos, and Champoton, the Expedition Returns to Cuba —
Grijalva Traduced and Discharged — A New Expedition Planned —
Velazquez Sends to Santo Domingo and Spain — Characters of
Velazquez and Grijalva Contrasted — Candidates fo? the Captaincy
of the New Expedition — The Alcalde of Santiago Successful — His
Standing at that Time 28

CHAPTER IV.

THE HERO OF THE CONQUEST.

Birthplace of Hernan Cortes — His Coming Compensatory for the Devil-
sent Luther — Parentage — Hernan a Sickly Child — Saint Peter his
Patron — He is sent to Salamanca — Returns Home — Thinks of C6r-
doba and Italy — And of Ovando and the Indies — Chooses the Lat-
ter— Narrow Escape during a Love Intrigue — Ovando Sails without
Him — Cortes Goes to Valencia — Is there 111 — Returns Home — Finally
Sails for the Indies — His Reception at Santo Domingo — He Fights
Indians under Velazquez, and is Given an Encomienda — Goes to
Cuba with Velazquez — Makes Love to Catalina Suarez — But Declines
to Marry — Velazquez Insists — Cortes Rebels — Seizures, Imprison-
ments, Escapes, and Reconciliation 41

CHAPTER V.

SAILING OF THE EXPEDITION
1518-1519.

The Quality of Leader Desired — Instructions Issued to Hernan Cortes,
Commander-in-chief — The Character of Cortes Undergoes a Change —
Cost of the Expedition — By whom Borne — Places Established for En-
listment— The Banner — Cortes Puts on the Great Man — More of his
Character — The Scene at Santiago Harbor — The Governor's Jester —
Dark Suspicions of Velazquez — Departure from Santiago — Cortes at
Trinidad — Fresh Recruits — Verdugo Receives Orders to Depose Cor-
tes— The Fleet Proceeds to San Cristobal, or the Habana — Review
at Guaguanico — Speech of CortCs — Organization into Companies —
Departure from Cuba 53

CHAPTER VI.

THE VOYAGE.

1510.

Something of the Captains of Cortes — Alvarado — Montejo — Avila — Olid —
Sandoval — Leon — Ordaz — Morla — The Passage — The Fleet Struck
by a Squall — Arrival at Cozumel — Alvarado Censured — Search for
the Captive Christians — Arrival of Aguilar — His Chaste Adventures —
They Come to Tabasco River — Battles there — Conquest of the Na-
tives— Peace Made — Twenty Female Slaves among the Presents —
The Fleet Proceeds along the Shore — Puertocarrero's Witticism —
Arrival at San Juan de Ulua 73

CONTENTS. xiii

CHAPTER VII. -

WHAT MONTEZUMA THOUGHT OF IT.

PAGE.

Home of Mexican Civilization — The Border Land of Savagism — Con-
figuration of the Country — The Nahuas and the Mayas — Toltecs,
Chichimecs, and Aztecs — The Valley of Mexico — Civil Polity of the
Aztecs — King Ahuitzotl — Montezuma Made Emperor — Character of
the Man — His Career — The First Appearing of the Spaniards not
Unknown to Montezuma — The Quetzalcoatl Myth — Departure of the
Fair God— Signs and Omens concerning his Return — The Coming of
the Spaniards Mistaken for the Fulfilment of the Prophecy — The
Door Opened to the Invader 94

CHAPTER VIII.

THE COMBATANTS SALUTE.

April-May, 1519.

The Embassy from the Shore — The New Interpreter — Marina — Her Ap-
pearance and Quality — Her Romantic History — She Cleaves to the
Spaniards and to Cortds — And Becomes One of the most Important
Characters of the Conquest — The Spaniards Land and Form an En-
campment— The Governor Comes with Presents — The Spaniards
Astonish the Natives — Who Report all to Montezuma — Cortes Sends
the Monarch Presents — Council Called in Mexico — Montezuma Deter-
mines not to Receive the Strangers — Reciprocates in Presents a
Hundredfold — Cort6s Persists — Montezuma Declines more Firmly —
Olmedo Attempts Conversion — Teuhtlile, Offended, Withdraws his
People from the Camp of the Spaniards 1 1G

CHAPTER IX.

THE MIGHTY PROJECT IS CONCEIVED.

May, 1519.

Serious Dilemma of Cortes — Authority without Law — Montejo Sent
Northward — Recommends another Anchorage — Dissensions at Vera
Cruz — Prompt and Shrewd Action of Cortes — A Municipality Organ-
ized— Cortes Resigns — And is Chosen Leader by the Municipality —
Velazquez' Captains Intimate Rebellion — Cortes promptly Arrests
Several of Them — Then he Conciliates them All — Important Em-
bassy from Cempoala — The Veil Lifted — The March to Cempoala —
What was Done there — Quiahuiztlan — The Coming of the Tribute
Gatherers — How They were Treated — Grand Alliance 131

CHAPTER X.

MULTIPLICATION OF PLOTS.

June-July, 1519.
Cortes, Diplomate and General — The Municipality of Villa Rica Located —
Excitement throughout Anahuac — Montezuma Demoralized — Arrival

xiv CONTENTS.

PAGE.

of the Released Collectors at the Mexican Capital — The Order for
Troops Countermanded — Montezuma Sends an Embassy to Cortes —
Chicomacatl Asks Aid against a Mexican Garrison — A Piece of
Pleasantry — The Velazquez Men Refuse to Accompany the Expedi-
tion— Opportunity Offered them to Return to Cuba, which they
Decline through Shame — The Totonacs Rebuked — The Cempoala
Brides — Destruction of the Idols — Arrival at Villa Rica of Salcedo —
Efforts of Velazquez with the Emperor — Cortes Sends Messengers
to Spain — Velazquez Orders them Pursued — The Letters of CortCs —
Audiencia of the Emperor at Tordesillas 152

CHAPTER XI.

THE SINKING OF THE FLEET.

July- August, 1519.
Diego Velazquez once More — His Supporters in the Camp of Cortes —
They Attempt Escape — Are Discovered — The Leaders are Seized and
Executed — Cortes' Ride to Cempoala, and what Came of it — He De-
termines on the Destruction of the Fleet — Preliminary Stratagems —
Several of the Ships Pronounced Unseaworthy — The Matter before
the Soldiers — The Fleet Sunk — Indignation of the Velazquez Fac-
tion— One Vessel Remaining — It is Offered to any Wishing to Desert —
It is finally Sunk — Francisco de Garay's Pretensions — Seizure of
Some of his Men 174

CHAPTER XII.

MAECH TOWARD MEXICO.

August-September, 1519.

Enthusiasm of the Army — The Force — The Totonacs Advise the Tlascalan
Route — Arrival at Jalapa — A Look Backward — The Anahuac Pla-
teau— Meeting with Olintetl — Arrival in the Country of the Tlascal-
tecs — The Senate Convenes and Receives the Envoys of Cortes — An
Encounter — A More Serious Battle — Xicotencatl Resolves to Try the
Prowess of the Invaders, and is Defeated 191

CHAPTER XIII.

ENTRY INTO TLASOALA.

September, 1519.
Native Chiefs Sent as Envoys to the Tlascalan Capital — Their Favorable
Reception — Xicotencatl Plans Resistance to Cortes — Sends out Spies —
Cortes Sends them back Mutilated — The Spaniards Attack and
Defeat Xicotencatl — Night Encounters — General Dissatisfaction and
a Desire to Return to Villa Rica — Envoys Arrive from Montezuma —
Cortes Receives Xicotencatl and the Tlascalan Lords — Peace Con-
cluded— Tlascala — Festivities and Rejoicings — Mass Celebrated —
Cortes Inclined to Extreme Religious Zeal — Brides Presented to the
Spaniards — Appropriate Ceremonies — Preparing to Leave Tlascala
for Cholula — Communications with the Cholultecs 211,

CONTENTS, xv

CHAPTER XIV.

SUBJUGATION OF CHOLULA.

October, 1519. page.

Departure from Tlascala— Description of Cholula — The Welcome — Army
Quarters in the City — Intimations of a Conspiracy between the Mexi-
cans and Cholultecs — Cortes Asks for Provisions and Warriors — He
Holds a Council — Preparations for an Attack — The Lords Enter the
Court with the Required Supplies — Cortes Reprimands them in an
Address — The Slaughter Begins — Destruction of the City — Butchery
and Pillage — Amnesty finally Proclaimed — Xicotencatl Returns to
Tlascala — Reconciliation of the Cholultecs and Tlascaltecs — Dedica-
tion of a Temple to the Virgin — Reflections on the Massacre of
Cholula 235

CHAPTER XV.

FROM CHOLULA TO IZTAPALAPAN.

October-November, 1519.
Montezuma Consults the Gods — He again Begs the Strangers not to Come
to him — Popocatepetl and Iztaccihuatl — News from Villa Rica —
Death of Escalante — Return of the Cempoalan Allies — Again en
route for Mexico — Reception at Huexotzinco — First View of the
Mexican Valley — Exultations and Misgivings — Resting at Quauh-
techcatl — The Counterfeit Montezuma — Munificent Presents — The
Emperor Attempts to Annihilate the Army by Means of Sorceries —
Through Quauhtechcatl, Amaquemecan, and Tlalmanalco — A Brill-
iant Procession Heralds the Coming of Cacama, King of Tezcuco —
At Cuitlahuac — Met by Ixtlilxochitl — The Hospitality of Izta-
palapan 252

CHAPTER XVI.

MEETING WITH MONTEZUMA.

November, 1519.

Something of the City— The Spaniards Start from Iztapalapan — Reach the
Great Causeway — They are Met by many Nobles — And Presently by
Montezuma — Entry into Mexico — They are Quartered in the Axaya-
catl Palace — Interchange of Visits 275

CHAPTER XVII.

CAPTURE OF THE EMPEROR.

November, 1519.

Cortes Inspects the City — Visits the Temple with Montezuma — Discov-
ery of Buried Treasure — Pretended Evidences of Treachery — Cortes
Plans a Dark Deed — Preparations for the Seizure of Montezuma —
With a Few Men Cortes Enters the Audience-chamber of the King —
Persuasive Discourse — With Gentle Force Montezuma is Induced to
Enter the Lion's Den 294

xvi CONTEXTS.

CHAPTER XVIII.

DOUBLY REFINED DEALINGS.

1519-1520. PAGIV

Hollow Homage to the Captive King — Montezuma has his Wives and
Nobles — He Rules his Kingdom through the Spaniards — The Playful
Page — Liberality of the Monarch — The Sacred Treasures — Cortes
Resents the Insults of the Guard — Diversions — Quauhpopoca, his
Son and Officers, Burned Alive — Plantations Formed — Villa Rica
Affairs — Vessels Built — Pleasure Excursions 309

CHAPTER XIX.

POLITICS AND RELIGION.
1520.

Growing Discontent among the Mexicans — Cacama's Conspiracy — He
Openly Defies both Montezuma and Cortes — The Council of Tepet-
zinco — Seizure of Cacama — The Tezcucan Ruler Deposed — Cuicuitz-
catl Elevated — Montezuma and his People Swear Fealty to the Spanish
King — Gathering in the Tribute — Division of Spoils — The Spaniards
Quarrel over their Gold — Uncontrollable Religious Zeal — Taking of
the Temple — Wrath of the Mexicans 328

CHAPTER XX.

THE CUBAN GOVERNOR IN PURSUIT.

1519-1520.

The Mexicans Threaten Revolt — The Clergy in Arms — They Denounce
the Conduct of Montezuma — The Emperor Declares he can no longer
Restrain his People — Tidings of Velazquez' Fleet — Sailing from
Cuba of an Expedition under Narvaez — Arrival in Mexico — Conflict
with Cortes — Interchange of Threats and Courtesies — Attempted
Union of Forces — Narvaez Remains Loyal to Velazquez — Desertion
of Some of his Men to Cortes 353

CHAPTER XXI.

THE COUP DE MAiTRE OF CORTES.

May, 1520.
Dismal Prospects — Empire to Hold, Invasion to Repel — The Army Di-
vides— Alvarado Guards Montezuma, while Cortes Looks after Xar-
vaez — The March Seaward — The Rendezvous — The Chinantecs
and their Pikes — Cortes Sows Alluring Words in the Camp of the
Enemy — Proposals of Peace — Defiance — Night Attack — Cortes Cap-
tures Narvaez and his Army 374

CHAPTER XXII.

ALVAEADO'S MERCILESS MASSACRE.

May, 1520.
After the Battle — Victory Made Secure — Conduct of the Conquered — A
General Amnesty — Disposition of the Forces — Affairs at the Capital —

CONTENTS. xvii

PAGE.

Insurrection Threatened — The Spaniards Hold a Council — Alvarado's
Resolve — The Great Day of the Feast — The Spaniards Proceed to the
Temple — The Grand Display there Witnessed — The Attack of the
Spaniards — Horrors upon Horrors 399

CHAPTER XXIII.

UPRISING OF THE AZTECS.

May-June, 1520.

Character of the Aztecs — Spanish Quarters — The City in Arms — Growing
Hatred toward the Invaders — Perilous Position of Alvarado — Monte-
zuma Called to Interfere — Failing Provisions — Miraculous Water —
Cortes to the Rescue — Rendezvous at Tlascala — The City and its
People — The Army Joins Alvarado — Desperate Encounters 419

CHAPTER XXIV.

FIGHT UPON THE TEMPLE SUMMIT.

June, 1520.

The Natives Continue the Assault — Their Fierce "Bravery — The Span-
iards Build Turrets — Still the Mexicans Prove too Strong for Them —
Montezuma Called to Intercede — He is Insulted and Stoned by his
Subjects — Cortes Attempts Egress by the Tlacopan Causeway — ■
Failure of Escobar to Take the Pyramid — CortCs Gains the Slippery
Height— The Gladiatorial Combat There 436

CHAPTER XXV.

DEATH OF MONTEZUMA.

June, 1520.

A Living Death — The Old Imperial Party and the New Power — Aztec
Defiance — Perilous Position of the Spaniards — Disappointment to
Cort6s — Another Sally — The Dying Monarch — He has No Desire to
Live — His Rejection of a New Faith — He will None of the Heaven
of the Spaniards — Commends his Children to Cortes — The Character
of Montezuma and of his Reign 449

CHAPTER XXVI.

LA NOCHE TRISTE.

June 30, 1520.

The Captive-King Drama Carried too Far — Better had the Spaniards
Taken Montezuma's Advice, and have Departed while Opportunity
Oilered — Diplomatic Value of a Dead Body — Necessity for an Im-
mediate Evacuation of the City — Departure from the Fort — Mid-
night Silence — The City Roused by a Woman's Cry — The Fugitives

Fiercely Attacked on All Sides — More Horrors , 4G3

Hist. Mex., Vol. I. n

xviii CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XXVII.

RETREAT TO TLASCALA.

July, 1520.
Fatal Mistake of the Mexicans — A Brief Respite Allowed the Spaniards —
The Remnant of the Army at Tlacopan — They Set out for Tlascala —
An ever increasing Force at their Heels — Rest at the Tepzolac
Temple — Cort6s Reviews his Disasters — The March Continued amidst
Great Tribulation — Encounter of the Grand Army — Important Battle
and Remarkable Victory — Arrival at Tlascala — The Friendly Recep-
tion Accorded them There 482

CHAPTEE XXVIII.

INVALUABLE FRIENDSHIP.

July-September, 1520.
Divers Disasters to the Spaniards — Mexico Makes Overtures to Tlascala — ■
A Council Held — Tlascala Remains True to the Spaniards — Disaf-
fection in the Spanish Army — Cortes again Wins the Soldiers to his
Views — Renewal of Active Operations against the Aztecs — Success
of the Spanish Arms — Large Reinforcements of Native Allies — One
Aztec Stronghold after another Succumbs 509

CHAPTER XXIX.

KING-MAKING AND CONVERTING.

October-December, 1520.

Conquest in Detail — Barba Caught — Other Arrivals and Reinforcements —
The Small-pox Comes to the Assistance of the Spaniards — Letters to
the Emperor — Establishing of Segura de la Frontera — Certain of the
Disaffected Withdraw from the Army and Return to Cuba — Division
of Spoils — Head-quarters Established at Tlascala 536

CHAPTER XXX.

CONSTRUCTION OF THE FLEET.

December, 1520 — February, 1521.

The Objective Point — Vessels Needed — Martin Lopez Sent to Tlascala
for Timber — Thirteen Brigantines Ordered — Cortes at Tlascala — Drill
and Discipline — Address of the General — Parade of the Tlascaltecs —
March to Tezcuco — New Ruler Appointed — Sacking of Iztapalapan —
The Chalcans — Arrival at Tezcuco of the Brigantine Brigade 561

CHAPTER XXXI.

PRELIMINARY CAMPAIGNS.

March-May, 1521.
Plan for the Investment of Mexico — Reconnoitring Tour round the
Lake — Cortes in Command — Alvarado and Olid Accompany — They

CONTENTS. xix

PAGE.

Proceed Northward from Tezcuco — Capture of Cities and Strong-
holds— Xaltocan, Quauhtitlan, Tenayocan, Azcapuzalco, Tlacopan,
and back to Tezcuco — Chalco Disturbed — Peace Proposals Sent to
Mexico — Further Reconnoissance of the Lake Region — Many Battles
and Victories — Quauhnahuac Captured — Burning of Xochimilco —
Second Return to Tezcuco — Conspiracy 582

CHAPTEE XXXII.

INVESTMENT OF MEXICO.

May-June, 1521.

Phases of Heroism — The Brigantines upon the Lake — Division of Forces
between Alvarado, Sandoval, and Olid — Desertion, Capture, and
Execution of Xicotencatl — Departure of the Troops from Tezcuco —
Naval Battle — Possession Taken of the Causeways — At One Point
CortCs Unexpectedly Gains Entrance to the City — But is Driven Out 613

CHAPTER XXXIII.

CONTINUATION OF THE SIEGE.

June- July, 1521.

Something about Quauhtemotzin — Infamous Pretensions of European
Civilization and Christianity — Prompt Action of the Mexican Em-
peror— Repetitions of the Entry Assault — Submission of the Sur-
rounding Nations — Dire Condition of the Mexicans — Spanish Defeat '
and Disaffection — Resolution to Raze the City 636

CHAPTER XXXIV.

THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.

July- August, 1521.
The Destroyers Advance — Fierce Fighting in the Plaza — Dismal Situation
of the Mexicans — The Work of Demolition — Movements of Alva-
rado— The Emperor Refuses to Parley — Misery of the Aztecs Un-
bearable— Horrible Massacre of Women and Children — The Tender-
hearted Corte"s Mourns over his own Work — Capture of the Em-
peror— The Conquest Completed — Banquets and Thanksgivings —
Dispersion of the Allies to their Homes — Reflections 669

AUTHOEITIES QUOTED

IN

THE HISTORY OF MEXICO

[It is my custom to prefix to each work of the series the name of every authority cited in its pages.
In this instance, however, it is impracticable. So immense is my material for the History of Mexico
that a full list of the authorities tvould fill a third of a volume, obviously more space than can properly
be allowed even for so important a feature. I therefore reduce the list by omitting, for the most part%
three large classes: first, those already given for Central America; second, those to be given in the
North Mexican States; and third, many ivorhs, mostly pamphlets, which, though consulted and often
important, have only an indirect bearing on history, or which have been cited perhaps but once, and on
some special topic. These, and all bibliographic notes, are accessible through the index.']

•

Abbot (Gorham D.), Mexico and the United States. New York, 1869. -

Abert (S. T. ), Is a ship canal practicable. Cincinnati, 1870.

Abispa de Chilpancingo (La). Mexico, 1821-2.

Abreu (Antonio Joseph Alvarez de), VictimaReal Legal. Madrid, 1769. folio.

Abreu (Francisco), Verdad Manifiesta que declara ser la jurisdiccion ordinaria.

n.pl., n.d.
Abusos del poder judicial en la Suprema Corte. Guadalajara, 1844.
Academia de Derecho Espanol. Solemne Accion de Gracias al Congreso. 15

de Marzo de 1813. [Mexico], 1814.
Academia Nacional de San Carlos de Mexico. Catalogo de los objetos.

Mexico, 1850; Setima Esposicion. Mexico, 1855.
Acapulco, Exposicion de la Junta del camino de. Mexico, 1845.
Acapulco, Provision para tripulantes de los galeones y para guarnicion. MS.

1766-8. folio.
Accion de Gracias que Tributa el Clero y Pueblo Mexicano al Todopoderoso

por el Triunfo de la Religion. Mexico, 1834.
Aciopari (Jos6 Querien), Ratos desgraciados. Mexico, 1819. MS.
Acta Capituli Provincialis celebrati in hoc Imperiali S. P. N. Dominici

Mexiceo Ccenobio. Mexico, 1808 et seq.
Acusacion contra El Sr. Gobr. Don Jose" Gomez de la Cortina. Mexico, 1836.
Acusacionque hacen el Soberano Congreso muchos Profesores. Mexico, 1836.
Adalid (Ignacio), Causa formada contra. Mexico, 1815. MS. 3 vols.
Adamdicosio y Canto (Perez Jose" Maria Alejo), El Jacobinismo de Mexico.

Mexico, 1833. MS.
Adams (John Quincy), Discurso del Ex-Presidente. Mejico, 1836.
Adams (W.), Actual state of the Mexican Mines. London, 1825.
Addey (Markinfield), Geo. Brinton McClellan. New York, 1864.
Adorno (Juan Nepomuceno), Analisis de los males de Mexico. Mexico, 1858.
Adorno (Juan N.), Memoria acerca de la Hidrografia Mcteorologia. Mexico,

1865.

( xxi )

xxii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Afectos de un Moribundo Arrepentido. MS.

Afectos Piadosos de un Pecador Convertido. Mexico, 1787.

Agras (Jesus), Reflecciones sobre la Naturaleza y Origen de los Males y Tras-

tornos, etc. Guadalajara, 18G4.
Agreda (Diego de), Representation al Rey por Don Miguel Joseph de Azanz^i.

Mexico, 1801. MS.
Agricultura, Escuela de, Indicacion de Modificaciones del Programa. Mexico,

1844.
Aguardiente de Calia, Reglamento. Mexico, 179G. folio.
Aguascalientes, Acta del I. Ayuntamiento y vecindario. de la ciudad sobre

Separarse del Estado de Zacatecas. Mexico, 1835.
Aguascalientes, Comunicaciones oficiales de la Legislatura. Orizava, 1847.
Aguascalientes, Dictamen sobre el arreglo de la Hacienda piiblica. Aguas-
calientes, 1855.
Aguascalientes, Esposicion que los vecinos dirigen al Gen. Santa -Anna.

Mexico, 1841.
Aguascalientes, Ocurso que todas las clases del Estado elevan a la H. Lejis-

latura. Aguascalientes, 18(38.
Agueda de S. Ignacio (Maria Anna), Marabillas del Divino Amor, etc.

[Mexico, 1758.]
Aguilar (Bruno), Informe sobre las Minas del Rincon del Mineral de Temas-

caltepec. Mexico, 1851.
Aguilar (Estevan de), Navtica sacra y viaje prodigiosa. Mexico, 1G53.
Aguilar (Geronimo), Certificacion 10 de Enero de 1024. In Doc. Hist. Mex.,

serie ii. torn. iii.
Aguilar (Ignacio), Reflexiones sobre la carta escrita por. Madrid, 18G6.
Aguilar y Ortiz (J. M. ), Biblioteca dc mi Abuelo. Mejico, 1804. 5 vols.
Aguilera Castro y Sotomayor (Joseph Miguel de), Elogio Christiano del B.

Sebastian de Aparicio 26 de Oct. de 1700. Mexico, 1791. folio.
Aguilera Castro Sotomajor (J. Michaelis de) and Augustini Bustamante,

Palaestra Theologica. Mexico, 1790.
Aguirre (Jos6 Maria), Acusacion que el Dr. como defensor de matrimonios hizo

ante al Supremo Corte de Justicia. Mexico, 1842.
Aguirre (Jose Maria), Denuncia y acusacion, que el C. hizo del impreso titu-

lado. [Mexico], 1827.
Aguirre (Jose Maria), Voto del ciudadano sobre el proyecto de solemnidad.

Mexico, 1831.
Aguirre (Josephi Saenz de), Collectio Maxima conciliorum omnium Hispanise

et Novi Orbis. Romce, 1693-4. folio. 4 vols.
Aguirre y Espinosa (J. F. de Cuevas), Extracto de los autos de diligencias, y

reconocimientos de los rios y lagunas de la capital. Mexico, 1748.
Aguirre y Espinosa (J. F. de Cuevas), Informe del derecho que assiste al

Licenciado. Mexico, 1741. 4to.
Agurto (Pedro de), Tractado de que se deben administrar los Sacramentos,

etc. Mexico, 1573.
Ahrens (J. B. A), Mexiko und Mexikanische. Gottingen, 1866.
Ahumada (Juan Antonio de), Representacion Politico Legal, que haze a D.

Phelipe Quinto. n.pl., n.d. 4to.
Alaman (Juan B.), Informe en derecho. Mexico, 1800.
Alaman (Liicas), Apuntes para la Biografia. Mexico, 1584.
Alaman (Lucas), Defensa del Ex-Ministro de Relaciones. Mejico, 1834.
Alaman (Lucas), Disertaciones sobre la Historia de la Repiiblica Mejicana.

Mejico, 1844-9. 3 vols.
Alaman (Lucas), Exposicion por el Duque de Terranova. Mexico, 1828.
Alaman (Liicas), Esposicion que hace a la Camara de Diputados. Mexico, 1828.
Alaman (Liicas), Esta Memoria sirve de Aptmdice a la Liquidacion General de

la Deuda Contraida por la Repiiblica. Mexico, 1848.
Alaman (Lucas), Historia de Mexico. Mejico, 1849-52. 5 vols.
Alaman (Liicas), Liquidacion general de la deuda esterior. Mexico, 1845.
Alaman (Liicas), Noticias Biograficas. Mexico, 1853.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxiii

Alaman (Liicas), and Francisco Lerdo de Tejada. Noticia de la Vida y
escritos del R. P. Fr. Man. de San Juan Cnsostomo. Mexico, 1854. 4to.

Alamos, La Voz de. Alamos, 1878 et seq.

Alas (Ignacio), Esposicion que dirige a sus Conciudadanos. Mexico, 1836.

Alatorre (Agustin Flores), Contestacion dada al Supremo Gobierno. Mexico,
18.30.

Alatorre (Francisco Flores), Manifiesto del Gobernador de Aguascalientes a
consecuencia de la guerra de Francia. Aguascalientes, 1838.

Albuerne (Manuel de), Origen y Estado de la causa sobre la Real Orden de 17
Mayode 1810. Cadiz, 1811.

Album Mexicano. Mexico, 1849 et seq.

Alcala( Francisco Xavierde), Descripcion en bosquexo de laPvebla de L. A. MS.

Alcocer (P. Joseph de), Excelencias de la arcliicofradia de la Santissima Trini-
dad. Mexico, 1738.

Aldaiturreaga (Juan), Gabinete de lectura. Morelia, 1860.

Aldama(B6r. Francisco Antonio), Solicitud de una canongia. MS., 1786, folio.

Aldazoro (Santiago), Esposicion presentada a la Camara de Diputados. Megico,
1841.

Alegacion de los Derechos que por parte del fiscal del Obispado de la Puebla.
Puebla, 1771. 4to.

Alegre (Francisco Javier), Historia de la Compania de Jesus en Nueva Espafia.
Mexico, 1841. 3 vols.

Alejandro VI., Bula del Sto. Padre contra la Independencia de la America.
Mejico, 1823.

Alerta a los Mejicanos. [Mexico], 1820.

Alesna (Candido), Cuatro cartas que en desahogo de su amor a la constitucion
y a los Americanos. Mexico, 1820.

Alfaro y Ochoa (Jose" Antonio), Los Tristes. MS. folio.

Alfonso el Sabio, Las Siete Partidas del Rey. Paris, 1847. 4 vols.

Algo de Mazones 6 sea dialogo entre un filosofo y una maestra de amiga. Mo-
relia, 1850.

Algodon, Breve memoria del Estado. Puebla, 1837; Esposicion respetuosa.
Pueblo, 1835; Reflecsiones sobre la prohibicion. Mexico, 1835.

Algunas Consideraciones economicas (dirigidas al E. S. P. Y. D. I. I. Corro.)
n.pl. n.d.

Algunas Observaciones Acerca de la Conveniencia de Terminar la Presente
Crisis. Mexico, 1845.

Algunas Observaciones sobre la Circular del Serior Rosa. [Mexico, 1847.]

Algunas Observaciones sobre el Opusculo Intitulado el Imperio y el Clero
Mexicano, etc. Mexico, 1865.

Alison (R. E.), To the Shareholders of the Mexican and South American Com-
pany. London, 1856.

Allen (A. C), Algunas reflexiones sobre el privilegio para el corte de maderas
concedido. Merida, 1861.

Allen (Charles), SpeechinU.S. House of Rep., Jan. 23,1852. Washington, 1852.

Allen (Fred H.), Cortes : or the Discovery, Conquest, and more Recent History
of Mexico. Boston, 1882.

Alleye de Cyprey, Documentos relativos a lo occurrido. [Mexico], 1845.

Allsopp (J. P. C), Leaves from my Log-book. MS.

Almaraz (Ramon), Memoria de los trabajos ejecutados por la comision cientifica
de Pachuca, 1864. Mexico, 1865.

Almodoar (Marcos G. de), O se reforman los frailes, 6 es urgente su Extincion.
Mexico, 1826.

Almonte (Juan N. ), Proyectos de Leyes sobre Colonizacion. Mexico, 1852.

Al Pueblo Mexicano, Relacion de las causasque influyeron en los desgraciados
succsos del dia 20 de Agosto de 1847. Mexico, 1847.

Altamera (M. de), Puntos del parecer que el Senor Auditor de Guerra espuso al
virey conde de Fonclara, 1774. MS.

Altamirano (Ignacio Manuel), Algunas Palabras acerca de Mr Wagner. Mex-
ico, 1862.

xxiv AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Altamirano (Ignacio Manuel), Revistas Literarias de Mexico. Mexico, 1868.
Alvarado (Francisco), Cartas de Filosofo Rancio. Mexico, 1851-2. 2 vols.

folio.
Alvarado (Francisco), Cartas nlos6ficas. Mexico, 1853.
Alvarado (Ignacio), Satisfaccion que da al publico. Mexico, 1826.
Alvarado (Pedro de), Cartas Varias desde 1534 liasta 1541. MS. folio.
Alvarez (Antonio), Manifestacion que liace al publico el ex-general. Saltillo,

1864.
Alvarez (Diego), El cindadano General a sus conciudadanos. Acapulco, 1868.
Alvarez (Francisco de Paula), Santa- Anna hasta 1822. Guadalajara, 1844.
Alvarez (Januario), Vindicacion de. Matamoros, 1844.
Alvarez (Juan), Documentos relativos a la sublevacion del General. Mexico,

1835.
Alvarez (Juan), Manifiesto a los pueblos cultos de Europa y America. Mex-

ico, 1857.
Alvarez (Juan), Manifiesto con motivo de la Representacion calumniosa que

unos emigrados de la villa de Chilapa. Mexico, 1845.
Alvarez (J. J. ) and R. Duran, Itinerarios y Derroteros de la Republica Mex-

icana. Mexico, 1856.
Alvenslebcn (Max., Baron von), With Maximilian in Mexico. London, 1867.
Al vires (Jose Manuel T. ), Reflexiones sobre los Decretos Episcopales que prohi-

ben el Juramento Coustitucional, la 2* y 3a partes. Mexico, etc., 1857.

3 vols.
Alzate (J. A.), Memoria en que se trata del insecto grana 6 cochinilla. Mex-
ico, 1831.
Alzate y Ramirez (Jose1 Antonio), Diario literario de Mexico. Mexico, 1768.
Alzate y Ramirez (Jose Antonio), Gacetas de Literatura de Mexico. Mexico,

1790-4. 3 vols.; and Puebla, 1831. 4 vols.
Alzate y Ramirez (Jose Antonio), Memoria sobre la naturaleza cultivo y ben-

eficio de la Grana. Mexico, 1777. MS. folio.
Amadei (Beat.), Apocalypsis nova Sensvm. MS. [1659.] folio.
Amado (F. M. ), Compendio de la historia general de la Iglesia. Mexico, 1850.
Amador (Juan), El Despertador de los Fanaticos. Aguascalientes, 1867.
Amante al cumplimiento de nuestra sabia constitucion. Mexico, 1820.
Amarilias, Diario notable de la marquesa de las Amarillas. Mexico, 1757.
America, Pictorial History of Remarkable Events. New York, 1849.
American Confederation and Alliance. Sketch of Politics, etc., of Western

World. Philadelphia, 1827.
American Inquiry into the Plans, Progress, and Policy of Mining Companies.

London, 1825.
American and Mexican Joint Commission. Alfred A. Green vs Mexico.

n.pl., n.d.
Americano (El.) Mcjico, 1820etseq.

Americano (El), Sincero en defensa del Setior Virey. Mexico, 1820.
Americanos, Manifesto de los que residen en Madrid a las naciones de la

Europa. Mexico, 1820.
Americanos de Buenos-Aires, Contestacion de los con el ministerio Frances.

Mexico, 1820.
Americas Vindicadas. Mcjico, 1820.
Amigo del Pueblo. • Mexico, 1827 et seq.
Amigo de la Religion, 2 de Enero. Mexico, 1840.
Amnistia, Dictamen de la mayoria de las comisiones sobre la iniciativa de.

Mexico, 1845.
Amortizacion de la moneda de cobre, Comunicaciones sobre. Mex., 1841;

Proyecto de Ley para la. Mex., 1841.
Ampere (J. J. ), Promenade en Am6rique. Paris, 1855. 2 vols. ; Paris, 1860. 2 vols.
Ampudia (Pedro de), El Ciudadano-General ante el Tribunal Respetable de

la Opinion Piiblica. San Luis Potosi, 1846.
Ampudia (Pedro de), Manifiesto fechado 10 de Julio de 1846. San Luis

Potosi, 1846.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxv

Ampudia (Pedro de), Manifiesto del General Ampudia. Mexico, 1S47.
Ana de San Francisco, Revelacion que tuvo sobre el tumulto de 15 de

Enero de 1624. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii. torn. iii.
Anahuac, Contrato de Asociacion para la Repiiblica de los Estados Unidos

del. Guadalaxara, 1823.
Anales Mexicanos de Ciencias y Literatura. Mexico, 1SG0.
Analisis Critico de la Constitucion de 1S3G. [Mexico, 1842.]
Analisis del Papel Titulado aviso a los Senores Electores. Mexico, 1821.
Anaya (Juan Pablo), Alocucion a sus Conciudadanos. Tabasco, 1840.
Ancillon (Frederic), Melanges de Politique. Paris, 1801.
Anderson (Adam), Historical and Chronological Deduction of the Origin of

Commerce. London, 1801. folio. 4 vols.
Anderson (Alex. D.), The Tehuantepec Inter-Ocean Railroad. New York,

etc., 1881.
Andrade, Documentos sobre la evacuacion de San Antonio de Bejar. Mon-
terey, 1836.
Andrade (Jose), Memoria sobre el cultivo del Algodon. Mexico, 18G5.
Andrade (Juan J. de), Calificacion legal de la conducta. Mexico, 1838.
Andrade (Juan J. de), Revolucion en S. Luis Potosi el dia 14 dexVbril de 1837.

Documentos. Mexico, 1837.
Andrade (Manuel), Manifiesto de nombramiento de Comandante general de

Chihuahua. Mexico, 1840.
Andrade (Manuel), Manifiesto que el ciudadano. Mexico, 1840.
Andres y Alcalde (Joaquin), Manual estadistico Historico-Politico, etc.

Madrid, 1831.
Anglo-Saxon (The). Chihuahua, 1847 et seq.
Anibal Cartaginense (El), n.pl., n.d.
Aho Nuevo de 1837-40. 4to.

Ansorena (Jose" Ignacio de), Defensa. Mexico, 1850.
Antepara (Luis), Defensa legal que hace por Don Jose" Gregorio Arana.

Mexico, 1827; Mexico, 1829.
Anteojo del Desengaiio (El). Mexico, 1812.
Antoneli (Antonio de), Descripcion de- Santiago Papasquiaro, 1793. MS.

folio.
Antonelli (Bautista), Memoriales del ingeniero al Consejo de Indias 1509.

In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. xiii.
Antorcha. Mexico, 1833 et seq.
Antunano (E. dc), Documentos para la Historia de la Industria en Mexico.

Mexico, 1845.
Antunano (E. de), Economia politica en Mexico. Pucbla, 1839-44. [A series

of essaj^s.]
Antunano (E. de), Insurreccion Industrial. Economia Politica en Mexico.

Puebla, 1846.
Antunano (E. de), Manifiesto sobre el Algodon. Puebla, 1833.
Antunano (E. de), Memoria breve de la Industria Manufacturera de Mexico.

[Puebla, 1835.]
Antunano (E. de), Mexicanos!! El primer asunto de la Patria. 20 de Xo-

viembre, 1845. [Puebla, 1845.]
Antunano (E. de), Pensamientos para la regeneracion industrial de Mexico.

Puebla, 1837.
Antunano (E. de), Raciocinios para un plan. [Puebla, 1840.]
Antunano (E. de), Reimpresion anotada con relacion a la industria de Mexico.

Puebla, 1835.
Antunano (E. de), Teoria fundamental de la industria de algodones en Mexico.

Puebla. 1840. '
Antunano (E. de), Ventajas politicas civiles fabrilcs. Puebla, 1837.
Anzorena (Jose Mariano de), Respuesta de, a la contestacion que dio. Mexico,

1850.
Aoust (V. d'), Coup d'ceil sur la topographie, etc., du Mexico. Paris, [1865.]
Aoust (V. d'), Sur les salures, etc., des lacs du Mexico. Paris, [1865.]

xxvi AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Aparicio (Manuel Ramirez), Los Conventos suprimidosen Mexico. Mejico, 1 S31,
Apologia, Carta que en defensa de la Pastoral del Illmo Sr Dn Francisco

Xavier Lizana. MS. 1803.
Appello Corbulacho y Guevara (J. Carlos), Accentos Morales. Mexico, 1710.
Apuntamientos para la liistoria de lo occurrido en el ej^rcito. Mexico, 1841.
Apuntamientos sobre derecho publico eclesiastico. Mexico, 1857.
Ammtamientos sobre la necesidad de promover el cultivo del aziicar. Mexico,

1822.
Apuntes para la Historia de la Guerra Europea con Mexico. Mexico, 1S62.
Aquino (Xicolao de), Proceso contra. MS. 1575.
Arango y Escandon (Alejandro), Acusacion hecha ante la camara de Diputados.

Mexico, 1850.
Arango y Escandon (Alejandro), Frai Luis de Leon. Mexico, 1866.
Aranzel de los derechos, que deben percibir los Escribanos Mayores. [Mex-
ico, 1746.]
Araujo y San Ramon (Pedro Gonzales), Impugnacion de algunos, etc., ar-

ticulos del codigo de Anarquia. Megico, 1815.
Arce (Jose Mariano de), Instruction sobre alcavalas. Mexico, 1S4S. MS. folio.
Arce (Manuel Jose"), Memoria de la conducta piiblica, etc. Mexico, 1830.
Archicofradia de la purisima concepcion. Mexico, 1819.
Arcliicofradia del Arcangel San Miguel, Constituciones. Mexico, 1794; 4to.

Mexico, 1838.
Arco Iris. Vera Cruz, 1S47 et seq. folio.
Arellano (Emmanuele de), Elogia selecta. Mexico, 1755.
Arellano (Lorenzo), Actos Administrativos del Gobernador de Guanajuato.

Mexico, 184S.
Arellano (Manuel Ramirez de), Oracion civica. Mexico, 1859.
Arellano (Manuel Ramirez de), Apuntes de la Compaiiia de Oriente, 1859.

Mexico, 1859.
Arellano (Manuel Ramirez de), La Ley de 12 de Octubre iiltimo. Mexico, 1865.
Arellano (Manuel Ramirez de), Ultimas horas del Imperio. Mexico, I860.
Arenas (Padre), Causas que se han seguido y terminado contra los comprendi-

dos. Mexico, 182S.
Argaiz (Gregorio de), Vida y Escritos. Madrid, 1678.
Argos (El). Mejico, 1820 et seq.

Argiielles (Diego), Anuncio a mis amigos. Mexico, 1857.
Arguixo (Presb. Alonso), Cuestion de pessadumbre. MS. 1052. folio.
Arias (J. de Dios), Reseiia Historica de la formacion operaciones del Ejdrcito

del Xorte. Mexico, 1867.
Arispe (Pedro Joseph Rodriguez de), Colosso Eloqnente que en la sol. acla-

macion del D. Fernando VI. erigi6 Mexico. Mexico, 1748.
Arispe (Pedro Joseph Rodrigvez de), Relacion de lo acaecido en la celebridad

de el jubileo. JNIexico, 1753.
Arista (Mariano), Ecsamen de la Esposicion. Mexico, 1841.
Arista (Mariano), Manifiesto que hace a sus conciudadanos. Megico, 1839.
Arista (Mariano), Observaciones sobre la cuestion suscitada con motivo de la

autorizacion concedida. Mexico, 1841.
Arista (Mariano), Oficio y documentos que dirige al Gob. 'de Coahuila.

Mexico, 1841.
Arista (Mariano), Proclama. Mexico, 1833.

Arista (Mariano), Al Proyecto para el arreglo del ejercito. Mexico, 1848.
Arista (Mariano), Resena Histurica de La Revolucion. jNIejico, 1835.
A'istides, La Deuda Estranjera. Mexico, 1809.
Anzaga (Ignacio Ramon de), Advertencias Utiles. Mexico, 1764.
Arizeorreta (Mariano), Informe que di6 d la comision. Mexico, 1850.
Arizcorreta (Mariano), Manifestacion que hace al publico. [Mexico], 1S49.
Arizeorreta (Mariano), Respuesta de algunos. Mexico, 1849.
Arizpe (Ignacio de), Contestacion del Gobernador de Coahuila. Saltillo, 1841.
Arizpe (Miguel Ramos de), Idea general sobre la conducta politica de D.

[Mexico, 1822.]

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxvii

Arizpe (Miguel Ramos de), Memorial on the natural, political, and civil state

of the Province of Coahuila. Philadelphia, 1834.
Arlegui (Joseph), Chr6nica de la Provincia de S. Francisco de Zacatecas.

Mexico, 1737.
Armin (Th.), Das Alte Mexiko. Leipzig, 18G5.
Armin (Th.), Das heutige Mexiko. Leipzig, 1863.
Arpide (Fr. Antonio), Perdicion de los Indios de Nueva Espana y sus causas.

MS. 1753.
Arrangoiz (Francisco de Paula de), Apuntes para la Ilistoria del Segundo

Imperio Mejicano. Madrid, 18G9. 4to.
Arrancjoiz (Francisco de Paula de), Mcjico desde 1808, hasta 18G7. Madrid,

1871-2. 4 vols.
Arreglo de Las Universidades Y Colegios. Mexico, 1855.
Arricivita (J. D.), Cronica Serafica y Apostolica. Madrid, 1792. folio.
Arrillaga (Basilio), Terceras obscrvaciones sobre el Opusculo. Mexico, 1865.
Arrillaga (Basilio), Breve Resumcn de los Moritos y Servicios. Mexico, 1837.
Arrillaga (Basilio), Cartas alDr Mora. Mexico, 1839.
Arrillaga (Basilio), Defensa de la Mystica Ciudad de Dios. MS. folio.
Arrillaga (Basilio), Examen critico de la Memoria. Mexico, 1835.
Arrillaga (Basilio), Recopilacion de Leyes, etc. Mexico, 1838-50. 1G vols.
Arriola (Juan de), Vida Y Virtudes. [Mexico], 17G8. MS. 3 vols.
Arr6niz (Marcos), Manual de Biografia Mejicana. Paris, 1857.
Arroniz (Marcos), Manual de Historia Y Cronologia de Mejico. Paris, 1859.
Arr6niz (Marcos), Manual Del Viajero en Mexico. Paris, 1858.
Arze y Miranda (Andre\s de), El cielo venido a nuestras manos por las de Ig-

nacio, y su Compauia. Mexico, 1751. 4to.
Arze y Porteria (Tomas de), Informe dado al P. Guardian del Colegio de

Pachuca, 19 de Octubre de 17S7. MS.
Arzobispo de Mejico, Representacion del Ilmo Sr Arzobispo de Mejico con-

cerniente a algunos sucesos anteriores a la independencia. Habana, 1822.

4to.
Arzobispo de Mexico, Relacion sobre tributes y las order) es religiosas, 15

Mayo, 1556. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. iv.
Atendo Mexicano, Reglamento. Mexico, 1843.
Atentados Escandalosos Cometidos Por El Juez De Minas. Rincon de Romos,

1850.
Atleta (El), Mexico, 1829 et seq.
Atocha (Alexander J.), Memorial to the Senate and House of Representatives.

n.pl., n.d.
Atocha (Alexander J.), Statement of case and claim of against Mexico.

n.pl., n.d.
Auld (Robert 0.), and John H. Buchan, Silver Mines of Fresnillo in Zacate-
cas. London, 1834.
Aumada (Juan Antonio), Representacion Politico-legal que hace. MS.
Auto General De La Fee, 19 de JNToviembre de 1G59. Mexico, n.d.
Auttos Secrettos, Catthedral metropolitan a de Mexico. MS. 1735-G. folio.
Auxiliar De La Canoa. Mexico, 1820 et seq.

Avendailo (Pedro de), Fee de Erratas respuesta ApologCtica. MS. 1703. 4to.
Avila (Joseph de), Coleccion de noticias de muchas de las indulgencias ple-

narias, etc. Mexico, 1787.
Avila y Uribe (Mariano Gonzales de), Pcema comico historial. MS.
Aviso a los Seriores Diputados de Nueva Espafia. Mexico, 1820.
Aviso (Articulos de armisticio ratificados el 7 de setiembre de 1821). Mexico,

1821.
Aviso, [Invitation to the Mexicans to welcome Iturbide on his entrance to the

_ city; dated September 26, 1821.] Mexico, 1821.
Aviso Patriotico de un Americano Imparcial. Mexico, 1821. folio.
Ayala (Ivan de Mendoza), Virtvd jviziosa, 17 de Noviembre, 16S5. Mexico,

168G.
Ay eta (Francisco de), Representacion por los Franciscanos. n.pl., n.d. folio.

xxviii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Ayuntamiento, Cuarto reglamento para el cobro de los Derechos de Intro-

duccion. Mexico, 1S4S.
Ayuntamiento, Manifiesto de la Conducta de los capitulares. Mexico, 1S49.
Ayuntamiento, Tercera Rcpresentacion dirigida al Exmo. Mexico, 1849.
Ayuntamiento de Mexico (El), carta del 2G de Abril, 1531. In Pacheco and

Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. xiii.
Ayuntamiento de Megico (El). Manifiesta al Publico los motivos. Megico, 1840.
Ayuntamiento de Mexico (El), Representacion que al Congreso General eleva

en defensa de su fondos. Mexico, 1S52. See also "Mexico."
Azanza (Jose" de), Ynstruccion sobre las provincias de la Xueva Espafia. MS.
Azcarate (Miguel Maria de), Xoticias estadisticas que sobre los efectos de

consumo. Mexico, 1839.
Azcarate (Miguel Maria), Reseha hecha de administracion municipal. Mexico,

1853.
Azpiroz (Manuel), Codigo de Extranjeria de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos.

Mexico, 1S7G.

B. (G. A.), El Esplritu de la Democracia. MS.

Backer (A. A. de), Bibliotheque des ecrivains de la Compaguie de Jesus, etc.

Liege, 1S53-G1. 7 vols.
Badger (George E.), Speech on The Regimental Bill in U. S. Senate, Jan-
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Bajamar (Marques de), Discurso exhortatorio, 2 de Enero 179S. Madrid, 1798.
Balbontin (Juan Maria), Apuntes estadisticos que escribio D. J. Francisco

Bustamante relativos a Qucretaro. In Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin, torn. vii.
Balbontin (Juan Maria), Estadistica del Estado de Queretaro. Mexico, 1SG7.
Balbuena (Bernardo), Grandeza Mejicana. Madrid, 1829; Mejico, 1603.
Ballesteros (D. S.), Dos Acusaciones contra el Supremo Tribunal de Justicia.

Mazatlan, 1870.
Ballesteros (D. S.), Informe que rinde al Supremo Tribunal de Justicia.

Mazatlan, 1870. 4to.
Balmes (Jaime), Suma de civilizacion. Guadalajara, 1843.
Banco Xacional de Amortizacion, Contestacion de la Junta Directiva del.

Mexico, 1S41.
Bancroft (Hubert Howe), Xative Races of the Pacific States. New York,

1875. 5 vols.
Banda (Longinos), Estadistica de Jalisco. Guadalajara, 1873.
Baptista (Hieron), Treatise on canon law respecting marriage. MS., 17th

cent
Baquiero (Serapio), Ensayo Hist6rico sobre las Revoluciones de Yucatan.

Merida, 1871-2. 3 vols.
Barante (M. de), Historia de la convencion nacional. Mexico, 1854-5. 4 vols.
Barbachano (Tomas Aznar), Las Mejoras Materiales. Campeche, 1859.
Barbachano (Tomas Aznar) y Juan Carbo, Memoria sobre la Conveniencia,

etc. Mexico, 1SG1. 4to.
Barcena (Jose Maria Roa), Catecismo Elemental de Geografia Universal.

Mexico, 1870.
Barcena (J. M. Roa), Catecismo Elemental de la Historia De Mexico. Mexico,

18G2.
Barcena (J. M. Roa), Leyendas Mexicanas. Mexico, 18G2.
Barcena (Mannel de la), Exhortacion que hizo al tiempo de jurarse la con-

stitucion politica de la monarquia Espauola. Mexico, 1820.
Barcena (Rafael Roa), Manual razonado del litigante Mexicano. Mexico, 1SG2.
Barcia (Andres Gonzalez de), Historiadores Primitivos de las Indias Occi-

dentales. Madrid, 1749. folio. 3 vols.
Bare\i (Juan Bautista), Oracion funebre de Don Bernardo de Galvez. Havana,

1787. Small 4to.
Baril (V. L.) Le Mexique. Douai, 18G2.
Barquera (Juan Maria AYenceslao), Directorio Politico de Alcaldes Constitu-

cionales. Mexico, 1S20.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxix

Barreda (C), Oracion civica, 15 de Setiembre 1853. Mexico, 1853.

Barreiro (Miguel), Porvenir de Yucatan. Merida, 1SG4.

Barrera (Manuel), Esposicion que acerca de la contrata. Mexico, 1S37.

Barricon (Manuel Lopez), Exhortacion. Mexico, 1811.

Barrow (Washington), Speech in U. S. House of Rep. , January 24, 1848. Wash-
ington, 1848.

Bartolache (Joseph Ignacio), Manifiesto Satisfactorio. Mexico, 1790.

Basch (Dr S.), Erinnerungen aus Mexico. Leipzig, 18G8. 2 vols.

Basch (Samuel), Recuerdos de Mexico. Mexico, 1870.

Bases sobre las que se ha formado un plan de colonizacion en el istmo de
Hoazacoalco o Tehuantepec. Mexico, 1823.

Baylies (Francis), Narrative of Wool's Campaign in Mexico. Albany, 1851.

Baz (Gustavo), Vida de Benito Juarez. Mexico, 1874. 4to.

Bazancourt, Le Mexique contemporain. Paris, 1SG2.

Beadle (J. H.), The Undeveloped West. Philadelphia, 1S73.

Beale (Enrique M.), Prospecto de las diversiones. Mexico, 1851.

Beaufort (Conde A.), Historia de los Papas. Mexico, 1851. 5 vols.

Beaufoy (Mark), Mexican Illustrations in 1825-7. London, 1828.

Beaumont, Instruccion del Arzobispado de Paris. Mexico, 1822.

Beaumont (Baron de), Resume' et solution de la Question Mexicaine. Paris,
1839.

Beaumont (Gustavo de), Maria 6 la esclavitud en los Estados-Unidos. Mexico,
1849. 2 vols.

Beccatini (Francisco), Vida de Carlos III. Madrid, 1790.

Becerra Tanco, (Luis), Felicidad de Mexico en la admirable aparicion de la
Virgen Maria de Guadalupe. Madrid, 1740: 4to. Mex., 1780, 1723.

Becher (U. C), Mexico in den ereignitzvollen Jahren 1832 und 1833. Ham-
burg, 1834.

Becher (H. C. R.), A Trip to Mexico. Toronto, 1880.

Bedolliere (Emile de la), Histoire de la Guerre du Mexique. Paris, n.d. folio.

Bejarano (Jos6), Iriforme sobre la mision de Aguayo, 8 de Feb. de 178G. MS.

Belaunzaran (Jose" Maria de Jesus), Breve Tratado Litiirgico sobre funerales.
Mexico, 1835.

Belaunzaran (Jose" Maria de Jesus), Contestacion a la Consulta Bienes Eclesi-
asticos. Mexico, 1852.

Belaunzaran (Jos6 Maria de Jesus), Representacion sobre la anulacion de las
leyes. Mexico, 1837.

Belderrain (JosC), Exhortacion Instructiva. Mexico, 1810.

] lem (El), Dulce periudico. Mexico, 1858 et seq.

Belena (Eusebio Bentura), Recopilacion Sumaria de todos los Autos. Mexico,
1787. 4to. 2 vols.

Bell (John), Speech of, on the Mexican War, in U. S. Senate, Feb. 2d and 3d,
1848. Washington, 1848.

Bellido (Joseph), Vida de la Maria Anna Agueda de S. Ignacio. Mexico, 1 758.

Beliido Faxardo (Francisco Cristobal), Intorme relativo a las tres misiones
de este Xuevo Reyno de Leon. MS. 1790.

Beltrami (J. C. ), Le Mexique. Paris, 1830. 2 vols.

Benedict! XIV., ConcessioiiDespensationumMatrimonialium. Rome, 1757. 4to.

Beneski (Charles de), A narrative of the last moments, etc., of Bon Augustine
de Iturbide. New York, 1825.

Berasueta (Pedro), El Licenciado al sindico D. Juan Rodriguez de San Miguel
en su respuesta de 24 de Abril. Mexico, 1838.

Berghes (Carlos de), Descripcion de la Serrania de Zacatecas. Mejico, 1834. 4to.

Bergosa y Jordan (Antonio), Sermon, etc., en accion de gracias, 8 de Diciembre
1814. Mexico, 1814.

Beristain (Jos6 Mariano), Elogio de los sacerdotes difuntos 14 de Enero de
1800. MS.

Beristain (Jose" Mariano), La Felicidad De Las Armas DeEspaiia. Mexico, 1815.

Beristain de Sousa (Joseph Mariano), Cantos De Las Musas Mexicanas. Mex-
ico, 1804. 4to.

xxx AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Bermudez (J. M.), Verdadera Causa de la Revolucion Del Sur. Toluca, 1831.
Bermudez de Castro (Carlos), Parecer fiscal, expresion de Privilegios, y meri-

tos de Justicia. Mexico, 1714. folio.
Bernal y Malo (Waldo Indalecio), Alegato aiio de 1792. Oajaca, 1844. 4to.
Bernal y Malo (Ubaldo Yudalecio), Defensa liecha a nombre de la Sagrada

Prov de Nra Sra de la Merced. MS.
Bernardez (J. de R.) Descripciou breve de la ciudad de Zacatecas. Mexico,

1732.
Berrien, Speech on Bill appropriating $8,000,000, Feb. 5, 1S47. Washington,

1847.
Bertoldino. Peri6dico Bisemanal. Mexico, 1865 et seq.
Betanzos, (Domingo de), Carta que escribcron varios Padres de la Orden de

Santo Domingo. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. vii.
Biart (Leon), Vie au Mexique. In Revue Francaise, No. 48.
Biart (Lucien), Le Mexique d'Hier et le Mexique De Demain. Paris, 1865.
Biblioteca Eclesiastica Mexicana. Conferencias Eclesiasticas de la Diocesi

De Angers. Mexico, 1852. 4to. 3 vols.
Bibliotheca Grenvilliana. [London, 1843.] 4to.
Biblioteca Mexicana Popular y Economica. Amenidades. Mexico, 1851-2.

2 vols. Cosmos. Mexico, 1851-2. 2 vols. Novelas. Mexico, 1851-2. 2 vols.

Tcatro-Galeria Dramatica. Mexico, 1851-2. 2 vols.
Bienes de Difuntos, Xuevas Instrucciones. Mexico, 1805.
Bienes de la Iglesia, Defensa de los. Mexico, 1820.
Bienes del Clcro, Carta de un rilosofo. Mexico, 1837.
Bienes Eclesiasticos. A Collection.
Bienes Eclesiasticos, Breve resumen de lo ocurrido en esta Diocesis Arzobispal.

Mexico, 1840.
Bienes Eclesiastic s, Despojo de los Bienes. Mexico, 1847. 4to.
Bienes Eclesiasticos, Dictamen de la comision y acuerdo del illmo metropol-

itano de Mexico. Mexico, 1837.
Bienes Eclesiasticos, Discrtacion que manifiestalapropriedad. Mexico, 1834. 4to.
Bienes Eclesiasticos, Disertacion sobre la naturaleza. Mejico, 1833.
Bienes Eclesiasticos, Disertacion sobre la restitucion. Megico, 183S.
Bienes Eclesiasticos, Segunda protesta del venerable Metropolitan o. Mexico,

1S47.
Bienes Monacales, Remitido a los Senores Editores del Cosmopolita. Mexico,

1838.
Bienvenida (Lorenzo de), Carta al Principe Don Felipe, Feb. 10, 154S. In

Cartas de Indias.
Billault, Refutacion del discurso. Mexico, 1862. 4to.
Billault, The French in Mexico. London, 1863.
Bingley (William), Travels in North America. London, 1821.
Biso (J. Lucas), Resumen breve y esplicatorio del Partido de Arizpe. In Soc.

Mex. Geog., Boletin, torn. ii.
Bivouacs (Les) de Vera-Cruz a Mexico, par un Zouave. Paris, etc., 1865.
Blair (Hugo), Lecciones sobre laRetoricay las bellasletras. Mexico, 1834. 3vols.
Blake (William P.), Description of the various Silver Ores and Minerals.

New Haven, 1861.
Blanchard (P.), San Juan de Uliia, ou Relation de l'exp^dition francaise au

Mexique. Paris, 1839.
Bias (A. Gil), Inauguracion Del Telegrafo en Ario De Rosales. Morelia, 1873.
Blasquez (Pedro Ignacio), Memoria sobre el Maguey Mexicano. Mexico, 18G5.
Bodega y Mollineda (Manuel de la), Representacion hecha al rey. Madrid,

Oct. 27, de 1814. Mexico, 1820.
Boguslawski (Dr B. von), Ueber Deutsche Colonisation in Mexico. Berlin, 1851.
Boletin Municipal. Puebla, 1S40 et seq.

Bonnevie (J. B.), Les volontaires Beiges au Mexique. Bruxelles, 1864.
Borbon (Luis de), Ciudadanos, March 19, 1820. Mexico, 1820.
Borbon (Alalia Luisa de), Breve Noticia de las solemnes exequias de la Reina

Madre. Mexico, 1S20.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxxi

Borbon (Maria Luisa de), Relacion de las demonstraciones fiinebres. Mexico,

1820.
Bordonova (Silvestre), Condtfcta Del Obispo De Puebla. Paris, 1857.
Bossu (M.), Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes occidentales. Paris, 17G8. 2 vols.
Boturini Benaduci (Lerenzo), Ideade una nueva Historia General de la America.

Madrid, 184G.
Boucher de la Richarderie (G. ), Bibliotheque Universelle Des Voyages. Paris,

1808. G vols.
Bouterwek (Frederick), History of Spanish Literature. London, 1847.
Box (Capt. Michael James), Adventures and Explorations in New and Old

Mexico. New York, 18G9.
Brackenridge (B. H. M. ), Mexican Letters. Washington, 1850.
Brackett (Albert GL), General Lane's Brigade in Central Mexico. Cincinnati,

1854.
Bradaen (Louis), The Early Peopling of America. New York, 1847.
Brady (J. E.), Srjeeck in U. S. House of Rep., June 27, 1848. Washington,

1848.
Brady (James), Report of the Wonder, Zacatecas, Canton, Cotopaxi, and

Tengahoki Mines. San Francisco, 1873.
Braganza (Isabel de), Relacion de lo ejecutado en la siempre fiel ciudad de

Mexico. Mexico, 1820. folio.
Branciforte (Marque's de), Ynstruccion que dej6 al Seiior su sucesor. [Orizava,

Marzo 1G, 1797.] MS.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Cartas para servir de introduccion a la Historia

primitiva de las Naciones Civilizadas. Mexico, 1851.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Esquissesd'Histoired'Arche'olog'ie. [Mexico]. 18G4. 4to.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Histoire des Nations civilis6es du Mexique et de

l'Amerique Centrale. Paris, 1857-9. 4 vols.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Lettres pour servir d'Introduction a l'Histoire primi-

tivedes Nations Civilis6esde l'Amerique Septentrionale. Mexico, 1851. 4to.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Quatre Lettres sur le Mexique. Paris, 18G8.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, S'il existe des sources de l'histoire primitive du Mex-
ique. Paris, 18G4.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Sommaire des voyages scientifiques. Saint-Cloud, 181 2.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Voyage sur ITsthme de Tehuantepec. Paris, 1861.
Bravo (Nicolas), Contestacion. Mex., 1821; Destierro. Mex.,1828; Espediente

Instructivo. Mex., 1828; Esposicion. Mex., 1822; Esposicion, Apr. 19.

[Mex.,1828]; Manifiesto. Mex.,n.d.; Manifiesto. Mex., 1828; Manifiesto

que un oficial. Mex., 1830; Las Razones. Mex.,1828; Representaciones

del Ayunt. de Chilpancingo. Mex.,1828; Vindicacion. Mex., 1825.
Braye (C. L. Y.), Compendio de La Religion. Mexico, 1858.
Breve Exposicion del Proyecto de la Compania Mexicana para la Construccion

del Ferrocarril entre Mexico y Veracruz. Mexico, 18G8.
Breve Impugnacion a las Observaciones, tratados de Paz celebrados con el

Gobierno Anglo- Americano. Mexico, 1848.
Breve Pontificio autorizando a los diocesanos de La Repiiblica Mexicano.

Mexico, 1836.
Breve Pontificio sobre diminucion De Dias Festivas en la Repiiblica Mexicana.

Mexico, 1839.
Breve rcfutacion al dictamen de los Senores Jueces, ramo de pulques. Mexico,

1852.
Breves Noticias del 6rden que se debe guardar y observar en las siembras de

Magueyes. MS.
Breves Observaciones sobre el nombramiento de jueces de primera instancia,

etc. Mexico, 1831.
Bringas (Diego Miguel), Sermon que en la reconquista de Guanaxuato predict).

Mexico, 1811. 4to.
Bringas y Encinas (Diego Miguel), Impugnacion del papel Sedicioso y Ca-

lumniante. Mexico, 1812.
Bringas y Encinas (Diego Miguel), Sermon politico-moral. Mexico, 1813. 4to.

xxxii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Bringas cle Manzaneda y Encinas (Diego), El maud de los Christianos. Mexico,
1792. 2 vols.

Brink (C. W.), A Lecture on the Future of Mexico. New York, 1S76.

Brissot (M. A.), Voyage au Goazacoalcos. Paris, 1837.

Brockett (L. P.) Our Great Captains. New York, 1SG5.

Brodhead (Richard), Speech on the Mexican War, etc., Feb. 9, 1847. n.pl., n.d.

Brooks (N. C. ), A Complete History of the Mexican War. Philadelphia, 1849.

Brooks (Noah), The Career of an American Princess. In Overland Monthly,
vol. v. 1870.

Bucareli (Antonio), Cordilleras y Ordenes. MS. 1772.

Bucareli y Ursua (Antonio Maria), Breve descripcion. Mexico, 1779.

Bucareli y Ursua (Antonio Maria), Real Cedula, Jan. 1G, 1776. Mexico,
177G. folio.

Bucareli y Ursua (Antonio Maria), Reglamento Provisional para el prest,
Yestuario, Gratiilcaciones. Mexico, 1774.

Buedo (Francisco), Informes acerca de mas misiones de la mitre de Nueva
Leon. MS.

Buena Vista, Battle of. Charleston, S. C, 1851.

Buenrostro ( Agustin), Manifestation al Gobierno Supremo. Mexico, 1835. 4to.

Bullock ( W. ) Catalogue of the exhibition called Modern Mexico. London, 1825.

Bullock (W.), A Description of the unique exhibition called Ancient Mexico.
London, 1824.

Bullock (W.), Six months' residence and travels in Mexico. London, 1824;
London, 1825. 2 vols.

Bullock (W. junior), Description of the Panorama of the superb City of Mex-
ico. Philadelphia, 1833.

Bullock (W. PL), Across Mexico in 1SG4-5. London, etc., 1866.

Buques Mcjicanos, Justos Reclamos. Mexico, 1849.

Burgoa (Francisco), Geografica Descripcion de la Parte Septentrional, del
Polo Artico de la America (Oajaca). Mexico, 1G74. 4to. 2 vols.

Burgoa (Francisco), Extractos. MS. folio.

Burgoa (Francisco), Palestra Historial de Virtvdes, etc. Mexico, 1370. folio.

Burguillos (Fr. Bartolome de), Memorial para Martin Carillo Inqyisidor, etc.
MS. 4to.

Burke (Edmund), An Account, of European Settlements in America. London,
1808, 4to; also editions London, 17G0, 2 vols.; London, 1770, 2 vols.

Bustamante (Anastacio), Decretos del Congreso General de 2de Marzo y 2 de
Mayo del corriente alio. Mexico, 1841.

Bustamante (Anastacio), El Presidente al ejercito (Octubre 23, 1840). Mex-
ico, 1840.

Bustamante (Anastacio), El Presidente a sus conciudadanos (Octubre 24,
1840). Mexico, 1S40.

Bustamante (Anastacio), El Presidente a sus Plabitantes. Mexico, 1838.

Bustamante (Anastacio), Iniciativa que hace la Junta Departamental De
Mexico, etc. Mexico, 1840.

Bustamante (Anastacio), Manifiesto que dirige a sus Compatriotas como gen-
eral en gefe sobre Tamaulipas. Mexico, 1839.

Bustamante (Anastacio), Manifiesto que cl Vice Presidente dirige. Mexico, 1830.

Bustamante (Anastacio), Manifiesto que el Vice Presidente dirige a la Nacion.
Mexico, 1850.

Bustamante (Anastacio), Memorial de Justas Quejas. Mexico, 1837.

Bustamante (Anastacio), Reflecsiones sobre el maniiiesto dado en 14 de Agosto,
1832. Mexico, 1832.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), La Aparicion Guadalupana. Mexico, 1843.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), La Aparicion de Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe
de Mexico. Mexico, 1840.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Apuntes para la Historia del gobiemo del Gen-
eral Guadalupe Victoria. Mexico, [1S30.] MS.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Apuntes para la Historia del Gobierno del Gen-
eral Santa- Anna. Mexico, 1841-3. MS. 3 vols.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxxiii

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Apuntes para la Historia del Gobierno del Gen-
eral Santa-Anna. Mexico, 1845.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria),. Campana sin Gloria y guerra como la de los
cacomixtles. Mexico, 1847.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Campanas del General D. Felix Maria Calleja.
Mexico, 1828.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Carta a un Diputado del honorable Congreso de
Zacatecas. [Mexico, 1832.]

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Cuadro Hist6rico de la Revolucion Mexicana.
Mexico, 1823-7. 5 vols. ; Mexico, 1832-18. 6 vols.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Defensa de la peticion hecha al Sobcrano Con-
greso solicitando la restitucion de la Compaiiia de Jesus. Mexico, 1841.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Diario de lo cspecialmente occurrido en Mexico,
Sept. de 1811 a. Junio do 1843. Mexico, 1811-3. MS. 4to. 4 vols.

iiustamantc (Carlos Maria), Efemeridades hist6rico-politico literarias. Mex-
ico, 1835.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), El General D. Felipe de la Garza Vindicado de
las INotas de Traidor. Mexico, 1820.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Elogio hist6rico del Dr D. Jose" Maria de San-
tiago y Carrero. Mexico, 1845.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Elogio hist6rico del General J. M. Morelos.
Mexico, 1S22.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Examen critico sobre la Muerte del General Mo-
relos. [Mexico, 1843.] MS. folio.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Expatriacion de los Jesuitas. n.pl., n.d.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Gabinete Mcxicano. M&xico, 1830-41. MS. 4
vols. ; also print. Mexico, 1842. 2 vols.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), El Gran dia de Mexico, 10 Diciembre, 1836.
[Mexico, 1830.]

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Historia del Emperador D. Agustin de Iturbide
(Continuacion del Cuadro Historica). Mexico, 1S4G.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Historia del Emperador Moctheuzoma X6coyot-
zin. Mexico, 1829.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), El Honor y patriotism o del General Nicolas Bravo.
Mexico, 1C23.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria) Informe Critico-Legal de la Imagen de Guadalupe.
Mexico, 1835.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Mananas de la Alameda de Mexico. Mexico,
1835-0. 2 vols.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Manifiesto de la Junta Guadalupana. Mexico,
1831.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Manifiesto Hist6rico a las Xaciones y Pueblos del
Analiuac. Mexico, 1823.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Martirologio de algunos de los primeros insur-
gentes. Mexico, 1811.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Materiales para la Continuacion del Cuadro His-
torico. Mexico, 1833-9. MS.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Medidas para la Pacificacion de la America Mex-
icana. MS. 1820.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Memorandum, 6 sea Apuntes delo principalmente
occurrido en Mexico. Mexico, 1844-7. MS.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Memoria Historica de los servicios que hizo a la
Pcpublica D. jST. Bravo. Mexico, 1845.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Memoria Principal de la Piedad de Mexico.
[Mexico, 1810.]

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Mexico en Cautiverio. Mexico, 1847.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Mexico en 1848, principales sucesos politicos y
militares. Mexico, 1848. MS.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Necesidad de la Union contra la Liga Europea.
Mexico, 182G.

IIisx. Mex. Vol. I. 3

xxxiv AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Neoesidad de la union de toclos los Mexicanos.

Mexico, 1826.
Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Necrologia del Senor D. Santiago. Mexico, 1845.

MS. folio.
Bustamante (Carlos Maria), No Hay peor cuna que la del Mismo Palo. Mex-
ico, 1842.
Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Noticias Biograficas. Mexico, 1849.
Bustamante (Carlos Maria), El Nuevo Bernal Diaz del Castillo 6 sea Historia

de la Invasion de los Anglo- Americanos en Mexico. Mexico, 1847. 2 vols.
Bustamante Carlos Maria), Peticion para el establecimiento de la Compafiia

de Jesus. [Mexico, 1843.] MS. folio.
Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Representacion que los Vecinos Emigrados de la

Villa de Chilapa. Mexico, 1845.
Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Resistencia de la Corte de Espana. Mexico, 1833.
Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Respuesta al Papel intitulado "Alia" van csas

verdades. [Mexico, 1837.]
Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Sesion de la Camara de Diputados, discurso que

en ella ley 6. Mexico, 1845.
Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Tezcoco en los ultimos Tiempos. Mexico, 1826.
Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Voz de la Patria. Mexico, 1828-31. 5 vols.
Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Voz de la Patria, Continuacion. Mexico, 1837-9.

MS. 9 vols.
Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Ynvasion de Mexico por Anglo-Americanos. MS.
Bustamante (Javier Aguilar), Defensa del Pase Del Breve de Monseilor

dementi. Mexico, 1853.
Bustamante (Javier Aguilar), Ptepresentacion . . .inconvenientes de la ley de 11

de Abril. Mexico, 1857.
Bustamante (Miguel), Memoria instructiva para Colectar Y Prcparar para su

trasporte los ebjetos de historia natural, etc. Mexico, 1839.
Bustamante Y Galcote (Pedro M. ), Relacion de los estudios, meritos, etc.

Orizava, 1840.
Bustamante Tracts. A Collection.
Butron (J. Moran de), Vida de la B. Mariana de Jesus de Paredes Y Flores.

Madrid, 1854.
Buttcrficld (Carlos), United States and Mexican Mail Steamship Line, etc.

New York, 18G0.
Butterfield (Carlos), United States and Mexico. New York, 1861.
Butterneld (Carlos), Value of Spanish America to the U. S. New York, 1868.

C. (D. J.), Catecismo Politico. Mejico, 1820.

C. (M. A.), Pastorela en dos Actos.

Caballero (Joaquin), Renuncia Justificada del Gobiernor interino. Morelia,

[1833.]
Cabezas (Jos.), Historia prodigiosa de la admirable aparicion. Mexico, 1748.
Cabildo do la Colcgiata de Nra Sra de Guadalupe, Representacion que dirigi6

al Soberano Congreso Constituyiente. Mexico, 1824.
Cabildo Eclesiastico de Guadalajara, Informe al Rey. In Icazbalceta, Col.

Doc, torn. ii.
Cabildo Metropolitan© de Mexico, Observaciones. Mexico, 1827.
■Cabofranco (Mariano), Compendio AscCtico de la Perfeccion Cristiana.

Mexico, 1835.
Cabrera (Florencio), Bosquejo sobre la historia antigua de San Luis Potosi.

In Mex. Soc. Geog., Boletin, 2<ia Ep. iv.
Cabrera y Quintero (Cayetano), Escudo De Armas De Mexico. Mexico, 1746.

folio.
Cabrera y Quintera (Cayetano), Viva copia del magnanimosagrado. Mexico, 1732.
Cadena (Felix Maria), Alocucion dada a los Mejicanos el 17 de Agosto de

1814. n.pl., n.d.
Cadena (Luis Velazquez de la), Esposicion que hacen los Interesados en las

parcialidades. Mexico, 1849.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxxv

Cadwaiader (George), The Philadelphia Greys' Collection. Philadelphia,

1848.
Caicedo (J. M. Torres), Union Latino- Americana. Paris, 1865.
Cajiga (Ramon), Memoria que presenta Al Secundo Congreso. Oaxaca, 1SG1.

folio.
Calculo Prudencial de la poblacion de las misiones de la Compafiia de Jesus

en N.Vizcaya. In Doc. Hist. Mex. , serie iii. torn. iv.
Calderon (Martin), Informe sobre la perdicion de los Indios de Mexico. MS.

of 1735.
Calderon (Mathias de Peralta), El Apostol de las Indias. Mexico, 16G1.
Calderon de la Barca. Life in Mexico. Boston, 1843. 2 vols.
Calderon de la Barca (Migvel), Oydor de la Real Avdiencia de Mexico. Mex-
ico, 1694. folio.
Calhoun (John C), Speech on his resolutions, War with Mexico, Jan. 4, 1848.

Washington, 1848.
Calhoun (John C), Speech on Three Million Bill, Feb. 9, 1847. Washington,

1847.
Calvillo (Juan Bautista Diaz), Discurso sobre los males. Mexico, 1810.
Calvillo (Juan Bautista Diaz), Oracion 9 de Setiembre. Mexico, 1808.
Camacho (Sebastian), Tablas diversas para determinar los valores de la plata

y del oro. Mexico, 1865.
Camacho Villavicencio (Fr. Miguel), Dictamen de Conciencia. MS. [1719.]
Camara de Disputados, Manifesto en la Legislatura de 1831 y 1832. Mexico,

1832. Small 4to.
Camino Carretero, Camino de Fierro y Canal por el Istmo de Tehuantepec,

Informes Del Ingeniero. Mexico, 1870.
Camino De Hierro, Tercer Cuaderno que publica el apoderado de Don

Gabriel Xunez. Mejico, 1853.
Campaign in Mexico by ' ' One who has seen the elephant. " Philadelphia,

etc., 1847.
Campaign in Mexico by" One who was thar. " Philadelphia, 1850.
Campaiia contra Los Americanos Del Norte, 1° parte. , Mexico, 1846.
Campaiia de Puebla, Parte general que dirige General Alvarez. Mexico, 185G.
Campbell (William W.), Speech in U. S. House of Rep., April 8, 1846. Wash-
ington, 1846. _
Campbell, A Concise History of Spanish America. London, 1741.
Campe, Historia del Descubrimiento y Conquista de America. Madrid, 1803.

3 vols.; Mexico, 1854; Madrid, 1S45.
Campechc, Constitucion Politica del Estado. Campeche, 1861.
Campillo (Manuel Ignacio Gonzalez), Edicto. 8 Abril 1809. n.pl., n.d.j

Edicto. Mex., 1812; Exhortacion. Puebla, 1808; Exhortacion Pastoral,

25 Enero, 1805. n.pl., n.d.; Manifiesto. Mex., 1812; Maniiiesto. Noviem-

bre 3, 1810. [Puebla, 1810]; Pastoral. Sept. 30, 1810. [Puebla, 1810];

Pastoral. Mayo 20, 1811. [Puebla, 1811.]
Campillo y Cosio (Joseph del), Nuevo sistema de Gobierno Econ6mico para la

America. Madrid, 1789.
Campo (Jos6 Maria Gomez del), Noticia minera del Estado de San Luis Potosi.

In Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin. 2da Ep., torn. iv.
Campo-Sagrado (M. Q.), Descripcion Del Juramento de la Nueva Constitucion.
Campo y Rivas (Manuel del), Manifiesto filantr6pico. Mexico, IS 10.
Campos (Antonio de Maria), Economia politica en Megico. Puebla, 1844.
Campos (Antonio de Maria), Un tributo a la Verdad. Vera Cruz, 1847.
Campos (Benigno), Oracion funebre de Luis G. De Osollo. Puebla, 1858.
Campos (Domingo), Relacion que hace de su viage a Yucatan. Mexico, 1849.
Canales Interoceanicos. Madrid, 1882.

Cancelada (Juan Lopez), Conducta de Iturrigaray. Cadiz, 1812.
Cancelada (Juan Lopez), Decreto De Napoleon Emperador sobre los Judios

Residentes en Francia. Mexico, 1807.
Cancelada (Juan Lopez), Indice Razonado de lo que ha dado a Luz. Madrid,
1S14.

xxxvi AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Cancelada (Juan Lopez), Minas en Espafia, etc. Madrid, 1831.

Cancelada (Juan Lopez), Profccia Politica. Mexico, 1808.

Cancelada (Juan Lopez), Ruina de la Nueva Espaiia. Cadiz, 1811. 4to.

Cancelada (Juan Lopez), Tclegrafo Mexicano. Cadiz, 1814 et seq.

Cancelada (Juan Lopez), La Verdad Sabida. Cadiz, 1S11.

Candamo (Caspar Gonzalez de), Sermon. Mexico, 1800.

Canedo (Estanislao), De la Revolution au Mexique. n.pl., 18G0; Discurso que
el 10 de Setiembrede 1801. Monterey, 1801 ; La Revolucion en Mexico.
Marzo, 1800. Monterey, 18G0.

Canedo (Juan de Dios), Acusacion contra el Ex-Ministro de Relaciones Don
Lucas Alaman. Mex., 1825; ManifiestoalaNacionEspaiiola. Madrid, 1823.

Canoa (La). Mexico, 1820 et seq.

Canonistas y Te61ogos, Consulta a los. Mexico, 1835.

La, Fundacion de Capellania de Missas. Mexico, 1743. folio.

( /apitulacion acordada para la evacuacion de la Ciudad de Puebla. [Puebla>
1821.]

Capitulaeion hecha entre Iturbide y Rodriguez de Cela. [Puebla], 1821.

Capitulados en Ciudad Fernandez, Reprcsentacion que los capitulados en
Ciudad Fernandez el 30 de Mayo. San Luis Potosi, 1837.

Carbajal (Francisco), Discursos del Diputado. Mexico, 1848; Vindicacion.
Mexico, 1845.

Carbajal (Francisco Leon), Discurso sobre la legislacion de los antiguos Mexi-
canos. Mexico, 1804.

Carbajal Espinosa (Francisco), Historia de Mexico. Mexico, 1802. 2 vols.

Cardena (Patricio G. ), Proyecto dedieado y presentado sobre la fundacion de
un Banco Comercial. Mexico, 1857.

Cardenas y Cano (Gabriel de), Ensavo cronologico para la historia general de
la Florida. Madrid, 1723. folio.

Cardona. Esposicion que ha dirigido al Seiior Comandante general. Mexico,
1834.

Carleton (J. H.), Battle of Buena Vista. New York, 1848.

'i (Gian-Rinaldo), Cartas Ainericanas. Mexico, 1821; Mexico, 1822.

Carlos II., Relacion de la raucrtc. Mexico, 1701.

las III., Amorosa contienda do Francia. Mex., 1701; Obelisco que en la
ciudad de Los Angeles. Puebla, 1703; Real Proclamacion. Mex., 1701;
Reales Exeouias, 20 y 27 de Mayo de 1789. Mex., 17S9; Reales Exequias,
9 y 10 de Julio de 1789. Puebla, [1789]; Reales Exequias, 27 y 28 de
Julio de 1789. Mex., [1789]; Solcmne Accion de gracias. Mex., 1809.

Carlos IV. , Descripcion de las fiestas celebradas en la Imperial Corte de Mex-
ico, [Mex., 1790]; Relacion de las exequias funerales. Mex. ,1820; Rela-
cion de las exequias en 23 y 24 de Sept. de 1819. Mex., 1820.

Carlota, LaEmperatrizCarlotaen Vera Cruz, Xoviembre 1805. Vera Cruz, 1SG5.

Carpenter (W. W.), Travels and Adventures in Mexico. New York, 1851.

Carranza (Joseph Maria), Discurso sobre el establecimiento de una escuela
piiblica. Mexico, 1788.

Carrasqucdo (Teofilo), Alegato de buena prueba. Mex., 1851; Manifestacion
que hace al publico el Juez 2°ramo criminal de Mexico. - Mex., 185G.

Carreon (Rafael), Vindicacion. Mazatlan, 1803.

Carrera (Lorenzo), Exposicion que dirige al publico. Mej., 1835; Vindicacion
documentada. Madrid, 185G.

Carre ta (La). Puebla, 1820 et seq.

Carrillo (J. C. ), Estudio historico sobre la raza indigena de Yucatan. Vera-
cruz, 1S05. 4to.

Carrillo (Jose Ignacio), Refutacion a la defensa publicada por el C. Jose
Antonio Nieto. Mexico, 1835.

Carrillo y Perez (Ignacio), Lo Maximo en lo minimo. Mexico, 1808. 4to.

< !arta al Puebla Mexicano sobre la conspiracion del Momento. Mexico, 1841.

Carta al Rey, delos Oidores. In Col. Doc. Ined., torn. i.

Carta do la Audiencia de Santo Domingo, S. M. 30 de Agosto de 1520. In
Pachcco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. xiii.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxxvii

Carta del tumulto do 15 de Enero de 1G24. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii. torn. iii.

Carta de un concolega a Don Miguel Hidalgo. Mexico, 1810.

Carta de un Ex-diputado de'Nueva Espana Amante del Filosofo Nezahual-

coyotl. . Madrid, 1822.
Carta de un Padre ex-Jcsuita. In Nuevo Vizcaya, Doc. MS.
Carta familiar de un sacerdote respuesta a un colegial amigo suyo. Mexico,

1765. 4to.
Carta Pastoral del Illmo y Exmo Sefior Arzobispo de Mexico. Mexico, 1855.
Cartas Anicricanas. Queretaro, 1812. MS. 2 vols.
Cartas de Indias. Madrid, 1877. folio.
Cartas de Valentin Gomez (Varias) en 1845, a D. Bernardo Gonzalez Angulo y

respuesta de este. Mexico, 1845. fol. MS.
Cartas Pastorales. A. Collection.

Cartilla de Parrocos compuesta por un Americano. Mexico, n.d.
Cartilla para los gefes y los pueblos en America. New York, 1823.
Cartilla sobre cria de Gusanos de Seda. Mexico, 1831. 4to.
Cartilla y doctrina espiritual. Mexico, 1775.

Cartography of the Pacific States. San Francisco, 1873. MS. 3 vols.
Casa (La), Percgrina solar ilustre en que nacio la Reyna de los Angeles.

Mexico, 1GS9. 4to.
Casa de la Contratacion de Seuilla, Ordenanzas Reales. Valladolid, 1G04. 4to.

nova (Jos6), Ensayos Porticos. Mexico, 1851.
Casa Pcregrina de Loreto (La). Mexico, 1G89.
Casas (Guillen de las), Carta al Rey. In Cartas de Indias.
Casasola (Jose Maria), Acusacion fiscal Mcx. , 1851 ; Acusacion que en la tcrcera

sala, etc. Mex., 1858; Alcancealfolletotitulado Plaza De'Toros. Mex.,1827.
Cass (Lewis), Speech on proposed occupation of Yucatan, May 10, 1848.

Washington, 1848.
Cass (Lewis), War with Mexico. Speeches Jan. 3, 1847; Feb. 10, 1847;

March 17, 1848. Washington, 1847-8.
Castafieda (C. Jesus), Oracion civica pronunciada. Mazatlan, 18G2.
Castafieda (Gabriel), Pxlacion de la Jornada que hizo Don Francisco Sandoval

Acazitli. In Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, torn. ii.
Castafieda y Najera, Inform e al en defensa de MM. de Azcarate. Mexico, 18G1 .
Castafiiza (Juan Francisco), Relacion del Restablicimiento de la Sagrada

Compania de Jesus. Mexico, 181 G.
Castafiiza (Maria Teresa), Breve Esposicion sobre la Testamentaria de Mexico.

1830.
Castafiiza (Teresa), Discursos de los Sres Senadores sobre nulidad del testa-

mento. Mexico, 1830.
Castelazo. Maniiiesto de la Riqueza de la Negociacion de Minas, etc. Mejico,

1820.
Castellano (Andre's Patiiio), Derccho Apolog6tico. Mexico, 1715.
Castellanos (Juan de), Elegias de Varones ilustres de Indias. Madrid, 1857.
Castcllanos (Manuel), Defensa hecha en el juicio verbal. Mexico, 18G5.
Castilla y Perosso (Francisco Romero de), Apuntes Historicos sobre el archivo

general de Simancas. Madrid, 1873.
Castillo (Antonio del), Memoria sobre las Minas De Azogue de America.

Mexico, 1871.
Castillo (Antonio del), La Vida del Benerable P. Fr. Ivan de Castro. IMS.
Castillo (D. T. del), La Prostitucion 6 Consecuencias de -un mal ejemplo.

Mexico, 1836.
Castillo (Demetrio del), Proyecto de ley sobre arreglo de la Contaduria mayor.

Mexico, 1840.
Castillo (Gcronimo), Diccionario Historico, Biogrdfico y Monumental de

Yucatan. MCrida, 18GG.
Castilla (Miguel de), Espejo De Exemplares Obispos. Mexico, 1G08. MS.
Castillo (Pedro Fern;i;i(lcz), Esposicion. Mex., 1848; Sentencias absoluto

en 1^ y 2a instancia. Mex., 1849; Sentencias absolutorias pronunciadas.

Mex., 1850.

xxxviii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Castillo (Pedro Ramirez del), Letras felizmente lavreadas. Mexico, 1724.

Castrillon (Antonio), Oracion funebre panegyrico. Mexico, 1744.

Castro (Francisco de), La Octava Maravilla y sin segundo milagro de Mexico.

Mexico, 1729.
Castro (Joseph de), Directorio para informaciones de los Pretendientes de el

Santo Habito. Mexico, 1737.
Castro (Joseph) Primera Regla de la Fecunda Madre Santa Clara de Assis.

Mexico, 1756.
i o (Joseph de), Viage de America a Roma. Mexico, 1745.
Castro (Joseph Angnstin de), Acto de Contricion. Puebla, 1791; En Elogio

del Amor. Mex., 1809; Gratitudes de un exercitante. Puebla de L. A. ,

1793; Sentimientos de la America. Mex., 1786; Triunfo del Silencio.

Mex., 1786.
Castro (Juan de Dios), Defensa. Mejico, 1832.

Castro (Pedro Miinoz de), Exaltacion Magnifica. ]\Iexico, 1697. 4to.
Castro (Rafael), Carta sobre la necesidad de establecer un camino de hierro

entre Vera Cruz y Mejico. Vera Cruz, 1852.
Castro (Tomas), Proclama dirigida a los Voluntarios de Fernando VII., 20 de

Nov., 1S08. Mexico, 1808.
Catecismo para uso de los Parrocos hecho por el IV Concilio Provincial Mex-

icano. Mexico, 1772.
Causa Celebre contra los asesinos de D. Flor. Egerton y Doha Ines Edwards.

Mexico, 1844.
Causas mas Celebres, Coleccion de las. Mexico, 1854. 2 vols.
Cavanilles (Antonio), Historia de Espaha. Madrid, 1869-3. 5 vols.
Cavo (Andres), Los Tres Siglos de Mexico. Mexico, 1836-8. 3 vols. ; Mexico,

1852; Jalapa, 1860.
Cayo-Puto, Gaceta Extra vagante. Mexico, 1820 et seq.
Cea (Genaro Rus de), Observaciones acerca de la inter vencion Europea en

Mejico. Paris, 1859.
Ceballos (Ramon), Veinte Cuatro capitulos en vindicacion de Mexico. Madrid,

1856.
Ceballos y Del Conde (Ramon de), De Mejico. Madrid, 1858.
Cedula Real de S. M. y sehores del Real y Supremo consejo de las Indias.

n.pl., 1816.
Cedula Real, Expedida por S. Magestad en 2 de Nov., 1773. Mexico, 1774.

folio.
Ctdula Real para la fundacion de la cofradia de Santiago en la ciudad de

Mexico. Mexico, 1768.
Cedula sobre concilios Provinciales 21 de Agosto, 1769. [Mexico, 1769.]
Cedulas Ordenanzas y Provisiones Reales, 1528 a 1568. MS. folio.
Cedulario. A Collection, mostly MSS. folio. 3 vols.
Celis (Juan jSTepomnceno), Defensa. Mexico, 1852.
Celis (R.), Catalogo de los Sugetos de la Compania de Jesus el dia del arresto

25 de Junio de 1767. Mexico, 1871. 4to.
Cementerio de Nuestra Seiiora de Los Angeles de Mexico. Mexico, 1850.
Censor (El). Veracruz, 1S40 et seq.
Censor General (El). Cadiz, 1812 et seq.
Censor Mexicano (El). Mexico, 1823 et seq.
Centinela (El). Chihuahua, 1855 et seq.
Centinela Federal (El). Tlalpam, 1829 et seq.
Cepeda (Fernando), Relacion Universal Legitima y Verdadera del sitio en que

esta fvndada la muy noble, etc., ciudad de Mexico. Mexico, 1637. folio.

2 vols. [MS. notes by Alvarez Serrano.]
C rl tantes (Ygnacio Guadalupe), Synopcisde varios decretos. [Valladolid.] MS.
Cerralvo (Marques de), Acusacion por calumnia. [Madrid, 1636.] folio.
I uficacion de las Mercedes. MS.
Cervantes ( Jose" M. Villasenor), Festivas Aclamaciones de Xalapa. Mexico, 1 809.

.antes (Julio M.), Exposicion que en su Defensa dirije al Congrcsu 16 de

Octubre de 1869. Queretaro, 1869.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxxix

Cervera (Jose" Y. ), Apuntaciones sobre la industria pecuaria en Yucatan. In

Mex. Soc. Geog., Boletin. 2a Ep., torn. iv.
Cesarea (Juan Manuel), Representacion por el clero de Mexico al Gobierno

Supremo. Mexico, 1847.
Chamorro y Dominiqin, Dialogo Joco-serio sobre la Independencia. Mex.,

1821; Segundo Dialogo. Mex., 1821.
Champlain (Samuel). Narrative of a Voyage to the West Indies and Mexico

in the Years 1599-1G02. London, iS52.
Chandler (Zachary), Speech in the U. S. Senate, July 12, 18G7. n.pl., n.d.
Charnay (DCsiru), Le Mexique. Paris, 18G3.
Charpenne (P.), Mon Voyage au Mexique. Paris, 183G. 2 vols.
Chateaubriand (M. de), Voyages en Ame'rique. Paris, n.d.
Chaudon (L. M.), and F. A. Delandine, Nouveau Dictionnaire Historique.

Lyons, 1804. 13 vols.
Chavero (Alfredo), Algunas observaciones al Senor Wagner. Mexico.
Chevalier (Michel), Du Mexique avant et pendant la conquete. Paris, 1845.
Chevalier (Michel), Le Mexique Ancien et Moderne. Paris, 1863; Paris, 1864.
Chevalier (Michel), L'Exp6dition du Mexique. Paris, 18G2.
Chevalier (Michel), Mexico Ancient and Modern. London, 18G4. 2 vols.
Chiapas, Documentos Originales para la historia de Chiapas. MS.
Chiapas y Yucatan, Memorias sobre limites, 1G82 a 17G7. MS.
Chilapa, Representacion que los vccinos emigrados de la villa de. Mexico, 1845.
Chilpantringo, Sobre tributos aplicados a la Iglesia. MS. 1759-70. folio.
Chimalpain, Hist. Conq. See Gomara (Francisco Lopez de), Hist. Mex.
Chinaca (La). Mexico, 18G2 et seq.

Chiva (Domingo Ant.). Compendio Hist6rico. Mejicc*, 1837.
Cholera, Preceptos higienicos. Mejico, 1850.
Chynoweth (W. Harris), The Fall of Maximilian. London, 1872.
Ciscar (G. ), Curso de Estudios Elementales de Marina. Mexico, 1825. 4 vols.
Citialpopoca (N. S.), de S. F. Directorio de Confessores. Mexico, 1713.
Ciudad de Mexico, Proc'lama que la nobilisima dirige a los lidelisimos habi-

tantes de Nueva Espaiia. [Mexico, 1810.]
Ciudadano (El), militar Americano amante de la Paz. Mexico, 1821.
Cladera (Christobal), Investigaciones Historicas. Madrid, 1794.
Claiborne (W. C. C), Extract of a letter from, to the lion. Secretary of State

of the U. S. December 27, 1803. MS.
Clava del Indio (La). Mexico, 1862.
ClavC (Felix), Historia de Pio IX. Mexico, 1853.

Clavigero (Francisco Saverio), History of Mexico. London, 1787. 4to. 2 vols.
Clavigero (Francesco Saverio), Storia Antica del Messico. Cesena, 1780. 4to.

4 vols.
Clcmencin (Diego), Memoria sobre las monedas en Castilla. MS. folio.
Clement XIII. , Sanctissimi in Christo Patris, Constitutio qua Institutum So-

cictatis Jesu. Mexico, 17G5.
Clemente XIV., Breve de Nuestro Muy Santo Padre. Madrid, 1773; El Llanto

de Mexico en los tiernos recuerdos. Mex., 1775; Noticia exacta de las

funcioues hechas en el conclave. Mex., 1769.
Clero de la Iglesia Mejicana, Opiisculo en defensa del. Mejico, 1857.
Club Guerrero, Reglamento del, Establecido en la Villa de Mier, 19 de Feb. de

1870. Mier, 1870.
Cluseret (G.), Mexico and the solidarity of Nations. New York, 18GG.
Coahuila, Iniciativa de la Junta sobre reformas. Mex., 1845; Iniciativa sobre

reforma constitutional. Mex., 1845; Memoria que el Exmo Seiior Vice

Goberaador 2 de Enero de 1S52. Saltillo, 1852; Rapida Ojeada sobre la

campafia que hizo el General Santa- Anna. Mex., 1847; Segunda parte de

la Rapida Ojeada. Mex., 1847.
Coalcoman, Noticias estadi'sticas sobre el Partido de. Morelia, 18G4.
Cobb (Howell), Speech in U. S. House of Rep., Feb. 2, 1848. n.pl., n.d.
Cocke (William M.), Speech in U. S. House of Rep., May 18, 1848. Wash-
ington, 1848.

xl AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Codex Chimalpopoca. MS.

Codex Telleriano Remensis, Explicacion. InKingsborough's Mex.Antiq.,vol.v.

Codigo de Leyes de Indias. MS. folio.

Codigo Penal decretado por las C6rtes sancionado y promulgado en 19 de
Marzo de 1848. Mexico, 1848.

Codigo Practica Criminal, n.pl., [1796.] 2 vols.

Coffin (James H. ), Winds of the Northern Hemisphere. Washington, 1853. 4to.

Coleccion de Articulos sobre alzamiento de prohibiciones. Mexico, 1851.

Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos para la Historia de Espana. Madrid,
1842-73. 59 vols.

Coleccion de Noticias de Muchas de las Indulgencias. Mexico, 1787.

Coleccion de Varios documentos interesantes relativos al Decreto Anticonsti-
tucional. Leona-Vicario, 1830.

Coleccion Eclesiastica Mexicana. Mexico, 1834. 4 vols.

Coleccion General de las Providencias. Madrid, 1707.

Colegio de Abogados de Mexico, Estatutos y Constituciones. Madrid, 17G0;
Lista alfabetica y cronologica de los seiiores empleados 6 individuos.
Mexico, 1852.

Colegio de Escribanos de Mexico, Estatutos, 19 de Junio de 1792. Mexico,
1793.

Colegio de N. S. de Guadalupe de Zacatecas, Escriptura de Protestacion. MS.

Colegio de San Gregorio, Inversion de las rentas. Megico, 1839.

Colegio de San Juan de Letran, Los Sindicos del Concurso formado a bienes de
Francisco Velarde. Guadalajara, 1869.

Colegio do San Pedro y San Pablo de Mexico y su Hacienda. MS. 1824. folio.

Colegio de Santa Maria de Todos Santos. A Collection of MSS. and print,
folio.

Colegio Militar, El General de Division Mariano Arista suplica a V. se sirva
asistir a los actos publicos. Mexico, 1850.

Colima, Ensayo Estadistico sobre el territorio. Mex., 1849; Esposicion que
al Supremo Gobierno Nacional hace la Diputacion. Mex., 1802; Impor-
tancia de la apertura del puerto de Manzanillo. n.pl., 1845.; Impugnacion
a la iniciativa. Mex., 1850; La Verdad sobre los acontecimientos. Gua-
dalajara, 1861; Reflexiones 6 notas al informe que dio al Gobierno. Guada-»
1845; Representacion que el primero ayuntamiento. Guada., 1845.

Colonias Militares, Proyecto para bu Establecimiento en las Fronteras de
Oriente y Occidente. Mex., 1848. 4to; Reglamento para el Establecimi-
ento de las, en la Sierra-Gorda. Mex., 1849.

Colonizacion, Documentos que Publica la Direccion de. Mex., 1848; Nueva
Proyecto de Colonos Proprietarios medieros arrendatarios y asalariados.
Mex. , 184S ; Proyectos de Colonizacion presentados por la junta del ramo.
Mex., 184S; Reglamento de la Direccion de Colonizacion. Mex., 1815.

Coloquio entre Sophrono y Leonido sobre materias politicas. MS.

Comerciantes de Mexico, Esposicion dirigida al Gobierno. Mexico, 1836.

Comercio de la Ciudad de Mexico, Representacion que dirije al Congreso Na-
cional. Mexico, 1839.

Comercio Exterior, Observaciones contra la Libertad del. Puebla, 1835.

Comercio de Guadalajara, Esposicion que dirije al Supremo Gobierno.
Guadalajara, 1837.

Comercio de Nueva Espafia. MS. [1768.] folio.

Comision Mixta de Reclamaciones de Mexico y los Estados-Unidos. Mexico,
1S76.

Comonfort (Ignacio), Manifiesto, Marzo 4, 1857. [Mex., 1857]; Manifesto,
July, 1858. New York, 1858; Politica durante su gobierno en Mexico.
Nueva York, 1858.

Comoto (Florencio Perez), Discurso patriotico contra la rebelion que acauclilla
el Cura Hidalgo. Mexico, [1810.]

Compania del Camino de Fierro de Tacubaya, Informe que el Socio Gerente
da a los Senores Accionistas. ISIexico, 1860.

Compania Del Canal de Mexico a Chalco. Mexico, 1860.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xli

Compafiia de Cocheros y Lacayos, Constituciones. Mexico, 1826.

Compafiia De Colonizacion Asiatica, Estatutos. Mexico, 18GG.

Compafiia Esplotadora de lo's Placeres De Oro en la Sierra-Madre. Mejico,

1857.
Compafiia del Ferro-carril de Orizava a Vera Cruz, Estatutos. Mexico, 1861.
Compafiia de Fiiipinas, Ileal Cedula de Ereccion 10 Marzo 1785. Madrid,

[1785.] folio.
Compafiia de Industria en Tlalpan, Escritura de . Asociacion. Mexico, 1837.
Compafiia de Jesus, Al Rey Xva Sra por la Provincia de la Compafiia. n.pl.,

n.d. ; Catalogo de los Sugetos. Mex., 1871; Coleccion del Real Decreto

de 27 Febrero 1769. Madrid, 1767. folio; Coleccion general de las provi-

dencias. Madrid, 1767 ; Defensa de la, No. 1. Mex., 1841; Exposicion

del Provincial- de la. Mex., 1855; Inforine que haze la Provincia de la.

Puebla, 1729; Xarracion de las muestras do j libilo. Puebla, 1853; Rela-

cion del restablecimiento. [Mex.], 1816.
Compafiia Lancasteriana, Exposicion que dirige. Mex., 1857; Reglamento.

Mex., 1842.
Compafiia Limitada del Ferrocarril Mexicano, Condiciones de Asociacion.

Mexico, 1869.
Compafiia de Minas Denominada Restauradora del Mineral de Catorce, Plan.

Mexico, 1851.
Compafiia de Minas restauradora de Temascaltepec, Informacion, presupuesto.

Mexico, 1838.
Compafiia de Minas Zacatecano-Mexicano, Informe. Mexico, 1841.
Comyn (Tomas de), Estado de las islas Filipinas en 1810. Madrid, 1820.
Concesion del Ferrocarril entre Mexico y Vera Cruz ante el Congreso. Mex-
ico, 1868.
Concilio Mexicano Provincial III. y IV., Catecismo y Suma de la Doctrina

Christiana. [Mexico], 1771. MS. folio.
Concilio Provincial Mexicano IV. MS. folio. 2 vols.
Concilios Provinciales Mexicanos. 1°, 2°, 3°, y 4°; 1555, 1565, 1585, 1771.

The original MS. Records, folio. 5 vols.; also editions Mexico, 1769;

Paris, 1725; Mexico, 1762, 1770.
Conde y Oquendo (Francisco Xavier), Disertacion hist6rica. Mexico, 1852-3.

2 vols.
Conde y Oquendo (Francisco Xavier), Obra (Aparicion de Nuestra Sefiora de

Guadalupe). MS. 2 vols.
Conde y Pineda (Francisco), Oracion Moral. Mexico, 1809.
Condiciones del Real Assiento y fabrica de p61vora. Mexico, 1761. folio.
Condiciones y Semblanzas de los Diputados a c6rtes 1820 y 21. Madrid, 1821.
Conducta Ilegal del ministerio de Hacienda. Mexico, 1841.
Conejares (F. de P. Aionso Ruiz de), La Virtud Vengada. Mex., 1811; La

Virgen Mexicana. Mex., 1853.
Conejo (Florentin), Acusacion. Mexico, 1843.

Congreso Constituyente a los pueblos del Estado de Mexico. Tlalpan, 1830.
Congreso. See " Mexico."

Conquistador An6nino (El), Relacion. In Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, torn. i.
Consag (Fernando), Vida y trabajos del P. Antonio Tempis. [Mexico, 1749.]
Consejo de Regencia de.Espafia 6 Indias a la America Espafiola. Cadiz, 1811;

also Mexico, 1810. folio.
Consejos de la Amistad. Mcgico, 1831.
Conservador (El). Mexico, 1859 et seq.
Consideraciones sobre la Situacion Politica y social de la Rcpublica Mexicana.

Mexico, 1848.
Constitucion politica de la Monarquia Espafiola. Cadiz, 1812.
Constitucion Sacrosancti Apostolatus. Mexico, 1848.
Constitucional (El). Mexico, 1844 et seq.

Constituciones de la Congrcgacion y Escucla de Christo. Mexico, 1 735.
Constituciones de la Real Orden Americana de Isabel la CatoUca. Madrid,

1816.

xlii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Const ituciones EclesiasticaB disputandse propagandceque in aula reget antiq.

Mexico, [1792.]
Constituciones, Regla y Constituciones que han de guardar las Religiosas de

los Conventos de Nuestra Seiiora de la Concepcion. Mexico, 1795.
Construccion de la monarquia de Espafia. Promulgada en Cadiz, 19 de Marzo,

1812. Mexico, 1820.
Consulta del Consejo extraordinario de Castilla al Rey. MS. 1767. folio.
Contestacion a la circular que remitio a los Profesores de Medicina. Mejico,

1840.
Contestacion a la exposicion que han presentado al Rey algunos ex-diputados

de America residentes en Madrid. Mexico, 1820.
Contestacion al Articulo infamatorio contra la Republica Mexicana. Mexico,

1828.
Contestacion al Suplemento al No. 24 del Cosmopolita. Mexico, 1841.
Contestacion del Cura de la Aldea de un Pueblo de Jalisco. San Luis Potosf,

1S58._
Contestacion del Venerable Cabildo Metropolitano alas dos notasdel Supremo

Gobierho del dia 14 del corriente Enero. Mexico, 1847.
Contestacion del Vicario Capitular de Arzobispado a la Circular de 19 de

Mayo. Mexico, 1847.
Contestacion que ha dado al Supremo Gobierno la Alta Corte de Justicia sobre

el Desconocimiento que D. Lucas Alaman hace de sus Ministros. Mexico,

1S34.
Contestaciones, Continuacion de los documentos relativos a la cesacion en sus

funciones del Escmo Ayuntamiento. Mexico, 1843.
Contestaciones entre el Supremo Gobierno y el Escmo Ayuntamiento. Mexico,

1843.
Contra los enemigos del Regimiento de ordenes militares. Mexico, 1S21.
Contra las Vendades amargas. Mexico, 1821.
Contra-Tiempo (El). Mexico, 184G et seq.
Contreras (Jose Mariano), Las Garantias Individuals en el Departamento de

San Luis Potosi. Mexico, 1841.
Contreras (Jose" Peon), El Senor de Ecatepec, Leyenda Historica. Mexico,

1S72.
Contreras (Rafael S.), Relacion documentada. Tlalpam, 1829.
Convcncion Espanola, Contestacion a la memoria que sobre ella hizo D. M.

Payno. Valencia, 1858.
Convendraque los jueces de los Tribunales sean perpetuos. [Oajaca, 1826.]
Con veniencia del Tribunal Mercantil. Mexico, 1852.
Convento de la Encarnacion, Mandatos de los Illmos Arzobispos de Mexico

a las Religiosas del. MS.
Convento de Xuestra Seiiora del Pilar, Relacion historica de la fundacion.

Mexico, 1793.
Convento del San Ger6nymo, Regla y Constituciones. Puebla, 1773.
Convento de S. Lorenzo, Regla y Constitvciones. Mexico, 1707.
Conventos de la Ciudad, Representacion. Mexico, 1695. 4to.
Conversion de la Deuda Esterior, Estracto del espediente. Mexico, 1846.
Convite a los Catolicos Americanos conforme a lo que Dios y las cortes exigen

de su fe\ Mexico, 1811.
Convocatoria, Observaciones Imparciales. Mexico, 1867. 4to.
Copia del Espediente formado a pedimento de la Sra Anna Maria de Yraeta

y Mier, etc. MS.
Copia de la Representacion al Rey Don Fernando VII. Mexico, 1820.
Cordoba (Tirso Rafael), El Sitio De Puebla. Puebla, 1863.
Coreal (Francois), Voyages auxlndes Occidentales. Paris, 1722. 2 vols; Am-
sterdam, 1722. 2 vols.
Corona Civica a los Heroes del 2 de Abril de 1867, Division de Operaciones

sobre Yucatan. MCrida, 1868.
Corona (Ramon), Manifestacion que hace, de su conducta observada con el

General Plaeido Vega. Mazatlan, 1863.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xliii

Coronado (Estdvan), Manifestacion sobre sus acciones. Mazatlan, 1859.
Corral (Juan Josd del), Breve reseila sobre el estado de la Hacienda y del

Crddito Publico. Mcx. ,' 1818 ; Esposicion de los perjuicios que ha causado

alErario. Mex., 1834.
Corral (Luis Gonzaga Gutierrez del), Sermon historico-apologdtico. Puebla,

1836.
Correo Atlantico (El). Mexico, 1835 ct seq.
Correo de EspaQa. Mexico, 1854 et seq.
Correo de la Eederacion. Mexico, 1826 et seq.
Correo de los Xiilos (El). Mexico, 1813 et seq.
Correo Xacional (El). Mexico, 1847 ct seq.

Correo Semanario de Mexico por el pensador Mexicano. Mexico, 1826.
Cortazar (Luis de), Documentos relativos a la conducta del Gobernador de

Guanajuato. Morelia, 1839.
Cortds (Anselmo), Proyecto de Pronto Pago de la deuda. Mexico, 1852.
Cortds (Hernan) Aventuras y Conquistas de Hernan Cortds en Mdjico. Bar-
celona, 1846; Mexico, 1853.
Cortds (Hernan) Brief e des. Heidelberg, 1779.
Cortds (Hernan) Brieven. Amsterdam, 1780-1.
Cortds (Hermm), Carta a S. C. C. M. acerca de los repartimientos, 1542.

Londres, 1854.
Cortds (Hernan), Carta de Relacio. Seville, 1522.
Cortds (Hernan), Carta tercera de Relacio. Seville, 1523.
Cortds (Hernan), Cartas y Relaciones de Hernan Cortds al Emperador Carlos

V. Paris, 1866.
Cortds (Hernan), De Rebus Gestis. In Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, torn. i.
Cortes (Hernan), Despatches of Hernando Cortds. New York, 1843.
Cortds (Hernan), Escritos Sueltos. Moxico, 1871.

Cortds (Hernan), FernandiCortesiivondem Newen Hispanien. Augspurg, 1550.
Cortds (Hernan), Historia de Mdjico. Xueva York, 1828.
Cortes (Hernan), Historia de Nueva Espaua. [Edited by Lorenzana.] Mexico,

1770.
Cortds (Hernan), Instruccion dada al Licenciado, 1532. In Pacheco and

Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. xiii.
Cortds (Hernan), La Preclara Narratione. Venice, 1522.
Cortds (Heman). La quarta Relacion. Toledo, 1525. [Dated October 15, 1524.]
Cortds (Hernan), Letters and Reports by Cortds and other Officers to the

Emperor and Council. In Doc. Ined., torn, i.; torn. iv. ; torn. xxii. ;

Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, toms. v., xii., xiii., xiv.j Icazbalceta,

Col. Doc, torn, i.; Hist. Prim., torn. i. ; Ramusio, torn. iii. - Ribaden-

eyras, Biblioteca, torn, xxii.; Xavarrete, Col. de Viages; Kingsborough's

Mex. Antiq.; Alaman, Disert; Cortds, Escritos Sueltos.
Cortds (Hernan), Oder die Eroberung von Mexiko. n.pl., n.d.
Cortds (Hernan), Ou la Conquete du Mcxicjnc. Paris, 1809.
Cortds (Hernan), Praeclara de Xoua maris Oceani Hyspania Xarratio Norim-

berga. n.pl., 1522.
Cortds (Hernan), Residencia. MS. 1528. folio.
Cortes (Hernan), The Fifth Letter to Charles V. London, 1868.
Cortds (Hernan), Tres sacrde Imperialc et catholique mageste lui estant en la

cite de Palace en Castille. Anuers, [1522.]
Cortds (Hernan), Vervolg der Reiscn, etc. In Aa, toms. x., xxviii.
Cortds (Hernan), Von dem Xcwcn Hispanien. Augspurg, 1559.
Cortds, Martyr, et al., De Insvlis livper inventis F< linandi Cortesii ad

Carolum V. Narrationes cum alio quodam Petri Aiartyris. n.pl., 1532.
Cdrtes de Espalia, Actas de las Cortes Ordinarias. Cadiz, [1813.] 2 vols.
Cortes de Espana, Actas Publicas de la Primera Legislatura. Madrid,

1820-1. 2 vols.
Cdrtes de Espana, Coleccion de Decrctos y Ordenes. Mexico, 1829.
Cortes de Espaiia, Diario de las Actas y Discudones dc las Cortes. Madrid,

1820 et seq.

xliv AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

C6rtes dc Espana, Diario de las Discusiones y Actas de las. Cadiz, 1811-13.
24 vols.

Cortina, Documentos Historicos, rcinado de Felipe IV. In Doc. Hist. Mex.,
serie ii., torn. iii.

Cortina (J. Gomez de la), Carta dirigida a todos los Senores editores. Mex.,
1845; Cartilla Historial. Mex., 1840; Car t ilia moral militar. Mex., 1839.
Mex., 1845; Cartilla social 6 breve instruccion sobre losderechos. Mex.,
1836; Contestacion a D.Wcnceslao Alpuche. Mex., 1837; Contestacion
a la critica del Seilor Cortina [signed Mexico, 4 de Junio de 1849]. n.pl.,
n.d.; Contestacion al Senor D. B. Conte [dated Agosto 10, 1849. Mex.,
1849]; Critica sobre la Medalla, Junio 1, 1849 [Mex., 1849]; Diccionario
de Sinonimos Castellanos. Mex., 1853; Ecsamen Critico de las pieza3
literarias. Mex., 1837; [El dia 4 del presente mes, etc., signed Tacubaya
23 de Noviembre de 1849.] Mex., 1849; Ensayo de una Seismologia del
Valle de Mexico. Habana, 1859; La calle de D. Juan Manuel. Mex.,
183G; La Loteria. Mex., 1S44; Nociones elementales de numismatica.
Mex., 1843; Prontuario Diplomatico y Consular. Mex. ,1850; Terremotos.
Mex., 1840.

Coruiia (Conde de), Carta al Rey [Abril 1, 1581]. In Cartas de Indias.

Corwin (Thomas), Speech on Mexican War, in U. S. Senate, Feb. 11, 1847.
Washington, 1847.

Corzo (A. A.), Resefiade Varios sucesos de Chiapas. Mexico, 18G7.

Cosmopolita (El). Mexico, 1841 et seq.

Couto (Bernardo), Contestacion a la critica del Senor Cortina. [Mex., 1849];
Defensa del General D. Isidro Reyes. Mex., 1845; Dialogo sobre la Ilis-
toria de la Pintura en Mexico. Mex., 1872; Discurso sobre la constitu-
cion de la Iglesia. Mex., 1857.

Covadonga, Constituciones de la congregacion de Ntra Seiiora con el titulado
de Covadonga. Mexico, 1785.

Covarrubias (Juan Diaz), Obras Completas. Mexico, 1859. 2 vols.

Covarrubias (Victor), Causa celcbre mandada formar. Queretaro, 1847.

Cox (S. S.), Mexican affairs. Speech in U. S. House of Rep., March 19, 18G0.
[Washington, 1SG0.]

Coxe (Richard S.), Claims on Mexico. New York, 1844.

Coxe (Richard S.), Letter to Hon. John S. Pendleton. Claims of U. S. on
Mexico. Washington, 1847.

Coxe (Richard S.), Review of the relations between the U. S. and Mexico.
New York, 184G.

Crespo (Benito), Memorial ajustado. Madrid, 1738.

Cretincau (Joly J.), Clementc XIV. y los Jesuitas. Mex., 1849; Defensa de
Clemen te XIV. Mex., 1850.

Creuzbaur (Robert), Route from Gulf of Mexico to California. New York, 1849.

Croix (Carlos Francisco de), Real C6dula, Abril 5, 1764, y Julio 27, 17G8.

Crozier (J. H.), Speech in U. S. House of Rep., Jan. 21, 1847. Washington,
1847.

Cruz (La). Mexico, 1855 et seq.

Cuarto Trueno de la Libertad en Mexico. Mexico, 1823.

Cuatro Palabras al Senor Generalisimo. Mexico, 1822.

Cuba, or the Policy of England, Mexico, and Spain, with regard to that Island.
London, 1830.

Cubas (Joaquin), Vindicacion que la Audiencia Territorial de Mexico. Mex-
ico, 1825.

Cucullu (J. S.), La Verite" sur Miramon et les Etats-Unis. Nouvelle-Orleans,
18G0.

Cuellar (Jose- T. de), Las gentes que son asi. Mex., 1872; Memoria de la
Secretaria de la compahia Lancasteriana de Mexico. Mex., 1852; Poesias,
Mex., 1856.

Cuerpo Medico-Militar, Reglamento. Mexico, 1846.

Cuesta (Juan Berdegal de la), Cartilla Practica sobre el laboreo de las minas.
Madrid, 1S3S.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xlv

Cuestion del Dia 6 Nuestros males y sus Remcclios. Mexico, etc., 1834.

Cuestion importantisima para la Nacion Mexicana. Mexico, 1839.

Cuestion Penal (El). Mexico, 1871.

Cuevas (J. de Jesus), Disertacion sobrc Ferrocarriles. Mex., 1872; El Im-
perio. Opiisculo sobre la situacion actual. Mex., 1864; La Inmigracion.
Mex., 1866. Las Confiscaciones en Mexico. Mex., 1S68.

Cuevas (JosC Maria), Informe del, ante la sala del Tribunal Supremo sobre
competencia. Mex., 1861; Informe que hizo el Licenciado en el punto de
deposito de productos de la Mina de la Luz." Mex., 1852.

Cuevas (Luis G.), Exposicion del ex ministro que la suscribc sobre las difcren-
cias con Francia. Mex. , 1839 ; Esposicion que dirigc al Tribunal Supremo
sobre la conducta oficial. Mex., 1861 ; Porvenir de Mexico 6 juicio sobre
su Estado Politico en 1821 y 1851. Mex., 1851. 3 vols.

Cuevas Aguirre y Espinosa (Joseph Francisco), Extracto dc los Autos de dili-
gencias y reconocimientos de los Taos, Lagunas, etc., de la capital Mexico
y su Valle. Mexico, 1748. folio.

Culver (E. D.), Speech in U. S. House of Rep., Jan. 20, 1847. n.pl., n.d.

Cumplido (Ignacio), Apelacion al publico. Mex., 1840; Contestation al pre-
cursor. Mex., 1840; Defensa del Impresor. Mex., 1840; Invitacion que
hacc el impresor. Mex., 1840; Manifestacion al publico del impre
Mex., 1840; Presente Amistoso. Mex., 1852.

Curatos. Las razones 6 inconvenientes que los religiosos de las ordenes mendi-
cantes Sancto Domingo, etc., dc las Provincias de la Nueva Espana, Mex-
ico, Guatemala, y Jalisco. MS. folio.

Curia Filipica Mejicana, Obra Completa de Praetica Forense. Paris, etc. , 1858.

Cuyado (Norberto Perez), Disertacion sobre la NatuTa eza y Limites de la
Autoridad Eclesiastica. Mexico, 1825.

Dagnall (John M.), The Mexican. New York, 1868.

D'Agucsseau (Enrique F.), Instituciones sobre el derecho publico. Mexico,
1813.

Dale (R. ), Notes on an excursion to the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. London,
1851.

Dallas (G. M.), Letter on the Mexican Treaty. Philadelphia, 1849.

Dalton (William), Stories of the Conquests of Mexico and Peru. London, n.d.

Dandolo (Conde), Tratado sobrc la cria dc gusanos de seda. Mexico, 1830.

Dargand (J. M.), Historia de Maria Estuardo. Mexico,. 1853. 2 vols.

Datos Biognificos. In Cartas de Indias.

Daurico (Maron), Cartas a, sobre la variacion de nuestro sistema Gubernativo.
Mexico, 1815.

Davalos (Bibiano), El General a las Legislaturas. Puerto de la Paz, 1869.

Davila (Fernando Antonio), Exposicion del diputado por la Provincia de
Chiapa. Madrid, 1821.

Davila (Gil Gonzalez), Tcatro Eclesiastico de la Primitiva Iglesia de las Indias
Occidcntales. Madrid, 1649-55. 2 vols, folio.

Davila (Jose" Mariano), Refutacion de las rcflexioncs mddicas. Mejico, 1835.

Davila (Julian Gutierrez), Mcmorias Historicas de la congregacion de la ora-
torio de la eiudad dc Mexico. Mexico, 1736. folio.

Davila (Julian Gutierrez), El sabio con el corazon en la diestra. Mexico, 1727.
Vida y Virtudes de el Sicrvo de Dios. Madrid, 1720.

Davila (Rafael), Ahora sc queman los fuegos 6 sea defensa. Mex., 1827;
Carta del Rcy espaficl al gob. Mex. Mex., 1822; Contra del Senor
Guerrero. Mex., 1829; El gato cscondido y la cola de fuera. Mex.,
1822; El Toro. Dialogos criticos-jocoserios. Mex., 1830, 1832; La
excomunion. Mex., 1822; La verdad amarga. Mex., 1820-1; Los capit-
ulados debian mcrir segun la lej^. Mex., 1822; Manos besan hombres
que quisicran ver quemadas. Mex., 1820; Representacion de los frailes
al gobicrno contra el C. Mex., 1822; Representacion que hacc a S. M. J.
pidiendo la reforma dc los frailes. Mex., 1822; Respuesta de un J
rante. Mex., 1822; Respuestas y cuentos para el C. Ddvila. ]\Jex., J

xlvi AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Se van a quitar los frailes por danosos al Estado. Mex., 1822; Severa

reprension del papel. Mex., 1822. Solicitud de un ciudadano por la

libertad de. Mex., 1820; Varias preguntas importantes sobre las cosas

del dia. Mex., 1821; Taller de Coheteria, Dialogos critico-alegoricos.

Mex., 1827.
Davis (Garrett), Speech on Bill making provision for appointment of additional

officers, Feb. 26, 1847. Washington, 1847.
Davis (Garrett), Speech on Mexican War, Dec. 1846. Washington, 1846.
Dayton, Speech on the War with Mexico, April 11, 1848. Washington, 1848.
De Bercy (Drouin), L'Europe et l'Amerique comparers. Paris, 1818. 2 vols.
Deere to de las Cortes sobre arreglo de Tribunales. Mexico, 1813.
Decreto del Rey, Uniendo a las cinco Secretarias los negocios respectivos a cada

Departamento en las Indias. Mexico, 1790. folio.
Decreto Real sobre la responsibilidad de los Jueces, etc. Mexico, 1820.
Decretos de Parte. Mexico, 1801-11. MS. folio.
Def ensa Canonica por las provincias de la Compaiiia de Jesus. In Diezmos de

Indias.
Defensa de la acusacion hecha en la Camara de Diputados contra el Ministro

de la Guerra. Mexico, 1831.
Defensa de la verdad consagrada a la luz de la justicia. [Madrid, 1750.] folio.
Defensa de los Americanos contra 61 que impugn6. Puebla, 1820.
Defensa de los Bienes de la Iglesia Catolica Apostolica Romana. Mexico, 1847.
Defensa de los Empleados Oaxaquefios. Oaxaca, 1833.
Defensa del Patrimonio de Jesucristo. Mexico, 1820.
Defensa Juridica y MCritos de Justicia. Mexico, 1729. folio.
Defensor de la Integridad Xacional. Mexico, 1844 et seq.
Defensor de las Leyes. Mexico, 1837.
Deguevara (Juan), Proceso contra. MS. 1600.

Delano (Columbus), Speech in U. S. House of Rep., May 13, 1846. n.pl., n.d.
Delmotte (Jos£ Mariano), Vamos a revolverlo todo. Mexico, 1822.
Deinostracion del Jubilo de los Gefes en Zapotlan. Guadalajara, 1820. folio.
Demostracion de los Tcrminos en que ha Obtenido la renta del Tabaco una

planta general, 4 de Diciembre de 1846. Mexico, 1846.
Denis (Ferdinand), Arte Plumaria. Paris, 1875.

De Pages, Travels round the world in 1767-71. London, 1793. 3 vols.
Derecho (El), Periodico de Jurisprudencia y Legislacion. Mexico, 1871. folio.
Derecho de Consumo, Reglamento. Mexico, 1842.
Derecho del pueblo Mexicano para eligir emperador. Mexico, 1821.
Derecho Publico Eclesiastico, Apuntamientos. Mex., 1857; Varias Observa-

ciones contra un opusculo titulado. Mexico. 1857.
Derrotero para la Xavegacion de los Puertos de Espana a los de America. MS.
Desbordeliers, Moral militar. Matamoros, 1870.

Descalona (Fr.Alonso), Peticion a la Real Audiencia, Julio, 16, 1570. MS. folio.
Descripcion del arbol de la cera. Mexico, 1831. 4to.
Descripcion de las fiestas celebradas en la Imperial Corte de Mexico. Mexico,

1796. 4to.
Despojo de los bienes de las Iglesias. Mexico, 1S47.
Dialogos criticos sobre diferentes asuntos. MS. [1782.]
Diario de Avisos. Mexico, 1856 et seq.
Diario esactlsimo de lo ocurrido en Mexico en los dias de su invasion por

General Scot. Mexico, 1847. MS. folio.
Diario Mercantil de Vera Cruz. Vera Cruz, 1807 et seq.
Diario Oficial del Gobierno. Mejico, 1853 et seq.

Diaz (Bernardo Antonio Gonzales), Sermon, 2 de Agosto de 1810. Mexico, 1810.
Diaz ( Jph. Thirso), Papel sobre el verdadero modo de beneficiar a los Yndios.

Mexico, 1770. MS.
Diaz del Castillo (Bernal), Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva-

Espana. Madrid, 1632. 4to; Paris, 1837.
Diaz del Castillo (Bernal), Memoirs on Conquest of Mexico. London, 1844.
2 vols.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xlvii

Diaz del Castillo (Bernal), The true history of the Conquest of Mexico. Lon-
don, 1800; Salem, 1803. 2 vols.
Diaz del Castillo (Bernal), V.eridique Histoire de la conquete de la Nouvelle-

Espagne. Paris, 1877. 2 vols.
Diaz Calvillo (J. B. ), Sermon que en el Aniversario Solemne de Gracias a

Maria Santisima. Mexico, 1811.
Dickinson (D. S.), Acquisition of Territory. Speech in U. S. Senate, Jan. 12,

1848. Washington, 1848.
Dictador (Un), En Mexico confundiendo a los partidos politicos. Mexico, 1853.
Dictamen de la Comision de negocios de ultramar sobre poblaciones de aquellas

provincias. Madrid, 1821.
Dictamen de la Comision eclesiastica encargada del arreglo definitivo del

clero de Espaiia. Madrid, 1823.
Dictamen sobre el Juramento de Fidelidad al Imperio Mexicano. Mexico, 1821 .
Dictamenes de varios abogados sobre el fallo, mina de San Clemente. Mexico,

1840.
Diez de la Calle (Juan). See Calle.
Diez de Sollano (Jose Maria), Manifestacion que hace de la conducta que ha

guardado. Mex., 1837; Nociones sobre la disciplina ecles. Mex., 1857;

Theologica de imaculata concepcion. Mex., 1849.
Diezmos de Indias, A collection.
Dignidad Episcopal, Al. rey nuestro Senor Satisfaccion al memorial, Compafiia

del nombre de Dios. Puebla, 1G52. folio.
Dillon (A.), Beautes de l'Histoire du Mexique. Paris, 1822.
Dilworth, Conquest of Mexico by Hernan Cortes, n.pl., n.d.
Diputacion Americana, Representacion a las Cortes, -1° de Agosto de 1811.

Mexico, 1820.
Diputacion Mcjicana, Papel que la Diputacion Mejicana dirige. Madrid,

1825. 4to.
Diputados, Semblanzas de los Diputados a Cortes en la Repiiblica de Mexico.

n.pl. [1837.]
Discurso en honor de las bonitas. Mexico, 1821.

Discurso que el Gobernador del Estado dijo al Congreso. Guadalajara, 1834.
Discursos Cientificos, A collection.

Disertacion contra la Tolerancia Religiosa. Mexico, 1833.
Disertacion sobre la restitucion de los bienes eclesiasticos. Megico, 1838.
Disposiciones legales y otras documentos, Prohibicion de impresos. Mexico,

1850.
Disturbios de Frailes, A collection of Documents, MSS., and print. 2 vols.
Dix (J. A.), Proposed occupation of Yucatan. Speech in U. S. Senate, May

17, 1848. Washington, 1848.
Dix (J. A.), The War with Mexico. Speech in U. S. Senate, Jan. 26, 1848.

Washington, 1848.
Dobbs (Arthur), Account of the countries adjoining to Hudson's Bay. Lon-
don, 1744.
Documentos relativos al ultimatum, Continuamos. Mexico, 1837.
Documentos Diplomaticos presentados por el Gobierno Espailol al Senado.

Mexico, 1803.
Documentos Hist6ricos Mexicanos, A collection of fifteen MS. Treatises, folio.
Documentos Importantes, Elecciones en Toluca. Mexico, 1826.
Documentos interceptados en la Barra de Tampico. Vera Cruz, 1858.
Documentos Justificativos que se citan. Mexico, 1839.
Documentos Mexicanos, Hacienda. A collection.
Documentos para la Historia de Mexico. Mexico, 1853-7. 20 vols. 4 series.

Serie iii. in folio and in four parts.
Documentos relativos a la sublevacion del General Don Juan Alvarez. Mex-
ico, 1835.
Documentos relativos al decreto sobre Provision de las Magistraturas. Mex-
ico, 1846.
Documentos sobre Mexico, A collection.

xlviii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Domenech (Emmanuel), Histoire du Mexique. Paris, 18G8. 3 vols.

Domenech (Emmanuel), Le Mexique tel qu'il est. Paris, 1867.

Domenech (J. Passama), Le Mexique et la Monarchic Mexico, 1866.

Domenech (J. Passama), L'Empire Mexicain. Mexico, 18G6.

Domingo de los Nmos (El). Mexico, 1851.

Domingual (Juan), A report of military operations to General J. M. Calderon,

dated Dec. 21, 1822 et seq. [Mexico, 1822.] MS.
Dominguez, Carta a Felipe II. In Col. Doc. In£d., torn. i.
Dominguez (Juan), Esposicion presentada al Presidente. Mexico, 1839.
Dominguez (Juan), Parte Oficial de la defensa de Jalapa, Die. 21 de 1822.

Jalapa, 1822. MS.
Domincruez (Juan), Segunda impugnacion al plan de los Republicanos de Vera

Cruz, 1823.
Dominguez (Juan Francisco), Apologia de la Divina Providencia. Mex.,

1808; Bienventuranzas del Santisimo Patriarca. Mex., 1805; Voces de

la Alma. Mex., 1806.
Dommartin (M. II. du Pasquier de), Les Etats-Unis et le Mexique. Paris, 1852.
Donnavan (C.), Adventures in Mexico. Boston, 1848.
Doria, Carta al Rey. In Col Doc. Ined., torn. ii.
Dos palabras sobre la suspension general de pagos. Mexico, 1846.
Dos Razoiicitas al Generalising Almirante. Mexico, 1822.
Douglas (S. A.), Speech on Mexican War, in U. S. Senate, Feb. 1, 1848.

Washington, 184S.
Dovalle (Gonzalo), Informacion de los servicios de Adelantado Rodrigo de

Bastidas. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. ii.
Dramas, A collection. Mexico, 1838. MS.
Dryden (John), The Indian Emperour. London, 1696.
Dubois (E.), Le Mexique Rouen, 1864.
Dubourg (Clemente), Informe. Mexico, 1718. folio.

Duer, Speech in U. S. House of Rep., Feb. 14, 1848. Washington, 1848.
Dunbar (Edward E.), The Mexican Papers. New York, I860.
Duport (St Clair), De la production des mCtaux pr6cieuxau Mexique. Paris,

1843.
Dupressoir (Charles), Causas celebres. Mexico, 1853.
Duque do Escalona. Defensa. MS. 1642. folio.
Duran (Diego), Historia de las Indias de jSTucva Espana. Mexico, 1585. MS.

'folio. 3 vols.; also edition Mexico, 1867.
Duvernois (Clement), Uber die Franzosisclie Intervention in Mexico. Stutt-
gart, 1S70.

Echeagaray, Apuntaciones para su defensa. Guanajuato, 1861.

Eche velar (Joachin de), Questiones sobre la Regla de N. S. P. S. Francisco.

MS. Zacatecas.
Echeverria (Joseph Villegas de), Colloquia tiemo y lastimosos ayes de America.

Mexico, 1786.
Echeverria (Pascasio), Prospecto para la fabricacion de Porcelana y Loza.

Mexico, 1844.
Echeverria (P. P.), y A. P. Mota, El Seilor Diputado al Congreso. Mexico,

1861.
Echeverria y Veitia (Mariano Fernandez de), Documentos relativos al tumulto

de 1624. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., toms. ii. iii.
Eco de Espafia. Mexico, 1853-4.
Eco Hi spanio- Americano (El). Paris, 1854 et seq.
Eco Nacional. Mexico, 1857-8.

Economia politica en Mexico, n.pl., n.d. Puebla, 1841.
Edicto del Presidente y Cabildo Metropolitan© Gobernador del Arzobispado.

Mexico, 1830 and 1832.
Editores del Tiempo, La Politica. Mexico, 1846.
Eggleston and Seelye, Montezuma and the Conquest of Mexico. New Yorkj

1880.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xlix

Egloffstein (F. W. Von), Contributions to the Geology and Physical Geography

of Mexico. New York, 18G4.
Eguia (Jose Joaquin de), Meinoria sobre la utilidad de la Mineria. Mexico,

1819.
Eguia y Muro (Joaquin Pio), Publicas Demostraciones. Mexico, n.d.
Eguiara y Eguren (J. J.), Bibliotheca Mexicana. Mex., 1755; El monstruo

de la Santidad. Mex., 1741; Vida del Padre Don Pedro de Arellano y

Sossa. Mex., 1735.
Eguilaz (Luis de), Espada de San Fernando. Mexico, 1854.
Eguizale (Severino), Carta escrita por un regnicola. Mexico, 1789.
Ein auszng cttlicher sendbriefF dem aller durchleiichtigisten grossmechtigiste

Fiirsten. Niirmberg, 1520.
Ejercito Imperial, Divisas. Mexico, 1821.
Ejidos de Mexico, Autos. MS. Mexico, 1682.
Eleccion de Compromisarios. [Mex.], 1820.
Electores que han sido nombrados. Mexico, 1820.
Elementos de Geografia Civil. Mexico, 1845.
Elguero (Jos6 Hilario), Alegato. Mejico, 1857.
Elhuyar (Fausto de), Indagaciones sobre la Amonedacion en N. E. Madrid,

1818.
Elizaga (Lorenzo), Ensayos Politicos. Mexico, 18G7.
Elorriaga (C. Francisco), Idea Sucinta del proceso por gobierno en Durango.

Zacatecas, 1831.
Elorza y Rada (Francisco de), Nobilario de el Valle de la Valdorba. Pam-
plona, 1714.
Elton (J. J.), With the French in Mexico. Philadelphia, 18G7.
El Emperador Napoleon III. y la Inglaterra. Mexico, 1858.
Emerson (Ralph), Mining Laws of Spain and Mexico. San Francisco, 1864.
Emperador (El) Sostiene lo que dice este papel. Mexico, 1823.
Empresa del Tabaco, Contestacion a la rCplica de los Sres Lebrija y Barrera.

Mexico, 1841.
Empresarios (los) de Fabricas nacionales de hilados y tegidos de algodon.

Mexico, 1840.
Enciclopedia DomCstica. Mejico, 1853^4. 2 vols.
Encima (Juan de la), Parabienes de los Perros. [Mexico, 1826.]
Encinas (Concepcion), Vindicacion. Guad., 1S43.
Enfermedad del dia. Mexico, 1820.
Engel, Essai quand et comment l'Amdrique a-t-elle 6t6 peupl^e. Amsterdam,

1767.
Enriquez (Ana), Proceso y causa criminal contra. MS. 1642.
Enriquez (Martin), Carta al Rey. In Cartas de Indias.

Ensaladilla dispuesta y sasonada por dos yngeliios de esta corte. MS. [Mex-
ico], n.d.
Erario Nacional, aumentado con beneficio de Muchos. Mexico, 1822.
Erasmi (Francisci), Guineischer und Americanischer Blumen-Pusch. Niirn-

berg, 16G9.
Errazu (Ramon de), Contestacion a las Esposiciones, Estado de Zacatecas.

Mexico, 1862.
Erudita, contra los insurgentes. Mexico, 1810.

Escalada (Ign. ), Manifiesto que sobre la capitulacion de Tampico. Mexico, 1839.
Escalante (Man. D.), Al Publico, Feb. 10, 1857. ii.pl., n.d.
Escalera (Evaristo) y Manuel G. Liana, Mejico Historico-Descriptivo. Madrid,

1862.
Escalona y Catayud (Juan Joseph), Testimonio relativo. n.pl., n.d.
Escandon (Manuel), Breve Exposicion sobre caminode Fierro entro Vera Cruz

y Mexico. Mex., 1858; Segunda Exposicion. Mex., 1861.
Escarmiento y disengano de Insurgentes. Oaxaca, 1811.
Escepcion para los coyotes. Mexico, 1829.
Escesos Del Gobierno. [Mexico, 1826.]
Esclavos, Constitucion de la Congregacion. Mexico, 1842.
Hist. Mex., Vol. I. i.

1 AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Esclavos, Real Cedula sobre la Educacion. Mexico, 1810.

Esclavos Cocheros, Constitucion de los. Mexico, 1845.

Escobar (Alonso de), Account of the province of Vera Paz. In Lond. Geog.

Soc, Journal.
Escobar (Joseph Saenz de), Breve tratado de las mas principales ordenanzas

deMinas. MS. n.pl., 1706.
Escobar (Manuel de), Verclad Reflexa. Mexico, 1768.
Escobar (Pedro Xuarez de), Carta a Felipe I. In Pacheco and Cardenas,

Col. Doc, torn. xi.
Escobedo (Pedro), Corona Funebre del. [Mexico, 1844.]
Escoiquiz (Juan de), Mexico Conquistado. Madrid, 1798.
Escorza y Escalante (Pedro de), Razon de la Sentencia defmitiva. Mexico,

1714.
Escosura (Patricio de la), Conjuracion de Mejico. Madrid, 1850-1. 5 vols.
Escoto (Antonio), Contestacion a la acusacion que formalizd D. Man. Manciila.

Guadalajara, 1848.
Escritores (los) dcben sujetarse a las leyes. Mejico, 1820.
Escnela de Aplicacion, Reglamento. Mexico, 1852.

Escuela Patriotica, Noticia de la distribucion de premios. Mexico, 1854.
Es Licito el Matrimonio a los Clerigos y Frailes. Mexico, 1834.
Espada de la Justicia. Mexico, 1820.

Espafia y Mejico en el Asunto de la Convencion Espafiola. Madrid, 1855.
Espaiiol, El. Mexico, 1852 et seq.
Esparza ([Marcos de), Exposicion del Ex-Ministro de Hacienda. Mex., 1852;

Informe presentado al Gobierno Supremo. Zacatecas, 1830.
Espediente instruido por el Illmo Sr Vicario Capitular. ]\Iexico, 1847.
Espinosa, Chronica Apostolica. n.pl., 1746. 2 vols.
Espinosa (J.), Bases del Plan de Hacienda Piiblica. Mexico, 1841.
Espinosa (Isidro Felis de), Nuevas empresas del peregrino America septen-
trional. Mexico, 1747.
Espinosa (Pedro), Carta Pastoral. Guadalajara, 1859; Circular del Gob. Ecles.

de Guadalajara. Guadalajara, 1S59; Circular a todos los sacerdotes de

la Dioccsis. Guadalajara, 1859; Informe que el Don como Individuo de

la Comision del Vcn. Cabildo de Guadalajara. Mex., 1831.
Espinosa (Rafael), Cartilla Social. Mexico, 1847.
Espiritu Publico. Mexico, 1828 et seq.

Esposicion de la tercera Sala de la suprcma Corte de Justicia. Mexico, 1832.
Esposicion del Sr Gobernador De La Mitra. Guadalajara, 1826.
Esposicion General, Documentos. Mexico, 1856.
Esposicion 6 programa de los Diputados pertinecientes al partido puro.

Qucretaro, 1847-
Esposicion por las Comerciantes de Mexico reclamando la ley de 7 de Julio 1836

Mexico, 1837.
Esposicion Preliminar, Opusculo de la Verdad, Monopolio Comercial de la

Repiib. Mexicana. Mexico, 1839.
Esposicion, presentada a las C6rtes por los Diputados de Ultramar 25 de

Junio de 1821. Madrid, 1821.
Esposicion que dirige la Compafiia Lancasteriana de Mexico.' Mexico, 1857.
Exposicion que dirige al Congreso General los apoderados de los miiitares

retirados. Mexico, 1840.
Esposicion que ha presentado al Pres. de la Repub. por la Reunion de Com-

pradores de Fincas. Mexico, 1861.
Esposicion que hacen los Interesados en las Parcialidades, en contra de su Ilegal

y Mai llamado Administrador D. Luiz Velazquez de la Cadena. Mexico,

1849.
Exposicion que han dirigido al Exmo. Sr. Ministro de Gobernacion los Capit-

ulares que la suscriben. Mexico, 1859
Esposicion que los acreedores a los caminos de esta capital a Toluca y a Vera

Cruz. Mexico, 1849.
Esposicion que los Conservadores de las Provincias. Mexico, 1863.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. li

Esposicion que los Individuoa que Compusicron el Proximo Pasado Ayunta-

miento hacen al Publico. Mexico, 1849.
Esposiciones, Juicio de las, Cuarta y Sexta esposiciones do la Academia de San

Carlos. Mexico, 1852-4.
Esquibel (Agvstin Francisco), El Fenix de el Amor. Mexico, 1764. 4to.
Esquivel (Joseph Manuel), Sermon eucaristico porla felicidad. Mexico, 1799.
Estados-Unidos del Norte, Los Noticias muy importantes y recientes de.

Queretaro, 1847.
Estandarte Nacional. Mexico, 1856 et seq.
Estatuto provisional del Imperio Mexicano. Mexico, 1865.
Estatutos Ordeuados por el Santo Concilio III., 1585. Mexico, 1859.
Esteva (Jose" Ignacio), Apuntaciones. Mexico, 1827.
Estrada (Alvaro Florez), Examen Imparcial de las disensiones de la America

con la Espaiia. Cadiz, 1812.
Estrada (Alvaro Florez), Representacion a Fernando VII. en defensa de las

C6rtes. Mexico, 1820.
Estrada (Francisco), Carta imparcial sobre el fuero del Clero. Mexico, 1812.
Estrada (J. M. Gutierrez de), Algunas Observaciones sobre el Oficio que con

feclia 22 de Julio, n.p., 1835; Algunas Reflecsiones Acerca de los Occur-

ridos en Capital. Mex., 1840; Carta dirigida al Presidente. Mex., 1840;

Documentos relativos al ingreso y a la separacion. Mex., 1835; Impug-

nacion a las cartas de, sobre el proyecto de establecer en Mejico una

monarquia moderada. M6j., 1840; Mexico y el Archiduque Fernando

Maximiliano de Austria. Mex., 1865. Mexico en 1840 y en 1847.
, Mex., 1S48.
Estrella (Escalante), y Gaxiola, Informe dado a las Camaras generales de la

Federacion. Cosala, 1827.
Estudios Econ6mico-Politicos. Mexico, 1857.
Estupendo Grito en la Acordada y Verdadero detal de sus inmarcesibles

Sucesos. Mexico, 1829.
Evans (Albert. S.), Our Sister Republic. Hartford, 1870.
Examen Analitico del prestamo de 130,000 libras esterlinas. Mexico, 1840.
Examen Critico de la Administracion del Maximiliano. Mexico, 1867.
Examen de las ordenes expedidas por el ministerio, a mediados de Junio

ultimo. Quer6taro, 1848.
Examen Imparcial de la respuesta que la Suprema Junta provisional. Mexico,

1820.
Exenciones y Privilegios Regulares, Breve defensa hecha por los Prelados del

Convento de S. Diego. Mejico, 1841.
Exhortacion a los patri6ticos distinguidos de Fernando Scptimo. Mexico, 1810.
Exhortacion que a los liabitantes hace un individuo del Colegio de Abogados.

Mexico, 1810.
Extracto de las Flotas. In Morfi, Col. Doc.
Ezeta (Luis de), Manual de Alcaldes y Jueces de Paz. Mex., 1845 ; Promp-

tuario para los Alcaldes de Cuartel y Gefes de Manzana del Distrito

Federal. Mex., 1850; Defensa de Fernando Santillan. Mex., 1852.

F. (A. B.), Ensayo Hist6rico-Natural. Madrid, 1843.

Fabian y Fuero (Francisco), Coleccion de Providencias. Puebla, 1769. folio.

Fabian y Fuero (Francisco), Coleccion de Providencias Diocesanas del Obis-

pado de la Puebla de los Angeles. Puebla, 1770. folio.
Fabregat (Lino), Esplicazione delle figure geroglifice del codice Borgiano. MS.

folio.
Fabri (Joseph Antonio), Compendiosa demostracion. Mexico, 1743.
Fabri (Joseph Antonio), Segunda demostracion, precio de azogue. [Mexico,

1793.] MS.
Fabrica y Estampa de Naypes de Nueva Espaiia. Mexico, 1760.
Fabrica y Obras Pias del Arzobispado de Mexico. MS., 1821-2. folio.
Fabricas de las Iglesias Parroquiales en la Gobernacion de Nueva Espaiia.

MS., 1793-0. folio.

lii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Facio (Jose- Antonio), AlaCamara cle Diputados del Congreso General, [Paiis,
1835]; Exposicion dirigida a las camaras del Congreso general. Mex.,
1832. Memoria que scbre los sucesos del tiempo de su ministerio. Paris,
1835; Pedimento fiscal del. Mex., 1827; Respuesta a los cargos dada.
Mex., 1831.

Fajardo (Domingo), Informe que el que suscribe da al Escmo Senor Ministro
de P^elaciones. Campeche, 1828.

Falck (X.), Prolegomenos del derecho 6 Enciclopedia Juridica. Mexico, 1852.

Falies (Louis), Etudes Historiques et Philosopbiques. Paris, n.d. 2 vols.

Falsedades que Contiene el Cuaderno Titulado Despojo a mano armada por el
Prefecto de Tlaxcala. Puebla, 1844.

Farias (Valentin Gomez), Carta a Don Bernando Gonzalez Angulo y respuestas.
MS.

Farias (Valentin, Gomez), El Ministro es Responsable a la Prision de los S. S.
Diputados. Mexico, 1822.

Farnham (Thomas J.), Mexico. New York, 1846; New York, n.d.

Farol (El). Puebla, 1821 et seq.

Farragut (Loyall), The Life of David Glascow Farragut, etc. New York, 1879.

Favre (Julio) and M. Billault, Discusion en el Cuerpo legislativo de Francia
sobre las enmiendas. Mexico, 18G3.

Felipe de Jesus, Breve resumen de la vida y martyrio. Mexico, 1802. 4to.

Felipe de Jesus Maria, Vida, Virtudes. Rome, 1761.

Fenix de la Libertad. Mexico, 1833 et seq.

Fernandez (Agustin Pomposo), Descngaiios que a los insurgentes de Nueva
Espana seducidos. Mexico, 1812.

Fernando VI., Consuelos Funerales, Antequera. Mexico, 1759. 4to.

Fernando VII. Decretos del Rcy. Mexico, 1836.

Ferrer de Couto (Jose), Comentarios sobre la cuestion de Mexico. Madrid, 1861.

Ferrer de Couto (Jos6), Cuestiones do Mexico, Venezuela y America en Gen-
eral. Madrid, 1861, 499 pp.; Madrid, 1861, 660 pp.

FerrejTa (Jos6), Contestacion a los cargos de Lopez y Gandara. Ures, 1850.

Ferri (Gabriel), Les Revolutions du Mexique. Paris, 1864.

Ferrier (F. L. A.), Economica Politica del Gobierno. Mexico, 1843-4. 2 vols.

Ferriz (Pldcido de), Exposicion dirigida al supremo Gobierno. Mex., 1858;
Exposicion que hacc al publico. Mex., 1859.

Ferrocarril, Esposicion del Lie. Rafael Martinez de la Torre sobre la concesion.
Mexico, 1868.

Ferrocarril, La Concesion, entre Mexico y Vera Cruz. Mexico, 1S68.

Ferrocarril, Proyecto de Vera Cruz a Mejico. Bruselas, 1851.

Ferrocarril, Tehuantepec y Veracruz, Proyecto de Ley. Mexico, 1869.

Ferrocarril y Telegrafo, Proyecto de un desde la linea divisoria de Mexico y
los Estados-Unidos. Mexico, 1868.

Ferrocarriles, La Concesion hecha al General Rosecranz, etc. Mexico, 1872.

Ferrocarriles en Mexico, Dictamen de la comision de Industria de la Diputa-
cion Permanente. Mexico, 1S72.

Ferry (Gabriel), Escenas de la vida militar. Mexico, 1863.

Ferry (Gabriel), El Cazador Errante. Mexico, 1857. 7 vols. '

Ferry (Gabriel), Scenes de la vie Mexicaine. Paris, 1856.

Ferry (Gabriel), Scenes de la vie militaire au Mexique. [Paris, 1858] ; Paris,
1860.

Ferry (Gabriel), Scenes de la vie sauvage au Mexique. Paris, 1868.

Ferry (Gabriel), Vagabond Life in Mexico. Ncav York, 1856.

Festividades, A collection.

Figueroa (Francisco Antonio de la Rosa), Becerro general Menol6gico y Cro-
nologico del Santo Evangelio. MS., 1764. folio; Discordias entre el cura
doctrinero y los Indios. MS., 1725. folio; Tesoro Catequistico Yndiano
Espejo de Doctrina. MS.; Vindicias de la Verdad. MS. folio.

Fi^uerola, Extractos. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. iii.

Findlay (Alex. G.), A Directory for the Navigation of the Pacific Ocean.
London, 1851. 2 vols.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. liii

Fitch (Fred. G. ), Memorial to American and Mexican joint Commission. San

Francisco, 1870.
Flint (Henry M.), Mexico under Maximilian. Philadelphia, 18G7.
Florcncia (Francisco de), Historia de la Provincia de la Compailia de Jesus do

Nueva Espaiia. Mex., 1G94; La Estrclla de el Norte de Mexico. Mex.,

1741; La milagrosa invencion. Seville, 1745; Narracion de la Mara-

villosa Aparicion que hizo el Archangel de S. Miguel. Sevilla, 1G92;

Origcn del celebre santuario. Mex. , 1783 ; Zodiaco Mariano. Mex. , 1755.
Flores (Antonio), Fe, Esperanza y Caridad. Mejico, 1850. 12 vols.
Flores (Sabino), Oracion civica pronunciada en la capital del estado. Guana-
juato, 1851.
Florilegivm Oratorum advsum etudiosa juventis per congregationem. Mexici,

1727.
Fonseca (Fabian), aiid Urrutia (Carlos), Historia General de la Real Hacienda.

Mexico, 1845, 1849-53. G vols.
Fontc (Pedro Josef de), Carta Pastoral que a continuacion de la obra del Pio

VII. dirigo a dioccsanos el Arzobispo de Mexico. Mexico, 1S1G.
Fontcnelle, Conversacion entre Cortes y Moctezuma. Mexico, 1820.
Foot (Solomon), Speech on character, etc., of the Mexican War, Feb. 10, 1847.

Washington, 1847.
Foote (Henry Stuart), The War with Mexico. Speech in U. S. Senate, Jan.

19 and 29, 1848. Washington, [1848].
Formulario que debe servir de Norma a los Contadores Reales de Diezmos de

la Nueva Espafia. Madrid, 178G.
Formularios de la Catedral de Mexico. Mexico, n.d.
Fosscy (Mathieu de), Le Mcxique. Paris, 1857; Paris,. 18G2.
Fosaey (Mathieu de), Viage a Mejico. Mejico, 1844.
Frailes doctrineros, Su remocion de los Curatos. MS., 1G54. folio.
Frarnpton (John), Joyfull newes out of the new found Worlde. London, 159G.
France (La), Le Mexique et les Etats Conf6d6r<§s contre les Etats-Unis. Paris,

18G3.
France and Mexico, Examination of the difficulties etc. n.pl., 1839.
Franciscanos, Abandono de Conventos por falta de frailes. MS., folio; Capi-

tulos Provinciales en Mexico. MS., folio; Carta del Rey Octubre 19,

1508. MS., folio; Constituciones de la Provincia en Mexico. MS., folio;

Conticndas con el Arzobispo de Mexico. MS. of 157G. folio; Informe al

Rey por la Religion. MS., folio; Instrucciones. MS., folio; Patentes de

Rei'orma 1G25-9. MS., folio: Relacio de lo que hiziero y passaro los

Yndios. MS., folio; Rclacion Summaria de loque passaro. .MS., folio.
Franciscanos y scrvicios de Indios. MS., folio.
Fra Paola (Padre), Discurso Religioso Politico sobre el origen, naturaleza,

inmunidades y verdadera inversion de los bienes eclesiasticos, etc. Mexico,

1S33.
Free American. Vera Cruz, 1S47 et seq.
Fresnillo, Informe que da la Junta de la Compailia de Minas. Mexico, 1839;

Mexico, 1810.
Frias y Sota (Hilarion), Proyecto de Ley 29 de Feb. de 18G8. Mex., 1870;

Itcctincaciones a las Memorias del Medico ordinario del Emperador Max-

imiliano. Mex., 1871.
Frisch (P.), Die Staaten von Mexico, Mittel-und Siidamerika. Liibek, 1853.
Frost (John), Great Cities of the World. Auburn etc., 1852.
Frost (John), Incidents and Narratives of Travel. Auburn, etc., 1852.
Fuenleal (.Sebastian Ramirez de), Carta a Su Magestad 30 de Abril de 1532. In

Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. xiii.
Fuero Eclesiastico, Contestacion que los editores de Zapoteco. Oaxaca, 1833;

Defensa contra articulos del Zapoteco. Oaxaca, 1833.
Funcion Dramatica en el palacio Imperial de Mexico, Nov. 4, 18G5. Mexico,

18G4. 4to.
Fundacion y Progrcssos de la Prouincia de Santiago de Mexico del Orden de

Predicadores. MS., 171G.

liv AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Furber (George C), History of Mexico. Cincinnati, 1850.
Furber (George C), The Twelve Months' Volunteer [Mexican War]. Cin-
cinnati, 18<30.

Gabota, Trotsmoedige Togt. In Aa, torn. xi.

Gaceta de Gobierno de Mexico, 1723-1805, 1810-21, 1823 et seq.

Gaceta Imperial de Mexico. Mexico, 1821-23.

Gacetas de Mexico y noticias de Nueva Espaiia, 1722, 1728-9. In Doc. Hist.
Mex. , serie ii., torn. iv.

Gagern (Carlos de), Apelacion de los Mexicanos a la Europa. Mexico, 1802.

Gaines, Correspondence entre la Legation du Mexique. Paris, 1837; Mexico,
1837.

Galeria Americana. Mexico, n.d. folio.

Gales (Joseph), Sketch of Personal Character of Gen. Zachary Taylor. "Wash-
ington, 1848.

Gallardo (Basilio Perez), Cuadro Estadistico de ]a Division Territorial de la
Repiib. Mexicana. Mexico, 1873.

Gallardo (Pedro Patiiio), Ejecucion de Justicia. Mexico, 1826.

Gallardo Fernandez (Francisco), Origen, Progresos y Estado de las Rentas de
la Corona de Espaiia. Madrid, 1805-8. 7 vols.

Gallatin (Albert), Peace with Mexico. New York, 1847; n.pl., 1847.

Gallatin (Albert), War Expenses. New York, 1S44; New York, 1848.

Gallegos y Cadena, Rclacion de la provincia de Vera Paz. MS. n.pl., 1574.

Gallo (Eduardo L. ), Hombres Illustres Mexicanos. Mexico, 1874.

Galvan (Mariano), Ordenanzas de Tierras y Aguas. Mexico and Paris, 1855.

Galvez (Bernardo de) Proclamacion sobre el Teatro de Mexico. [Mexico, 1780. ]

Galvez (Jos6 de), Ynforme de el Visitador de este Reyno. MS. n.pl., 1767 ;
Informc general que instruyo el Marquez de Sonora. Mex., 1867 ; Rcgla-
mento para la ciudad de Mexico. [Mex., 1771]; Reglamento del Gremio
de Panaderos de esta Capital. Mex., 1770.

Galvez (Mariano), El Dn. ante la la Sala de la Suprema Corte. Mexico, 1852.

Gamarra y Davalos (Juan B. Diaz de), El Sacerdote liel y segun el corazon de
Dios. Elogio fiincbre el dia 22 de Abril de 1776, a Luis Felipe Neri de
Alfaro. Mexico, 1776.

Gamboa (Francisco de), Commentaries on the Mining Ordinances of Spain.
London, 1830. 2 vols.

Gamboa (Ramon), Impugnacion al informe del Santa-Anna. Mexico, 1849.

Gambu (Frederico), Necesidad de Reformar la Legislacion. Mexico, 1850.

Gand (Pierre de), Lettre du frere entrement dit de Mura. In Ternaux-
Compans. vol. x.

Gandara (Manuel ]\Iaria), Contestacion que Don A. Zuniga MM. Gajiola e"
Ig. Zuiiiga. Mex., 1834 ; Exposicion que hace al Suprema Gobierno sobre
su conducta politica. Mex., 1842; Manifestacion que hace al Gcfe Su-
premo de la Repiiblica. Mex., 1857; Vindicacion de las calumnias que
el General Jose Uriea y sus Agentes han hecho circular. Mex., 1844.

Gandara (Salvador de la), Carta que sobre la Vida. Mexico, 1713.

Ganganele, Carta del Emin. a vn Religioso que pasaba a la America. MS.
n.pl., n.d.

Gant, Carta al Emperador Don Carlos. In Cartas de Indias. '

Garate (Bernardo), Primera Carta Pastoral del Obispo de Quere'taro. Mexico,
1864.

Garay (Jose* de), An account of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. London, 1846;
Dictamen de la Mayoria de la Comision Especial para la Apertura de una
via por el Istmo de Tehuantepec. Mex., 1851; Memoire instructif des
droits. Wash., 1S52. Paris, 1852. Mex., 1852. New York, 1852; Re-
conocimiento del Istmo de Tehuantepec. Lon., 1844; Survey of Isthmus
of Tehuantepec. Lon., 1844.

Garay (Jose Guadalupe Perdigon), Defensa. Mexico, 1849.

Garay (Jos6 Maria), Memoria, en que el poseedor actual del mayorazgo de los
Morales. Mejico, 1833.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lv

Garayo (Atilano Sanchez), Manifestation que el Apoderado de los Acreedores
del Fondo Dotal de Mineria. Mexico, 1850.

Garcds (Martin Gil), El Cabildo sede vacantc de Miclioacan. Mexico, 1831.

Garcds y Eguia (Joseph), Nueva Teorica y Practica del Beneficio de los Metales.
Mexico, 1802.

Garcia (C. ), Noticias hist6rica, geografica, y estadistica del distrito de Xoquil-
pan. In Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin 3ra, Ep. I.

Garcia (Carlos), A los habitantes de la Pro v. de Puebla. [Puebla, 1821.]

Garcia (Francisco), Reflexiones sobrc el Acta Constitutiva. Mexico, 1823;
Vexamcn que para cerrar el curso de antes, dio a su disputo el dia 14 de
Enero de 1705. MS. [Mexico, 1705]; Vindicacion del Congrcso.

Garcia (Gregorio), Origen de los Indios de el Nuevo Mundo, 6 Indias Occi-
dentals. Madrid, 1729.

Garcia (Pablo), Manifesto que hace a, sus conciudadanos. Campeche, 1857.

Garcia (Paulino), Manifcstacion del Prefecto de Puebla. Puebla, 1844.

Garcia (Pedro), Declaracion de los tributes que los Indios de la Provincia de
Guanavaquez de Nueva Espana, liacian a su Seiior el Marques de Valle.
Alio 1533. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. torn. xiv.

Garcia (Pedro Marcelino), Informe sobre la sublevacion de los Zendales. MS.,
1710.

Garcia (Trinidad), Apuntes sobrc el Discurso. Mexico, 1870.

Garcia dcllermosilla (Juan), Memorial dado al Key en 155G. MS. [Spain], 1556.

Garcia de la Iluerta (Joaquin), La Guirnalda do los nifios. Mejico, 1855.

Garcia y Cubas (Antonio), El Comercio exterior de Mexico. In Soc. Mex.
Geog. Boletin. 3™ Ep. ii.

Garcia y Cubas (Antonio), Atlas metodico para la enseaanza de la Gcografia
de la Repiiblica Mexicana. Mex., 1874; Compendio de Gcografia de la
Repiiblica Mexicana. Mex., 1801; Ensayo de nn Estudio entre las
Piramides Egipcias y Mexicanas. Mex., 1871; Importancia do la Es-
tadistica. Mex., 1871; Memoria para servir a la Carta General de la
Repiiblica Mexicana.' Mex., 1801; Noticias Geog. y Estad. do la -Rep.
Mex. Mex., 1857; Reseiia Geografica del distrito do Soconusco 6 Tapa-
chula. Mex., 1057; Exposicion lcida ante el Gran Jurado. Mex., 1850.

Garcia y Garcia (Jos6 Pedro), Prosperidades de la Union. Mexico, 1810.

Garcilaso de la Vega (El Inca), Primera Parte de los Comentarios lleales.
Madrid, 1723. folio.

Garcilaso de la (Vega (El Inca), La Florida del Inca. Madrid, 1723. folio.

Garcillasso de la Vega (el Ynca), La Florida del Ynca, 1005. 4 to.

Garde (Richard), letter to Rt. lion. Earl Rnssell, on the absolute right of the
Mex. Bondholders. London, 18G1; London, 1862.

Garduno ( Jos6 Victoriano), Sale a la Vergiienza el Tcniente Don Ramon ParrCs.
Mexico, 1828. folio.

Garella (Xapoleon), Projet d'un Canal de Jonction de L'Ocean Pacifiqlie et
Atlantique. Paris, 1855.

Gariba (Pedro), Proclama. [Mexico, 1809.]

Garviso (Vicente), Exposicion al Augusto Congreso del Estado de Zacatecas.
Mejico, 1832.

Garza (Lazaro de la), Discurso Inaugural. Mexico, 1831.

Garza (Lazaro de la), Meritos y Scrvicios. Mexico, 1832.

Garza y Ballcsteros (L. de la), Carta que el Dn dirige al clero de su Diocesis.
Mex., 1851; Carta Pastoral del Arzobispo de Mexico. Mexico, J 855;
Contestaciones habidas entre Arz. de Mex. y cl Ministro de Just. Mex. ,
1855; Defensa de la Manifcstacion. Mex. 1800; Edicto para la publi-
cacion del Santo Jubileo concedido por Pio IX. Mex., 1852; Informe
general de la visita diocesana. MS. Mex., 1855, 1850. folio; Manifes-
tation que hacen al Ven. Clero y Fieles. Mex., 1859; Opiisculo sobre los
Enviados. Mex., 1854; Pastoral que sobre Tolerancia Religiosa. Mex. v
1355; Primera distribucion de Premios. Mex. 1841.

Gastaueta y Escaladoa (Jose Maria), Felicitacion que en el religiose y solemne
dia. Mex., 1840; Oracion que pronuncio en la Alameda. Mex., 1834.

lvi AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Gavie (Jose- Leal cle), El Regocijo Mexicano por entrada de Francisco Xavier

Virrey. Mexico, 1810.
C-avito (Francisco), Rimas. Mejico, 1843.
Geiger (John L. ), A Peep at Mexico. London, 1874.
Gelves (Marques de), Protesto del Virrey a la audiencia. MS.
Genius of Liberty. Vera Cruz, 1847 et seq.

Gentry (M. P.), Speech on Mexican War, Dec. 16, 1846. Washington, 1846.
Geyer (Otto Ferdinand), Panorama of Mexico. Mobile, 1835.
Gil (Francisco), Fundacion de la Obra Pia, que para el mayer culto. Mexico,

1775. 4to.
Giles (W. F.), Speech in U. S. House of Rep. Washington, 1849.
Gilliam (Albert M.), Travels in Mexico. Philadelphia, 1846.
Gimenez (Manuel Maria), El Merito Verdadero. n.pl., 1821,
Giordan (Francis), Description de ITsthme de Tehuantepec. Paris, 1838;

Response ail libelle sur la Colonie du Goazacoalco. Paris, 1831.
Girard (Just), Excursion au Mexique. Tours, 1867.
Gobernador (El), del Departmento al Publico de Mexico en las quejas. Mexico,

1837.
Gobierno de la Iglesia, Dudas que se proponen. Mexico, 1826.
Gobierno Politico de N. Espana. MS.
Godoy (Diego), Relacion a Hernando Cortes Maj^o de 1524. In Barcia, Hist.

Prim., torn. i.
Godoy (Jose" Maria), Discurso Pronunciado. Mexico, 1846.
Goggin, Speech in U. S. House of Rep., Feb. 1st, 1848. n.pl. ,n.d.
Goldschmidt (Albert), see Cartography of the Pacific Coast.
Gomara (Francisco Lopez)), Cronica de la Xueua Espana con la Conquista de

Mexico y otras Cosas Notables. Saragossa. [1554.]
Gomara (Francisco Lopez), Historias de las Conquistas de Hernando Cortes.

[Chimalpain edition.] Mexico, 1826. 2 vols.
Gomara (Francisco Lopez) Historia di Don Fernando Cortes. Venetia, 1560.
Gomara (Francisco Lopez), Historia de Mexico. Anvers, 1554.
Gomara (Francisco Lopez), La Historia General de las Indias. Anvers, 1554.
Gomez, Diario. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii. , torn. vii.
Gomez (Jose), Anales de Mexico 1770-1798. [Mex., 1832. MSS.]; Vida de la

Madre Antonia de San Jacinto. Mex., 1689. 4to.
Gomez (Man.), Vindicacion del Primer Ayudante. Mexico, 1840.
Gomez de Avellaneda, Guatimozin, liltimo Emperador de Mejico. Mexico,

1853.
Gomez y Anaya (Cirilo), Defensa legal que hizo por Gen. Negrete. Mexico,

1828. 4to.
Gonzalez, Relacion de la Marcha de la Brigada Gonzalez. Toluca, 1857.
Gonzalez (Esteban Diaz), Contestacion en derecho de los conventos. Mexico,

1830.
Gonzalez (Fernando Alonso), Regla de X. S. P. S. Francisco. Mexico, 1725. 4to.
Gonzalez (Joaquin), Anotaciones al Papel Titulado Informe. Mexico, 1822.
Gonzalez (Jose' Eleuterio), Coleccion de Noticias y Documentos para la Hist.

del estado de N. Leon. Monterey, 1867.
Gonzalez de Aragon (Francisco), Dictiimen Presentado por el Sindico sobrelas

Contratas de Limpia de Ciudad. Mexico, 1834.
Gonzalez y Avendano (Franciscus), Parhelion Marianum, Mexici Subirbijo.

Mexico, 1757. 4to.
Gonzalez y Ziiiiiga (Anna Ma.), Florido Ramo que tributa en las fiestas de

Guadalupe. Mexico, 1748. 4to.
Gonzalo (Vict. Lopez), Obispo de Puebla. [Puebla, 1784.]
Gordoa (Jos6 Miguel), Reflecsiones que se hicieron por su autor a consultadel

Hon. Cong, de Zacatecas. Mexico, 1827.
Gordon (Thomas F.), The History of Ancient Mexico. Philadelphia, 1832.

2 vols.
Go: don (Thomas F.), Spanish Discoveries in America prior to 1520. Phila-
delphia, 1831. 2 vols.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lvii

Gorosito (Francisco dc) Cartilla en Dialogos acerca de la confesion. Mexico,
1703.

Gorostiza (M. E. de), A sus conciudadanos, 6 breve resena de las operaciones del
Ministro de Hacienda. Mexico, 1838. 4 to.

Government and People of the United States and to those of Spanish- America,
n.p., n.d.

Grambila y Arriaga (Antonio), Tumultos de Mexico, n.p., n.d. MS. folio.

Granados y Galvez (Joseph Joaquin), Tardes Americanas. Mexico, 1778.

Grandeza y Excelencias de los siete principes de" los Angeles. Mexico, n.d.
MS.

Grant (U. S.), Illustrated Life, Campaigns, and Public Services of. Phila-
delphia, 1865.

Gratitud del Ayuntamiento Constitucional de la Villa de Coyoacan. Mejico,
1820.

Gray (Albert Zabriskie), Mexico as it is. New York, 1878.

Gray (A. B.), Report and map of Mex. Boundary. Washington, 1853.

Green (George M.), Statement of his recollections of life in Mexico, 1853-55.
MS.

Greene, Speech on Ten Regiment Bill in U. S. Sen., Feb. 18, 1848. Wash-
ington, 1848.

Gregory (Samuel), History of Mexico. Boston, 1847.

Grone (Carl von), Briefe iiber Nord-Amerika und Mexiko. Braunschweig,
1850.

Guadalajara, Conducto observada^por el Gobierno Eclesiastico. Guadalajara,
1859. 4to; Discurso pronunciaclo. Mex., 1824; Ecsamen Publico. Guadal.,
1841; Ecsposicion del Cabildo. Guadal., 1824. folio; F^spolios de los Sres
Obispos 1759. MS. folio; Explicaciones que el Mayordomo. Guadal., 1805.
4to; Exposicion hecha por el Ayuntamicnto. Guadal., 1844; Gaceta de
Gobierno. Guadal., 1821; Gobierno Eclesiastico. Guadal., 1859; Repre-
sentacion del Obispo sobre Cementerios. [Guad., 1847]; Obispo de,
Carta Pastoral. Guadal. , 1859; Observaciones que hace el V. Cabildo.
Guadal., 1842. Observaciones que sobre el projecto de Bases organicas
hacen el Obispo, n.pl. 1843; Pr^stamos, Contribuciones y Exacciones de
la Iglesia de Guadalajara. Guadal., 1847; Protesta del Obispo y Cabil-
do de la Santa Iglesia de Guadalajara. Guadal., 1847; Protesta del
Obispo. Guadal., 1848; Real cedula de ereccion del Consulado. Guad.,
1795. folio; Relacion cristiana de los males que ha sufrido. Guadal.,
1811. 4to. Representacion de la Junta de Fomento de Comercio.
Guad., 1852. 4to. El Tribuno, 1827. folio; Ultraje a las autoridades por
los Canonigos. Mex., 1825.

Guadalupe (Nuestra Sra de), Coleccion de obras y opiisculos pertenecientes a
la milagrosa aparicion. Madrid, 1785.

Guanajuato, Continuacion de las contestaciones entre el Gober^1" y Cabildo
de Michoacan. Morelia, 1857. 4to; Constitucion Politica. Mex., 1820;
Cuenta de la Fabiica de la Alh6ndiga de Granaditas. MS., 1809. folio;
Esposicion que el Sup. Gobr. Guam, 1844; Expediente Instruido sobre el
Establecimiento de un Presidio en Atargea. Guam, 1848 ; Informe que de
su administracion. Guam, 182G; Informe leido por Gobr del Estado.
Mex. [1853]; Memoria del Gobr. Mex. [1852]; ProgramadelasFunciones.
Guam, 1840 ; Piiblica Vindicacion del Ayuntamiento de Santa Fe\ Mex. ,
1811; Representacion que el Ayuntamiento. Guam, 1840; Segunda Certa-
men juridico y litcrario. Mex., 1852.

Guardia (J. M. ), Les R6publiques de 1' Amerique Espagnole. Paris, 1802.

Guazacoalco, Colonie du, Dans L'Etat de Vera Cruz. Paris, 1829; Notes
pour servir d'instruction. Paris, n.d.

Giiemes y Horcasitas (Juan Francisco), Banco de Mineros. Mexico, 1747. 4to.

Gucnot (Estevan), Proyecto de utilidad comun. Mexico, 1839. 4to.

Guerra (Diego), Memorial al Rey sobre Religiosos. [Mexico, 1031.] folio.

Guerra (Jos6), Historia de la Revolucion de Nueva Espana. Londres, 1813.
2 vols.

lviii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Guerra (Juan Alvarez), Modo de extinguir la Deuda Publica. Mexico, 1814.

Guerra de Espafia con M6jico, Segundo Articulo. Paris, 1857.

Guerra E tenia a este Congrcso. [Mexico, 1833.]

Guerra entre Mexico y los Estados-Unidos, Apuntes para la Historia de.
Mexico, 1848.

Guerra a todo militar oficinista. Mexico, 1821.

Guerrero, Constitucion politica del Jun. 1851. [Guerrero, 1851.] El Estado
de Guerrero en la Exposicion Nacional, 1870. Mexico, 1870; Memoria
presentada a Legislatura. Cliilpancingo, 1872; Noticia extraord. de la
Muerte. Mex., 1823. folio.

Guerrero (Isidoro), Exposicion Corta. Mexico, 1874.

Guerrero (Jose Maria), Dictamen Teol6gico contra el ensayo sobre tolerancia
religiosa. Mexico, 1831.

Guerrero (Mariano Soto), Proclama a favor de todos los buenos y contra todos
los malos. Mexico, 1812.

Guerrero (Vicente), A los ciudadanos militares. Mexico. [1821.] folio. Ex-
pulsion of Spaniards. 4to. Ilustres liabitantes de la gran Mexico.
[Mexico, 1822]. folio; Manifiesto a sus compatriotas. Mexico, 1829; El
Presidente de los Estados-Unidos Mex., Compatriotas. Mexico, 1829.
El Presidente de la Republica. Mex., 1829. folio; Proclamacion. Mex.,
1822. folio; El Soberano Estado de Oajaca. Oajaca, 1833. 4to; Suma-
ria Averiguacion. Oaxaca, 1831. folio.

Guevara (Balthazar Ladron de), Manifiesto, que el Real Convento de Religio-
sas. [Mex.] 1771. 4to.

Guevara (Juan), Proceso contra. MS.

Guevara (Miguel Tadeo de), Sumario de las Indulgencias. Mexico, 1787.

Guia de Hacienda de la Rep. Mex. aflo de 1827. [Mexico, 1S27.]

Guia para el conocimiento de monedas y medidas. Mexico, 1825.

Guridi ( Jose" Miguel), Apologia de la aparicion de Nuestra Seuora de Guada-
lupe. Mexico, 1820.

Guridi y Alcocer (Jose" Miguel), Sermon predicado en accion de gracias.
Mexico, 180S.

Guridi y Alcocer (Jose" Miguel), Exhortacion que para el Juramento de la Con-
stitucion en la Parroquia del Sagrario. Mexico, 1820.

Guridi y Aleva (Jos6 Maria), Ley Justicia y Verdad. Mexico, 1828.

Gutierrez (Bias. J.), de Reforma. Mexico, 1S68.

Gutierrez (Jose Ign.), Contestacion al libelo intitulado "Apuntes para la His-
toria." Mex., 1850; Documentos justicativos de la conducta piiblica
1810-21. Mex., 1850; Vota a favor de los primeros caudillos de la lib-
ertad Americana. [Mex.] 1822. 4to.

Gutierrez de Estrada (J. M.), Algunas observaciones sobre el oficio que con
fecha 22 de Julio. Mex., 1835; Carta al Presidente sobre la necesidad
de buscar el remedio. Mex., 1840; Discurso pronunciado en el palacio
de Miramar. Paris, 1863; Documentos relativos a la separacion de la la
sec. de Estado. Mex., 1835; Mejico y el Archiduque Fern. Max. Paris,
1862; Mejico en 1840 y en 1847. Paris, 1848; Mexico y el Archiduque
Maximiliano. Mex., 1863. 4to.

Gutierrez de Villanueva (Jose"), Discurso 20 de Abril de 1S34. Mejico,
1836.

Guzman (Jos6 Maria), Breve y sencilla. narration del Viage. Mexico, 1837.

Guzman (Leon), Cuatro Palabras sobre el asesinato del selior General D. Juan
Zuazua. Monterey, 1860.

Guzman (S. M. Gozalo de), Carta que escribe a 8 de Marzo de 1529. In Pa-
checo and Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. xiii.

IT. (R. G.), Memoria sobre la Propiedad Eclesiastica. ISlexico, 1864.

Hacienda, Real Decreto para el Establecimiento del General sistema de.
Mexico, 1817.

Hale (J. P.), Speech on increase of army in Mexico. Jan. 6, 1848. Wash-
ington, 1848.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lix

Hall (Basil), Voyage au Chili, an Perou et au M<5xique. 1820-22. Paris,

1834. 2 vols.
Hall (Frederic), Invasion of Mexico by the French. New York, 1868.
Hall (Frederic), Life of Maximilian I. New York, 1868.
Hall (Wm. M. ), Speech in favor of a National Railroad to the Pacific, July

7, 1847. New York, 1853.
Halleck (H. W.), Mining Laws of Spain and Mexico. San Francisco, 1859.
Hamersley (L. R.), Records of living officers of U. S. Navy. Philadelphia,

1870.
Hardy (Lieut. R. W. H.), Travels in the Interior of Mexico. London, 1829.
Haro (Benito), Memoria justificada de la conducta. Mexico, 1857.
Haro y Tamariz (Antonio de), A sus compatriotas. n.pl. , 1856; Esposicion

dirige a sus Cpnciudadanos y Opiniones del autor sobre la monarquia

constitucional. Mex., 1846; Estracto del Espediente sobre deuda Este-

rior. Mex., 1846.
Hart (Charles), Remarks on Tabasco. Philadelphia, 1867.
Haven (Gilbert), Our Next-Door Neighbor. New York, 1875.
Haven (S. G.), Remarks on Ten Million Mexican Treaty Bill, June 27, 1854.

Washington, 1854.
Hay (Guillermo), Apuntes geograficos, estadisticos 6 hist6ricos del distrito de

Texcoco. Mexico, 1866.
Hayes (Benjamin), Mexican Laws. Notes on. MS.
Ilazart (Cornelium), Kirchen-Geschichte. Yv^ien, 1678-84. 2 vols, folio.
Hefel6 (Dr.), Le Cardinal Ximenes Franciscain et la situation de l'Eglise en

Espagne. Paris, 1856.
Heller (Carl B.), Mexico. Wien, 1864.

Heller (Carl B.), Reisen in Mexiko in den jahren 1845-8. Leipzig, 1853.
Helps (Arthur), The Conquerors of the New World and their Bondsmen.

London, 1848-52. 2 vols.
Helps (Arthur), Life of Hernando Cortes. New York, 1871. 2 vols.
Helps (Arthur), The Life' of Las Casas. Philadelphia, 1868.
Helps (Arthur), The Spanish Conquest in America. London, 1855-61. 4 vols. ;

also New York, 1856. 2 vols.
Henley (Thomas J.), The War with Mexico. Speech in U. S. House of Rep.,

Jan. 26, 1848. Washington, 1S48.
Henriquez (Martin), Instruccion 25 de Setiembre de 1580. In Pacheco and

Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. iii.
Henry (Capt. W. S.), Campaign Sketches of the War with Mexico. New

York, 1847.
Heraldo (El). Mexico, 1848 et seq.
Hcredia (Jos6 M.), Miscelanea, Periodico Critico y Literario. Tlalpam, 1829;

Poesia in.6clita. Mex., 184S; Poesias. Mex., 1852; Sila, Tragedia en

Cinco Actos. Mex., 1825.
Heredia y Sarmiento (Josef Ignacio), Oracion funebre que en las solemnes ex-

cquias. Mexico, 1808.
Heredia y Sarmiento (Jos. Ign. ), Sermon Panegirico de la gloriosa aparicion

de Nucstra Sehora de Guadalupe 12 de Die, de 1801. MS. Mexico, 1803.
Hermosa (Jesus), Enciclopcdia Popular Mejicana. Paris, 1857.
Hermosilla (J. G.), El Jacobinismo. Mcjico, 1834. 3 vols.
Hernandez (Francisco), Nova Plantarvm Animalivm et Mineralivm Mex. his-

toria. Romae, 1651. 4to.
Hernandez (Gregorio), Causa de Poligamia ante el Tribunal de la Inquisicion

en Mexico. MS., 1771-4. folio.
Hernandez (Jos6 Ger6nimo), Grande Empresa de Minas. Mejico, 1861.
Hernandez (Jos6 Maria Perez), Compendio de la Gcografia del Estado de

Michoacan de Ocampo. Mexico, 1872.
Hernandez ( Jos6 Maria Perez), Estadistica de la Republica Mejicana. Guada-
lajara, 1862.
Hernandez y Davalos (J. E.), Estado de Jalisco. In Soc. Mex. Geog., Bole-
tin, 2». Ep. iii.

lx AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Herrera (Antonio cle), Description de las Indias Occidentales. Madrid, 1730.

folio.
Herrera (Antonio de), Historia General de los Hechos de los Castellanos en

las Islas i Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano. Madrid, 1G01. 4to. 4 vols.;

also edition Madrid, 1726-30. folio.
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Mexicano. Mex., 1845; Discurso al prestar el juramento para entrar al

ejercicio de la presidencia. Mex., 1845; Ley organica cle la guardia

nacional. Mex., 1848; Preyecto de estatuto del ejercito Mexicano.

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Herrera y Gomez (J. M. Fernandez de), Critica sobre las Cartas Americanas

de Rinaldo. Queretaro, 1820. MS.
Hidalgo, La Defensa del Cura. n.pl., 1811.
Hidalgo (D. J.), Apuntes para Escribir la Historia de los Proyectos de Mon-

arquia en Mexico. Mex., 18G8; Copia del Expediente relativo al Lugar

del Nacimiento del. Mex., 18G8.
Hidalgo y Costilla (Miguel), Biografia del Cura de Dolores. Paris, 1869.
Hill (S. S.), Travels in Peru and Mexico. London, 1860. 2 vols.
Hillard (G. S.), Life and Campaigns of G. B. McClellan. Philadelphia, 1864.
Hilliard, Speech on the Mexican War, in U. S. House of Rep., Jan. 5, 1847.

Washington, 1847.
Historia de la Milagrosa Imagen de Nuestra Seiiora del Pueblito, etc.

n.pl., n. d.
Histoire de l'Empire Mexicain representee par figures. Paris, 1696.
Hittell (John S.), History of Culture. New York, 1875.
Holmes (E. B. ), Speech on Mexican War, June 18, 1846. Washington, 1846.
Hospicio de Pobres, Ordenanzas para el gobierno. Mex., 1806; Sobre Es-

tablecimiento del. Mex., 1774.
Hospicios de Filipinas, Documentos Interesantes para saber el origen de los

bienes, etc. Mexico, 1832.
Hospital Civil de Valencia, Reglamento general, n.pl., n.d.
Hospital del Divino Salvador, Manifiesto que la Junta de Beneficencia del.

Mexico, 1844.
Hospital de Indios, Constituciones. Mexico, 1778.
Hospital para la Tropa, Instruccion y metodo con que se ha de establecer.

Mexico, 1774. 4to.
Hospital Real y general, Constituciones, y Ordenanzas. Mexico, 1778. 4to.
Houston, Speech in United States Senate April 20, 1858. n.pl., n.d.
Houston (Sam), Letter to General Santa Anna. Washington, 1852.
Houston (Sam), Speech in United States Senate, February 19, 1847.
Howard (Volney E.), Speech in U. S. House of Rep., July 6, 1852. Wash-
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Howitt (Mary), History of the U. S. New York, 1860. 2 vols.
Huasteca, Noticias Estadisticas de la Huasteca. Mexico, 1869.
Hudson (Charles), Speech in U. S. House of Rep., December 16, 1846; Feb-

13, 1847. n.pl., n.d.
Huerta (Epitacio), Apuntes. para servir a la Historia de los Defensores de

Puebla. Mexico, 1868.
Huesca (Manuel Gutierrez de), Respiracion de gratitud que un Presbytero

Americano. MS.
Humboldt (Alex, de), Essai Politique sur leRoyaume de laNouvelle Espagne.

Paris, 1811. folio. 2 vols, and atlas.
Humboldt (Alex, de), Examen Critique de l'histoire de la G^ographie du

Nouveau Continent. Paris, 1836-9. 5 vols.
Llumboldt (Alex.), Letters to Varnhagan von Ense. New York, 1860.
Humboldt (Alex.), Life, Travels and Books. New York, 1859.
Humboldt (Alex.), Political Essay on New Spain. Translated by John

Black. London, 1814.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Ixi

Humboldt (Alex.), Tablas Estadisticas del Reyno de Nueva Espafia en el

aiio de 1803. n.p., n.d.
Humboldt (Alex, de), Versuch- iiber den politischen Zustand des Konigreichs

Neu-Spanien. Tubingen, 1809.
Humboldt (Alex.), Volcans des Cordilleres de Quito et du Mexique. Paris,

1854.

Ibafiez (Manuel de), Coleccion de poesias escogidas. QuenStaro, 1802. MS.
Ibar (Francisco), Muerte politica de le Republica' Mexicana; and Regenera-

cion politica de la Republica Mexicana. Mexico, 1829-30, 2 vols.
Icazbalceta (Joaquin Garcia), Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de

Mexico. Mexico, 1858-6G. folio. 2 vols.
Idea Mercurial y descripcion breve de la plausible jura. Mexico, 17C1. 4to.
Ideas necesarias a todo pueblo Americano. Philadelphia, 1821.
Ideas necesarias & todo pueblo Americano que quiere ser libre. Puebla, 1823.
Iglesia de Chiapas, Observaciones que hace la Iglesia Catedral del. Mexico,

182G.
Iglesia Catedral de la Puebla de Los Angeles, Reglas y Ordenanzas del choro.

Puebla, 1731.
Iglesia de Guadalaxara, Fundacion y descripcion. Mexico, 18G5.
Iglesia Metropolitan© de Mexico, Carta pastoral Sept. 10, 1811. Mexico,

1811.
Iglesia Parroquial de San Miguel, Privilegios y Gracias singulares que goza

esta. Mexico, 1844.
Iglesias (Antonio de San Miguel), Relacion sencilla del funeral y exequias.

Mexico, 1805.
Iglesias (J. M.), Revistas Hist6ricas sobre la Intervencion Francesa. Mexico,

18G7. 3 vols.
Iglesias (Jose' M.), Estudio Constitucional sobre facultades* de la Corte de

Justicia. Mex., 1874; Manifesto del Presidente Interino sobre las Nego-

ciaciones con Diaz. [Queretaro, 1876.]
Iglesias y Conventos de Mexico, Relacion descriptiva. Mexico, 18G3.
Iguala, Acta Celebrada en. Mexico, 1821.
Igualdad, Cinco articulos sobre. Mexico, 1850.
Ilustracion Mexicana (La). Mexico, 1851-3. 4 vols.
Immaculada Cocepcion, Regla y ordinaciones de las Religiosas. Mexico,

1700.
Imperio de Mexico. A collection relating to Maximilian's Empire.
Importantes Observaciones sobre los Gravisimos Males en que se va & ver En-

vuelta la Nacion como resultado del decreto de 10 del Actual. Mexico,

1846.
Impugnacion & las Cartas de D. J. M. Gutierrez Estrada sobre el Proyecto de

Establecer en Mejico una Monarquia moderada. Mejico, 1840.
Incitativa de un Espanol Americano a todos los Espanoles Ultramarinos que

se hallan en la Peninsula. Mexico, 1820.
Incitativa de un Mejicano 4 todos los Espanoles en defensa de la que se pub-
lico en la peninsula. Mexico, 1820.
Indicacion del Origen de los Extravios del Congreso Mexicano. Mexico, 1822.
Indicador (El), de la Federacion Mejicana. Mejico, 1833-4. 3 vols.
Indulgencias perpetuas concedidas d los congregantes. Mexico, 1793.
Industria Xacional, Regla mento de una sociedad para el fomento. Mex.

1839; Representacion dirigida al Presidente Provisional. Meg. 1843.
Infante (Joaquin), Solucion & la cuestion de derecho sobre la Emancipacion de

la America. Cadiz, 1821.
Informacion sobre aranceles en las doctrinas. MS. 1749. folio.
Informe de la Comision nombrada para la reconocimicnto del teatro de Santa-
Anna. Mexico, 1843.
Informe Critico-legal dado al muy ilustre y venerable Cabildo. Mexico, 1835.
Informe en Estrados en Defensa de los Emplcados de la Aduana Maritima de

San Bias. Mexico, 1843.

lxii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Informe Secreto al Pueblo Soberano. Mexico, 1833.

Informes en derecho, a Collection.

Inge (S. W.), Speech in U. S. House of Rep., March 22, 1848. n.pl. n.d.

Inigo (Josef), Funeral Gratitud con que la religiosa comunidad. Puebla, 1774.

Inquisicion, a Collection.

Inquisicion, Apologia. Mexico, 1811.

Inquisicion, Informe sobre el Tribunal. Mexico, 1813.

Inquisicion, Memorial Santa. Mexico, 1821.

Inquisicion de Espafia, AncJcdota importante. Mejico, 1820.

Inquisicion Mexicana, Epitome Sumario de las Personas, assi vivas, como

difuntas, que se han penitenciado. [Mexico], 1G59.
Inquisicion y publica declaracion testamento y ultima voluntad de la Santa

Inquisicion. Mexico, 1850.
Inquisidores fiscales, Reglas y Constituciones. Mexico. 1G59. 4to.
Inquisidores. Nos los Inquisidores contra la her6tica pravedad, y apostasia,

en este ciudad. Mexico, 1738.
Instituta Congregationis Oratorii S. Mariae in Vallicella de Urbe. Mexici,

1830.
Instituto de Ciencias, Literatura y Artes, Memorias. Mex., 1826; Regla-

mento. Mex., 1825.
Instituto Nacional de Geografia y Estadistica, Boletin. See Sociedad Mexi-
cana, etc. , its later name.
Instituto Religioso, Dcfensa. Mexico, 1820.
Instruccion de los comisionados de la dircccion general y juzgado privativo de

Alcabalas y Pulques del lleyno. Mexico, 1783. 4to.
Instruccion, Formada en virtue! de Real Orden de S. M., que se dirige al

Seilor Comandante General de Provincias Internas Don Jacobo Ugarte y

Loyola. Mexico, 17S6.
Instruccion para la Infanteria ligera Ej^rcito Mexicano. Mexico, 1841.
Instruccion pastoral del ilustrisimo Arzobispo de Paris, Mexico, 1822.
Instruccion Provisional para los Comisarios Generales que han de Adminis-

trar los Ramos de la Hacienda Publica. Mexico, 1824.
Instruccion que se remite de 6rden de Su Majestad a las Juntas de Temporal-

idades establecidas en los dominios de Indias. Madrid, 1784.
Instruccion sobre cl cultivo de moreras y cria de gusanos. Mexico, 1830. 4to.
Instrucciones de los Vireyes de Nueva Espaila. Mexico, 1867.
Insurreccion de 1810. A Collection.

Insurreccion de Nueva Espana, Rcsiimen Hist6rico. Mexico, 1821.
Intendentes de Exercito y Provincia, Real Ordenanza. Madrid, 1786.
Intendcntcs de Provincias y Exercitos, Ordenanza de 13 de Octubre de

1719. Madrid, 1749. folio.
Iiitervcncion Europea en Mejico. Paris, 1859; Philadelphia, 1859.
Interference of the British Government in the dispute between Spain and

her American colonies. MS.
Iriarte (Francisco), Contestacion a la expresion de agravios. Mex., 1832;

Manifiesto a los pueblos de la Republica Mejicana. Mejico, 1829.
Iriarte (Francisco Suarez), Defensa, 21 de Marzo de 1850. Mexico, 1850.
Iris Espanol (El). Mexico, 1S20 et seq.

Isabel la Catolica, Institucion de la Real Orden Americana. Mexico, 1816.
Itta (Joseph Mariano Gregorio), Dia festiva Propio para el Culto. Mexico,

1744.
Iturbide (Agustin), Breve diseiio critico de la emancipacion y libertad de la

nacion Mexicana. Mexico, 1827.
Iturbide (Agustin), Breve manifiesto. Mexico, 1821.
Iturbide (Agustin), Carrera Militar y Politica. Mexico, 1827.
Iturbide (Agustin), Carta al Pcnsador Mexicano. Mexico, 1821.
Iturbide (Agustin), Cartas de los Senores Generales. Mexico, 1821.
Iturbide (Agustin), Catastrofe de el IS de Mayo de 1822. Mexico, 1826;

Paris, 1825.
Iturbide (Agustin), Del grande Iturbide. Mexico, 1838.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Ixiii

Iturbide (Agustin), Denkwurdigkeiten aus dem oflentlichen leben des kaisers
von Mexico. Leipzig, 1824.

Iturbide (Agustin), El generalisimo Almirante a los habitantes del Imperio.
Mexico, 1822.

Iturbide (Agustin de), El generalisimo Almirante a sus conciudadanos. Mex-
ico, 1822.

Iturbide (Agustin de), El Primer gefe del exOcito imperial. Mexico, 1821.

Iturbide (Agustin de), Entrada Publica en Valladolid. Mexico, n.d.

Iturbide (Agustin), MCmoires Autographes. Paris, 1824.

Iturbide (Agustin), Mejicanos. Puebla, 1821.

Iturbide (Agustin), Plan publicado en Iguala el 24 de Febrero de 1821. Mex-
ico, 1821.

Iturbide (Agustin), Poblanos ilustres. Puebla, n.d.

Iturbide (Agustin),- Primer premio general concedido a los senores gefes y
oficiales. Mexico, 1821 .

Iturbide (Agustin), Proclama El primer gefe del ejercito imperial de las tres
garantias. Mexico, 1821.

Iturbide (Agustin), Proclamacion, dated July 14, 1821. Valladolid, 1821.

Iturri (Francisco), Carta Critica sobre la historia de America del Seilor Juan
Bautista Muiioz. Madrid, 1798; Puebla, 1820.

Ixtlilxocliitl (Fernando de Alva), Cruaut^s Horribles des Conqu<5rants du
Mexique. In Ternaux-Compans, Voy., s6rie i., torn. viii.

Ixtlilxochitl Relaciones. In Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix.

Izaguirre (Pedro de), Relacion de los sitios y calidades de los puertos de Ca-
ballos. MS. 1G04-5. folio.

Jacob (William), Production and Consumption of the Precious Metals. Lon-
don, 1831.

Jaillandier (P.), Extraite d'une Lettre dattee de Pondichera au mois de
Fevrier. Pondichera, 1711. MS.

Jalisco, Arancel para el cobro de derechos judiciales y curia eclesiastica.
Guad., 1825; Buen Tratamiento de Indios. In Pacheco and Cardenas,
Col. Doc, torn. xiv. ; Comision Permanente. Guad., 18G7; Constitucion
politica. Guad., 1824; Contestaciones habidas. Guad., 1825. 4to; Dis-
curso del Gobernador. n.pl. [18G7]; Documentos Importantes. Mex.,
1868; Documentos oficiales de la Comandancia. Guad., 1834. 4to; Doc-
umentos Oficiales de la Revolucion. Guad., 1852; Dictamen presentado
por la comision de Hacda. Guad., 1829; Esposicion a Congreso. Mex.,
1832. 4to; Memoria historica de los sucesos mas notables de la conquista
particular de Jalisco. Guad., 1833; Memoria presentada por el Gober-
nador. Guad., 1857; Memoria que el Exmo Gob. del Estado el dia 1° de
Sept. de 1847. Guad., 1848; Memoria sobre cl Estado actual de la ad-
ministracion Publica. Guad., 182G; Noticias Estadisticas. Guad., 1843;
Patriot i ca Iniciativa. Guad., 1844; Rcglamento para el gov. interior del
Cong. Const. [Guad.] 1824; Revolution de. Guad., 1852. 4to; Santos
Dcgollado. Guad., 1859; Voto general de los pueblos de la Provincia.
[Mexico], 1823.

Jay (Guillermo), Revista de las causas y consecuencias de laGuerra con Mex-
ico. Mexico, 1850.

Jay (William), Mexican War. Boston, 1849.

Jenkins (John S.), History of Mexican War. Auburn, 1851 ; New York, 1859.

Jcsuitas, Cartas escritas por el Rey al papa, extermino de los jesuitas. MS.
1764-7.

Jesuitas, Colegio de San Francisco Xavier noviciado en Tepotzotlan. MS.
1770. folio.

Jesuitas, Constitucion secreta. Mexico, 1823.

Jesuitas, Documentos y Obras importantes. Mexico, 1841. 2 vols.

Jesuitas, Instrucciones Secretas. MS.

Jesus Maria (Nicolas de), La Santidad Derramada. Mexico, 1748.

Jesus de Atocha Silver Mining Co., Mex. San Francisco, 18G3.

lxiv AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Jimenez (Ldzaro), Inquisidor fiscal de este Santo Oficio. MS.
Jimenez (Manuel Maria), Apologia de la Conducta Militar de General Santa-
Anna. Mex., 1847.
Jimenez y Frias (Jos. Ant.), El Fenix de los Mineros ricos de la America.

Mexico, 1779. 4to.
Jimenez Pantoja (Tomas), Defensa juridica. n.pl,, n.d. folio.
Jimeno (Jose), Informe dado al Supremo Gobierno sobre la Partida. Mex.,

1837; Opiisculo sobre los casos Reservados. Mex., 181G; Declaracion

breve de la cartilla que manifiesta las heregias. Mex., 1811. 4to.
Johnson (Reverdy), Speech on Three Million Bill, Feb. 6, 1847. Wash. 1847.
Jones (Charles Lee), Supplemental Memorial of, in relation to Capt. Geo. W.

Hughes. Washington, 1848.
Jones (Walter), The case of the Battalion stated. Washington, 1847.
Jordan ;John), Serious actual Dangers of Foreigners and foreign commerce in

the Mexican States. Philadelphia, 1826.
Jorry, Historia Univ. de la Iglesia. Mexico, 1854.
Jourdanet (D.), Du Mexique au point de vue de son influence sur la vie de

l'homme. Paris, 1861.
Jove y Agniar (Jose Alexandre), Oracion funebre pronunciada en las solemnes

exequias por los Espaiioles. Mexico, 1808.
Juarez (Benito), Biografia, Puebla, 1867.

Judson (E. Z. C. ), The Volunteer; or the Maid of Monterey. Boston, n.d.
Juicio de Imprenta, Documentos relativos al, promovido por E. Barron contra

B. G. Ferias. Mexico, 1856.
Juicio de los Locos. Puebla, 1820.

Juicio de un Patriota sobre las Diferentes Opiniones Politicas. Mexico, 1823.
Juicio Privado sobre el Dictamen Presentado al Congreso General. Mexico,

1824.
Julien (Antonio), Trasformazione deH'America o sia trionfo della S. Chiesa.

Roma, 1790.
Junta Patriotica, Exposicion. Mexico, 1850-8; Reglamento. Mex., 1850.
Junta Provincial de Censura al Publico. [Mexico, 1S21.]
Junta de Seiioras, Esposicion que hace al publico. Mexico, 1840-1.
Junta Suprema del Reyno. Mexico, 1810. 4to.
Jurisdiccion Ordinaria. Defensa de los Sen ores Obispos para conocer de los

negocios de los regulares. Mexico, 1841.
Juzgados de Haceduria, In Mexico, Doc. Ecles. MS. torn. ii.

Karsten (D. L. G.), Tablas Mineralogicas dispuestas segun los descubrimientos.

Mexico, 1804.
Kendall (Geo. Wilkins), The War between the United States and Mexico.

Xew York, 1851. folio.
Kenly (John It. ), Memoirs of a Maryland Volunteer in the Mexican War.

Philadelphia, 1873.
Keratry (Emil G.), Kaiser Maximilians Erhebung und Fall. Leipzig, 1867.
Keymolen (Louis), Manifeste fesant suite a l'expose sur le proces dit de Gal-

linas. Mexico, 1855.
King (Daniel P.), Speech in U. S. House of Rep. Feb. 4, 1847. Washington,

1847.
Kingsborough (Lord), Antiquities of Mexico. London, 1831-48. folio. 9 vols.
Kingsley (Vine Wright), French Intervention in Mexico. New York, 1863.
Klemm (Gustav), Allgemeine cultur Geschichte der Menschheit. Leipzig,

1S47.
Kollonitz (Countess Paula), The Court of Mexico. London, 1867.
Kottenkamp (Franz), Der Unabhangigkeitskampf der Spanisch - Amerika.

Stuttgart, 1838.

L. (F.), Etudes Historiques sur le Mexique. Paris, 1S59.

L. P. J., Memoria para los Soldados Mexicanos. Mexico, 1833.

Labarthe (Charles de), Les Sacrifices humains au Mexique. Paris, 1862.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lxv

Lacombe (H. Mercier de), Le Mexique et les Etats-Unis. Paris, 1863.

Lacimza (Jose" Maria de), Discursos Historicos. Mexico, 1845.

Lacunza (Juan N.), Ocho dias a dios. Mexico, 1841. 4to.

Lafragua (J. M.), Memorandum de los Negocios Pendientes entre Mex. yEs-

pana. Poissy, 1857; Negocios Pendientes entre Mex. y Espaiia. Paris,

1858.
Lancaster-Jones (Alfonso), Documentos importantes del Proceso de Gober-

nador Constitucional de Jalisco. Mexico, 18G8.
Lanciego y Eguilaz (Joseph de), Carta Pastoral del Arcobispo de Mexico.

Mexico, 1716; Oraciones funebres en los solemnes execpiias del. Mex-
ico, 172S.
Landa (Carlos de), Sobre el Sistema Prolvibitivo. Mexico, 1843. 4to.
Landa (Diego de), Relation des choses de Yucatan. Paris, 1884.
Langosta, Dictamen sobre la, presentado porla escuela nacional de agricultura.

Mexico, 1856.
Langsdorff (G. H. von), Voyage and travels in various parts of the world.

London, 1813.
Lanuza (Pedro Jos£), Vindicacion del General Manuel Rincon. Mexico, 1840.
Larenaudiere, El Uni verso Pintoresco, etc. Paris, 1846.

Larenaudiere, Histoire Abr£g£e de Porigine de la Geographic Paris, 1828.
Larenaudiere, Mexicpae et Guatemala. Paris, 1843; also Paris, 1847.
Lares (Teodosio), Lecciones de derecho administrativo dadas en el Ateneo.

Mexico, 1852.
Laris (Mariano G. ), Discurso civico pronunciado el 16 de Setiembre, 1854.

Morelia, 1S54.
Larrainzar (Manuel), Algunas Ideas sobre la historia y manera de escribir la

de Mexico. Mexico, 1865. 4to; La Cuestion dp Tehuantepec. New

York, 1852; Dictamen presentado a la Sociedad de Geog. y Estad. de Mex.

Mex., 1865; Estudios sobre la Historia de America. Mex., 1875. 5 vols;

Noticia Historica de Soconusco. Mexico, 1843.
Larranaga (Bruno Joseph de), Poema HerOyoco. Mexico, 1804. 4to.
Larranaca (Bruno Francisco), Prospecto de una Eneida Apostolica 6 Epopeya.

Mexico, 1788.
Lascano (M.), Operaciones militares del Ej6rcito de Oriente. n.pl., n.d.
Las Casas (Bartolome de), Breve Relacion de la Destruccion de las Indias.

Se villa, 1822.
Las Casas (Bartolome* de), Cartas, Representaciones, Asientos, and other

Documents. In Pachcco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. vii.
Las Casas (Bartolome" de), Coleccion de las Obras del Obispo de Chiapa. [By

Juan Antonio Llorentc] Paris, 1822. 2 vols.
Las Casas (Bartolome de), Conqvista dell' Indie Occidentali. Venetia, 1644.
Las Casas (Bartolome de), Dccouverte des Indias Occidentales. Paris, 1607.
Las Casas (Bartolome de), Extractos. [From his Historia de las Indias.] MS.
Las Casas (Bartolome de), Historia Apologetica de las Yndias Occidentales.

MS. folio. 4 vols.
Las Casas (Bartolome de), Historia de Indias. MS. folio. 4 vols.; also edi-
tion Madrid, 1875. 5 vols.
Las Casas (Bartolome de), Indio Esclavo. Puebla, 1821.
Las Casas (Bartolome de), Istoria 6 Breuissima Relatione. Venetia, 1630;

also Venetia, 1643.
Las Casas (Bartolom6 de), Liberta Pretesta dal suplice. Venetia, 1640.
Las Casas (Bartolome de), (Euvres. Paris, 1822. 2 vols.
Las Casas (Bartolome de), Real Cedilla. In Pachecoand Cardenas, Col. Doc,

torn, vii.; Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie ii., torn, v.; Florida, Col. Doc.
Las Casas (Bartolome" de), Regionvrn Indicarum per Hispanos. Heidelberg,

1664.
Las Casas (Bartolome de), Relation des Voyages et des D^couvertes. Am-
sterdam, 1698.
Las Casas (Bartolome" de), Tyrannies et Crvavtez des Espagnols. Anvers, 1579.
Las Casas and Valdivioso. In Cartas de Indias.
Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 5

lxvi AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Las Casas y la Mota (Lucas de), Memorial relative) al gobierno de la Iglesia

Catedral de Guadalajara. Mexico, 1729. folio.
Las Graces, Borderer. Las Cruces, 1872 et seq.
Laso (Francesco), El Atlas Abbreviado. Amberes, 1711.
Lassaya (Juan Lucas de), y Joaquin Velasquez de Leon, Representacion que

hacen al Key a nombrc de la mineria de Nueva Espana. Mexico, 1774. folio.
Lastarria (J. V.), La America. Gante, 18G7.

Lato Monte (Ludovico de), Catecismo de la Independencia. Mexico, 1821.
Laurent (Paul), La guerre du Mexique. Paris, 18G7.
Lazaro, Carta Pastoral del Arzobispo de Mexico. Mexico, 1855.
Lazcano (Francisco Javier), Vida exemplar y virtudes heroicas del venerable

padre Juan Antonio de Oviedo. Mexico, 1760.
Lazcano (Francisco Xavier), Honras funerales que al R. P. Docur. Mexico,

1703.
Lazcano (Francisco Xavier),. Opusculum Theophilosophicum de principatu seu

antelatione. Mexico, 17~>J.
Lazcano (Francisco Xavier), Oratio funebris que regia an Pontifica. Mexico,

17G3.
Lazcano (Francis Xavier), Sermon funebre. Mexico, 17G3.
Lazcano (Marcial), Manifestacion que el Gral hace al publico. Mexico, 1858.
Lazcano (M.), Operaciones Militares del Ej Jrcito de Oriente. Vera Cruz, 18G7.
Lebrija y Barrera, Breves Reflesciones sobre el analisis que ban formado.

Mexico, 1841.
Lebrija y Barrera, Replica de a los Senores de la Compailia Empresaria de la

renta nacional del tabaco. . Mexico, 1841.
Lebron y Cuervo (Joseph), Apologia Jiirfdica de los dereclios que tiene el

Seilor Conde de Santiago del Pueblo de Calemaya, etc. Mexico, 1770. 4to.
Lechuga (Antonio Fernandez), Dedicatoria a Don P. Arias de Mora Guzman

y Caballero. Mexico, 1G75. 4to.
Lee (Alfred), The Reformation in Mexico, n.pl., n.d.
Lefcvre (E. ), Documentos Oilciales recogidos en la Secretaria Privada de Maxi-

miliano, Historia de la Intervencion. Bruselas, etc., 18G0. 2 vols.
Lefevre (E.), Lc Mexique et l'intervention Europeenne. Mexico, 18G2.
I ett (Aaron), Claims upon the Mcx. Govt. Washington, 1848.
Lejalde, Segunda Probanza, In Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, torn. ii.
Lempriere (Charles), Notes on Mexico in 1861-2. London, 18G2.
Leon, Acta Municipal July 13, 1SG5. n.pl., n.d; El Ayuntamiento de, pide

la ereccion del Estado del Centre Mcx., 1870; La Municipalidad de,

solenmiza la memoria de su Independencia. Leon, 1S7L
Leon (Antonio de), Contestacion del Ciudadano. Oaxaca, 1841.
Leon (Antonio de), Tratado de confirmaciones Reales de Encomiendas, Oficios

i casos. Madrid, 1G30.
Leon (Francisco Leon de), Hernandia. Triumphos de la fe y gloria de las

armas Espanolas. Pocma Heroyco. Madrid, 1755.
Leon (Joachin Velasquez de), Explicacion de los adornos. Mexico, 1771. 4to.
Leon (Jose R. G.), El Cura de Santiago de Quer^taro a sus fieles habitantes.

[Queretaro, 1810.]
Leon (Juan Domingo de), Sermon de la purissima. Mexico, 1719.
Leon (Joaquin Velasquez), Comentarias de las Ordenanzas de 'Mineria. MS.
Leon (Martin de). Manval breve y forma de administrar. Mexico, 1640.
Leon (Rodriguez de), Panegyrico Avgvsto Castellano Latino al Serenissimo

Infante. Mexico, 1G39.
Leon (Joseph Antonio Ponce de), La Abeja de Michoacan. Mexico, 1752.
Leon (Joseph Antonio Ponce de), La azucena entre Espinas sobre sentada en

la vida y virtudes de la madre Luisa de Santa Catarina. Mexico, 1750.
Leon (Nicolas Ponce de), Historia de la singular vida del venerable hermano

Cristoval de Molina. Puebla, 1686.
Leon y Gama (Antonio de), Carta que sobre las Observaciones criticas, etc.

MS. [1792]; Descripcion hist6rica de las dos Piedras. Mex., 1832; In-

struccion sobre el remedio de las Lagartijas. Mex., 1782.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lxvii

Lerdo (Francisco), Esposicion sobre cl Juicio. Mexico, 1840.

Lerdo (Ignacio Maria), Esposicion del Doctor Lerdo contra las observaciones

del Pensador Mexicano. Mexico, 1826.
Lerdo de Tejada (Francisco), Esposicion sobre Administracion de la Aduana

Maritima de Mazatlan. Mexico, 1S49.
Lerdo de Tejada (Miguel M.), Apuntes Ilistoricos de la Her6ica Ciudad de

Vera Cruz. Mexico, 1850-5. 5 parts.
Le Saint (L.), Guerre du Mexique. Lille, n.d. ; Paris, 1867.
Letran (San Juan de), La Junta Catedratica Directiva del jSTacional y prim-

itivo Colegio de Mexico. Mexico, 1850.
Levanto (Leonardo), Crisis Americana. Madrid, 1741. folio.
Leyes, Varias Anotaciones a muchas leyes de Indias. n.pl., n.d. MS.
Leyes y Ordenancas Xucvamente heclias por su Magestad, para la gouernacio

de las Indias. Valladolid, 1603. folio.
Leaves y Ordenanzas. Madrid. [1581.]
Lexarza (F. Manuel), Espulsion de los Padres Jesuitas y Vida comun de las

Monjas. n.pl., 1768. MS. folio.
Lezaina (Jose" de), Exhortacion de Paz que, descubierta la infame revolucion de

tierra. Mexico, 1811. small 4to.
Liberalismo y susEfectos en la Republica Mexicana. Mexico, 1858.
Libertad de Imprenta Defendida. Puebla, 1821. folio; Delensa. Mej., 1821;

Prohibida. Mej., 1820; Triunfo de la Mex. 1821. folio.
Libro de Cabildo, Copia de la mayor parte. 1521-9.
Libro de las Constituciones. Mexico, 1796.
Liceaga (Jose" Maria de), Adiciones y rectificaciones a la Historia de Mexico.

Guanajuato, 1868.
Liceo Mexicano. Mexico, 1844. 2 vols.
Limon (Ildel'oust Gomez), Sermon que en la exaltacion del Seuor Carlos IV.,

Mexico, 1791. Mexico, 1791.
Linares (Duque de, Virey de Mex.), Instruccion a su Sucesor. n.pl., 1716.

•. folio.
Linares (Obispo de), Aclaraciones sobre la circular que espidi6 en Tamjrico a

1G de Octubre del corriente ano. Mexico, 1860. 4to.
Linati(C), Costumes du Mexique. Bruxellcs. n.d. 4to.
Liniercs (Eduardo Enrique Teodorode Turreau), Plan do los Establecimientos

y Estatutos Generales de la Compania Mexicana Cientifica. Mexico, 1835.
Lintcrna Magica 6 semanario fisonomico. Mexico, 1822.
Liot (W. B. ), Panama, Nicaragua and Tchuantepec. London, 1849.
Lippard (George), Legends of Mexico. Philadelphia, 1847.
Lista de los individuos matriculados en el colegio de abogados. Mexico,

1807.
Lista Interina de los informantes contra las victimas de la noche del 10 y 11

de Mayo de 1S14. [Mexico, 1820.]
Livermore (Abiel Abbott), The war with Mexico reviewed. Boston, 1850.
Lizana (Xavier de), Anonimo contra su pastoral. MS. 1803.
Lizana y Beaumont (Francisco), Carta Gratulatoria. Mexico, 1810; Carta

pastoral que dirige a su clero sobre la santidad del estado. Mex., 1807;

Elogios Latino y Castellano 20 y 21 de Julio de 1812. Mex., 1813; Ex-
hortacion del Arzobispo de Mex. a sus fieles. Mex., 1810; Sermon el

clia 18 de Agosto de 1838. Mex., 1808.
Lizana y Beaumont (Francisco) Cartas Pastorales, A collection.
Lizardi (J. J. Fernandez de), Advertencias Nccesarias para la Eleccion de

Diputados del Futuro Congreso. Mex., 1823; Contestacion del pensador

a la carta que se dice dirigida a el Coronel D. Augustin Iturbide. Mex. ,

1821; Noches Tristcs. Mex., 1818; Pensador Mexicano. Mex., 1813,

et seq.; Observaciones que el Pensador Mexicano hace a las censuras.

Mexico, 1825; El Periquillo Sarniento. Mexico, 1842. 4 vols.; Mexico,

1865. 4 vols.
Llano (Manuel), Opusculo sobre telegrafia-electro-magne'tica y apuntes. Mex-
ico, 1858.

lxviii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Llanto de la puebla en la traslacion de su amabilisimo prelado. Puebla [1800].

MS.
Llave de Oro para abrir las puertas del cielo. Mexico, 1815.
Llorente (Juan Antonio), Aforismos Politicos. Mexico, 1822.
Loayzaga (Manuel), Historia de la milagrosissima imagen de Nra Sra de Occot-

lan. Mexico, 1750.
Lobo (Manuel), Relacion de la Vida y Virtudes de Pedro de San Joseph

Betancur, 1724. MS.
Logrono (Pedro de), Carta al Rey Don Felipe II. In Cartas de Indias.
Lombardo (Francisco M.), Informe que en contestacion al que hizo. Mexico,

1852.
London Geographical Society, Journal. London, 1831-70. 40 vols.
Long (Edward), Speech on Mexican War in U. S. House of Rep., Jan. 9,

1847. Washington, 1847.
Lopez (Ger6nimo), Carta al Emperador Oct. 20, 1541. In Icazbalceta, Col.

Doc, torn. ii.
Lopez (Gregorio), Declaration del Appocalipse. Mexico, 1G26. MS.
Lopez- (Gregorio), Tesoro de Medicina y de las plantas de la Nueva Espana.

Mexico, 1G73.
Lopez (Jesus de), Discurso. Aguascalientes, 1861.
Lopez (Miguel), Refutacion al folleto con motivo de la ocupacion de Quer£-

taro en 15 de Mayo de 18G7. Morelia, 1867.
Lopez Claros (Pedro), Defensa legal de D. Lorenzo y D. Mariano Sisa. Madrid,

1849. 4to.
Lopez Matoso (Antonio Ignacio), Extracto cuasi a la letra de la causa crim-
inal. Mexico, 1816. MS.
Lopez Portillo (Antonio), Manifiesto legal. MS. 1761.
Lopez de Salcedo (Diego), Instruction, descubrimiento del Desaguadero. Alio

1527. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. vol. xiv.
Lopez de Silva (Francisco), Tratado de Plata y Oro. Cadiz, 1699.
Lopez de Zubiria (Jose' Antonio), Documentos oficiales relativos al Estrafia-

miento. Victoria de Durango, 1834.
Lorenzana (Francisco Antonio), Aranzel para curas de la ciudad de Mex.

[Mexico, 1777.] folio.
Lorenzana y Buitron (Francisco Antonio), Cartas pastorales y edictos. Mex-
ico, 1770.
Losada (Juan Miguel), El Grito de Dolores. Mexico, 1850.
Lossada (P. Domingo), Compendio de los Privilegios Regulares de Indias,

Madrid, 1737.
Lowenstirn (Isidore), Le Mexique. Paris, 1843; Journey from the city of

Mexico to Mazatlan, in London Geog. Soc, Jour. xi.
Ludecus (Edward), Reise durch die Mexicanische Provinzin, Tumalipas, Coha-

huila und Texas im 1S34. Leipzig, 1837.
Luli, Refutacion contra la memoriapresentadasobre las Americas. Madrid, 1821.
Luz (La). Mexico, 1869 et seq.
Luz (La), Semanario Religiose Monterey, 1877.
Lyon (G. F. ), Journal of a Residence and Tour in Mexico in 1826. London,

1828. 2 vols.

M. (J.), Minero Comerciante. Mexico, 1820.

McDougall (J. A.), Speech in the Senate of the U. S., Feb. 3., 1863, on French
interference in Mexico. Baltimore, 1863.

Macedo (Miguel), Documentos que manifiestan la conducta que observo.
Mexico, 1828.

MTlvaine (William), Sketches of Scenery and Notes of Personal Adventure
in California and Mexico. Philadelphia, 1850.

Mackenzie (E.), Historical, Topographical and Descriptive view of the U. S.,
Canada, and Mexico. Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1819.

McLane (R. M.), Speech on Bill to supply deficient appropriations for Mexi-
can War, March 1, 1848. Washington, 1848.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. l::ix

McLane (R. M.), Speech on Warwith Mexico, Jan. 19, 1 848. Washington, 1848. •

McSlierry (Richard), El Puchero. Philadelphia, 1850.

Madelene (Henri dela), Le Comte Gaston de Raousset Boulbon. Paris, 1870.

Maldonado (Felipe Peon), Justa Memoria del heroismo que en el sitio de
Gerona manifest6. Mexico, 1810.

Maldonado (Fernando N.), Informe elevado al Vice-Gobernador de Chiapas.
Vera Cruz, 1850; Proyecto para que todos los empleados piibiicos. San
Cristobal Las Casas, 1851.

Maldonado (Francisco Severo), El Telegrafo de Guadalaxara. [Guad.] 1811-
1812. 4to. 2 vols.

Mallol y Herrera (Manuel), Oracion pronunciada en elogio de Revilla-Gigedo.
Mexico, 1791.

Malo (Jos6 R.), Apuntes Historicos sobre D. Agustin Iturbide. Mexico, 18G9.

Malo y Manrrique (Juan Leonardo), La Estrella de el Norte de Mexico.
Mexico, 1741.,

Malte-Brun, Lcs Etats-Unis et le Mexique. Paris, 18G2.

Malte-Brun. Un coup d'ceil sur le Yucatan. Paris, n.d.

Mancera, Instruccion. In Col. Doc. In6d. torn. xxi.

Mancera (Gabriel), Ferrocarril Interoceanico Discurso del 19 de Nov. de 1872.
Mexico, 1872.

Mancilla (Antonio), Imdgen Iris de hermosura. Mexico, 1725.

Maneiri (Joannis Aloysii), De vitis Aliquot Mexicanorum. Bononise, 1791-2.
3 vols.

Manero (Vicente E.), Apuntes Hist6ricos sobre Ferrocarriles. Mexico, 1872.

Manifestacion de la Validez del Decreto de 13 de Mayo 1840. Mexico, 1840.

Manifiesto contra las instrucciones comunicadas por el Enrp. de los franceses.
Mexico, 1811.

Manifiesto del Ayuntamiento a los habitantes de la Capital sobre las causas
del mal estado. Mexico, 1848.

Manifiesto del Gobierno Provisional acerca de los negocios de Yucatan. Mex-
ico, 1843.

Manifiesto del Supremo Tribunal de Guerra y Marina. Mexico, 1848.

Manifiesto de su Justicia que producen los duehos de Haciendas. Mexico,
1750. 4to.

Manifiesto que la Honorable Legislatura del estado libre de Mexico. Mex-
ico, 1834.

Manifiesto sobre la nulidad de las Elecciones. Mexico, 1820.

Manjarres (F. C), Defensa de la precedencia de los hermanos ex-Guardianes.
Mexico, 1841.

Mansfield (Edward D. ), Life and Services of General W. Scott. Auburn, 1852.

Mansion (Hy polite), Precis Historique sur la colonie francaise au Goazacoal-
cos. Londres, 1831.

Manso y Zvniga (Francisco), Regla y ordenaciones de las religiosas de la lim-
pia e immacvlada. Mexico, 1G35.

Manual serafico 6 librode lavida delos Frayles menores. Mexico, 1779. 4to.

Manzi (Pietro), II Conquista di Messico. Roma, 1817.

Maraver, Carta del presbitero de 1° de Junio de 1544. In Pacheco and Car-
denas, Col. Doc, torn. viii.

Marfil (Jacinto), Noticias Instructivas que por muerte del Sefior Amarillas,
etc. Mexico, 17G0. MS.

Maria Santisima Compendio hist6rico y novena. Valencia, 1795.

Marian y Torquemada (Jose Nicolas), Panegirico de San Juan Nepomuceno.
Mexico, 1832. sm. 4to.

Marin (Manuel Gomez), Defensa Guadalupana. Mex., 1819; Oracion pane-
girico que en la funcion. Mex., 181G.

Marin (Miguel Angel), Vida de San Paphnucia abaci. Mexico, 1810.

Marquez (Leonardo), A las tropas de su division Enero 31 de 18G4. n.pl.,
n.d.; Ej6rcito Imperial Die. 20 de 18G8. n.pl., n.d.; El General a las
tropas de su division. Mex., 18G4; Manifiesto que hace a la Nacion.
Guadalajara, 1859 ; Refuctacion hecha por el General. Nueva York, 18G9.

Ixx AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Marroqui (Jose Maria), Discurso. Mex., 18G1.

Marsh (G. P.), Speech on Mexican War, Feb. 10, 1843. Washington, 1848.

Martin (Ch. ), Precis des 6 venements de la campagne du Mexique. Paris, 1863.

Martinez (Antonio Fernando), Estado de las misiones & cargo de la Provincia
de San Francisco de Zacatecas en 13 de Octubre de 1789. MS.

Martinez (Antonio Joaquin Perez), Oracion fiinebre. Mexico, 1808.

Martinez (Manuel Silvestre), Libreria de Jueces ultilisima. Madrid, 1791.

Martinez (Miguel), El Pontiiicado y El Rey de Roma. Mexico, 18G0; Sermon
panegirico que en la dedicacion. Mexico, 1785.

Martinez (Rafael G.), Refutacion & las reflecsiones m<Sdicas de Don M. Davila
y Arrillaga. Mcjico, 1535. sm. 4to.

Martinez (Victor Jose"), Sin6psis Hist6rica Filos6fica y Politica de las Revolu-
ciones Mexicanas. Mexico, 1874.

Martyr (Peter), Anglimediolanensis Opera. Seville, 1511.

Martyr (Peter), De Nvper svb D. Carolo repertis Insulis. Basilise, 1521.

Martyr (Peter), De Orbe Decades. Alcala, 1516.

Martyr (Peter), De Orbe Novo Petri Martyris ab Angleria Mediolanensis
Protonotarrii Csesaris senatoris decades, n.pl., 1530.

Martyr (Peter), De Rebus Oceanicis. Paris, 1536.

Martyr (Peter), Libro Primo della Historia delle Indie Occidentals Vinegia,
1534.

Martyr (Peter), Opus Epistolarum. Copluti, 1530.

Maseras (Bartholome), Informe tocante & las misiones de Nayarit el 13 de
Octubre de 1785. MS.

Mason (R. H.), Pictures of Life in Mexico. London, 1851. 2 vols.

Masones Bula de Nuestra Santisimo Padre el Senor Leon XII. Puebla, 1830.

Masseras (E. ), Le Programme de l'Empire. Mexico, 1864.

Masseras (E.), Un essai d'empire au Mexique. Paris, 1870.

Massey (Thomas E.), Mexico as it is. Washington, 1866.

Masson (Ernesto), Olla Podrida. Paris, 1864.

Mata (J. E. M.), Reflecsiones sobre la guerra entre los Estados Unidos y
Mcjico. Nueva-Orleans, 1847.

Matcos (Juan A.), Composicion leida por la noche del 18 de Octubre de 1866.
Merida, I860; El Sol de Mayo. Mex., 1868; Los Insurgentes. Mex.,
1869; Sacerdote y Caudillo. Mex., 1869.

Maximilian, Alocuciones, cartas officiales. Mexico, 18G7.

Maximilian and the Mexican Empire. Non-intervention the true policy of
the U. S. New York, 1S66.

Maximilian, Aus meinem Leben Reiseskizzen, Aphorismen, Gedichte. Leip-
zig, 1867.

Maximilian, Coleccion de las Composiciones Poeticas. Mexico, 1864.

Maximilian, Empereur du Mexique. Paris, n.d.

Maximilian, Memorandum sobre el Proceso. Mexico, 1867.

Maximilian, Notieia Biografica. n.pl. [1864.]

Maximilian, To Mexicans, in Spanish and Aztec, Oct. 2, 1865. [Mexico, 1865.]

Maximilian y Carlota, Breve Notieia del Recibimiento y Permanencia en la
Ciudad de Puebla. Puebla, 1864.

Mayer, MSS. (A collection of thirty copies, from Mexican archives. )

Mayer (Brantz), History of the Mexican War. New York, etc., 1848.

Mayer (Brantz), Mexico as it was and as it is. New York, 1844; also Balti-
more, 1846; and Philadelphia, 1S47.

Mayer (Brantz), Mexico. Aztec, Spanish, and Republican. Hartford, 1853.
2 vols.

Mayer (Brantz), Observations on Mexican Historj^, etc. Washington, 1856.

Mayora (Juan), Relacion dela Vida, etc. , de Antonio Herdonana. Mexico, 1758.

Mayorga, Derechos sobre tabaco y pulques. Mexico, 1780.

Mayorga (Martin de), Proclamacion [War with Great Britain] Junio 20.
Mexico, 1780.

Mazariegos (Mariano Robles Dominguez de), Memoria Historica de la pro-
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AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lxxi

Medina (Balthassar de), Chrdnica de la Santa Provincia de San Diego de.
Mexico. Mexico, 1682. folio.

Medina (Bait, de), Vida de Fray Bernardo Rodriguez. Mcx., 1688; Vida,
Martyrio y Beatiticacion del invicto Proto-Martyr de Japon San Felipe
de Jesus. Mex., 1683; Madrid, 1751.

Medina y Sarabia (Joseph Diego de), Escrito en respuesta a los cargos hechos
al capitan. Mexico, 1712. folio.

Meinini (Juan Baptista), Vida del padre Francisco Maria Galluzzi. Mexico,
1761. 4to.

Memoria Politico-Instructiva enviada desde Filadelfia en Agosto de 1821.
Filadelfia, 1821; Mexico, 1822.

Memorial Historico. Mexico, 1846, et seq.

Mena (Francisco de), Extracto de los capitulos de buen gobierno en la America,
n.d. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. xi.

Mendez (Gregorio), Reseiia Oficial de los sucesos del Estado de Tabasco, etc.
Mexico, 1867.

Mendez (Juan Baptista), Regla y constituciones de las reglas religiosas.
Mexico, 1730.

Mendez (Luis), Cddigo Civil del Distrito Federal. Mexico, 1871. 4to.

Mendez (Santiago), Presupuesto de un Ferro-Carril. Vera Cruz, 1857.

Mendibil (Pablo de), Resumen Historico de la Revolucion de los Estados Uni-
dos Mejicanos. Londres, 1828.

Mendieta (Geronimo de), Historia Eclesiastica Indiana. Mexico, 1870.

Mendieta (Geronimo de), Carta al Bey Don Felipe desde Toluca en 8 de Oct.
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Mendizabal (Francisco), Carta Edificante. Mex., 1842.; Representacion que
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Mendizabal (Pedro Josef de), Sermon en el 30 de Septiembre de 1810. Mex-
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Mendo (Andre-), Crisis de la Compania de Jesus. INlexico, 1765.

Mendoza (Antonio), Carta a Juan de Aguilar. In Pacheco and Cardenas,- Col.
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Mendoza (Antonio), Carta al Emperador. In Cartas de Indias.

Mendoza (Antonio), Carta al Marques de Gauiotte. In Cartas de Indias.

Mendoza (Antonio), Carta escrita al Emperador Carlos V. dandole cuenta de
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Mendoza (Antonio), Fragmento de la Visita liecha. In Icazbalceta, Col. Doc,
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Mendoza (Antonio), Provision dada por el virey 30 de Nov. de 1537. In Pa-
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Mendoza (Antonio), Relacion, apuntamientos y avisos. In Pacheco and Car-
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Mendoza (Antonio), Relacion de la Jornada que hizo Francisco de Sandoval
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Mendoza (Eufemeo), Disertacion presentada al Jurado Respectivo para la
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Mendoza (Javier de), La Cuestion de Mejico y el conde de Reus. Madrid, 1859.

Mendoza (Juan de), Relacion del Santuario de Tecaxic. Mexico, 1684.

Mendoza (E. ), and Manuel A. Romo, Nociones de Cronologia Universal. Mex-
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Menonville (Thiery de), Reise nach Guaraca in Neu-Spanien. Leipzig, 1789.

Menonville (Thiery de), Traite" de la culture du Nopal. Paris, 1787.

Mensagero (El). Mexico, 1877 et seq.

Mensajero Espanol (El.) Mexico, 1860, et seq.

Mesa (Francisco de Paula), Breve Manifestacion que hace al publico, de su
conducta como Gobr de Queretaro. Mexico, 1849.

Mesa y Leompart, Compendio de la Historia de America. Paris, 1870. 2 vols.

Meseguer (Francisco), El diablo, discurso que en la catedral de Mexico, 1809.

lxxii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Metodo que se observa constantemente en Mexico, etc., para recibir y de-

spachar el Galeon de Filipinas. Cadiz, 17G3. MS.
Mexican Affairs, Papers relating to. Washington, 1865.
Mexican Bondholders, General Meetings. London, 1850 et seq.
Mexican Bondholders, Reports of the Committee. London, 1850 et seq.
Mexican Company, Report of Directors, May 1, 1828. London, 1828.
Mexican Constitutional Government, Decrees inviting American emigrants

to settle. New York, 1864; San Francisco, 1865.
Mexican Debt Reports. A Collection. 3 vols.
Mexican Empire (The) and the American Union, n.pl., n.d.
Mexican Finance 1852-6. A Collection.

Mexican Imperial Street Railroad Company. New York, 1865.
Mexican Missionary Association, Its Origin and Work. New York, 1871.
Mexican National Debt contracted in London. London, 1860.
Mexican Ocean Mail and Inland Company, Reports. New York, 1853 et seq.
Mexican Pacitic Coal and Iron Mining and Land Company, Prospecto.
' Nu eva- York, 1856; Exploring expedition to the States of Guerrero and

Michoacan, 1856-7. New York, 1858.
Mexican Pamphlets. A Collection. 5 vols.
Mexican War. A Collection of U. S. Government Documents, Scraps,

Pamphlets, etc. 12 vols.
Mexican War, Complete History of the late, By an eye-witness. New

York, 1850.
Mexican War, History of the raising of the first American flag on the

Capitol of Mexico. Washington, 1856.
Mexican War, Incidents and Sufferings in the. Boston, etc., 1S4S.
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Mexican "War Pamphlets. A Collection of 30 pamphlets.
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2 vols.
Mexicanos (Los), Descripcion de la Repiiblica de Mexico, n.pl., n.d.
Mexico. London, 1846.
Mexico. San Francisco, 1861.

Mexico, No. 1. Shall our Government Act, etc. n.pl. n.d.
[Mexico, No. 2. Historical and Financial Items, n.pl., n.d.
Mexico, No. 3. Biographical Sketch of the Constitutional President Juarez.

n.pl., n.d.
Mexico, Aboriginal History. MS.

Mexico, Acta del Cabildo celebrado .en 30 de Mayo de 1836. Mexico, 1836.
Mexico, Acta constitutiva de la Federacion Mexicana. Mexico, 1824.
Mexico, Actas del Congreso Constituyente Mexicano. Mexico, 1822-5. 10

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Mexico, Actas de la Junta de Mineria, 1846-7. Mexico, 1858. MS. folio.
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Mexico, Acuerdo de la Junta de guerray Real Hacienda, 30de Abrilde 1772. MS.
Mexico, Al pueblo Mexicano, Relacion de las causas que influeron en los des-

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Mexico, Anales del Ministerio de Fomento. Mexico, 1854-5. 3 vols.
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Analysis of Memorial presented by Sec. of Treas. to 1st Const. Cong, of

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Ucxico, Anuario de Orclenes Imperiales 1865. Mexico, 1865, folio.
Mexico, Arancel general de Aduanas Maritimas y Fronterizas. Mexico, 1842

et seq. .

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lxxiii

Mexico, Arancel Parroquial. MS. 1703. folio.

Mexico, Aranzeles de los Tribunales, Juzgados y oficinas de Justicia. Mex-
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Mexico, Archivo Mexicano, Actas de las Sesiones de Camaras. Mexico,
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Mexico, Archivo Mexicano, Coleccion de Leyes, Decretos, etc. Mexico,
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Mexico, Archivo Mexicano, Documentos, Historia de Mexico. Mexico, 1852.

Mexico, Arreglo del cuerpo de Artilleria. Mexico, 1838.

Mexico, Auto de la audiencia. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., torn. iii.

Mexico, Autos de la real audiencia a la ciudad y su respuesta de Marques de
Gelves. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., torn. iii.

Mexico, Autos sobre ereccion de nuevos parroquias de Mexico. In Doc. Hist.
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Mexico, Ayuntamiento. Acta del Cabildo en 30 de Mayo de 1836. Mexico,
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los Ilamos Municipales 31 de Diciembre de 1846. Mexico, 1847; Regla-
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fensa de Indu stria Agricola. Mexico, 1841; Representacion sobre
Distrito Federal. Mexico, 1S25.

Mexico, Balanza general del Comercio Maritimo. Mexico, 1829.

Mexico, Bandos publicados a conseqiiencia de Reales Ordenes y c6"dulas de
Su Magestad, etc. Mexico, 1772.

Mexico, Bases y leyes Constitucionales de la Repiiblica Mexicana. Mexico,
1837.

Mexico, Bases Organicas de la Republica Mexicana. Mexico, 1843.

Mexico, Bases sobre las que se ha formado un plan de Colonizacion en el Ystmo
de Hoazacoalco, etc. ' Mexico, 1823.

Mexico, Battles of. New York, 1847; New York, 1848.

Mexico, Bienes de la Iglesia. Guadalajara, 1847.

Mexico, Boletin de las lej^es del Impcrio Mexicano 6 sea codigo de la Restau-
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Mexico, Boletin de Noticias. Mexico, 1844 et seq.

Mexico, Boletin Oficial. Mexico, 1829 et seq.

Mexico, Bosquejo Historico de la Revolucion de tres dias. Mexico, 1828.

Mexico, Bosquejo Ligerisimo de la revolucion. Philadelphia, 1822.

Mexico, Cabildo Metropolitano de Gobernador sede Vacante. MS. 1811.
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Mexico, Carta del cabildo sobre el tumulto de 15 de Enero de 1624. In Doc.
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Mexico, Casa de sus Magestades 1865. Mexico, 1865.

Mexico, Casas de Monecla, Noticias de Atunacion. Mex., 1879; Ordcnanzaa
que para el mane jo y gobierno del apartado de oro, etc. Mex., 1790.

Mexico, Causa Instruida contra los Placiarios del C. Juan Cervantes, etc.
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Mexico, Ceremonial para la Fiesta Nacional del 16 de Setiembre de 1866.
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Mexico, Circular sobre nombramientos 1771-83.

Mexico, Circulares y Otras Publicaciones hechas por la Legacion Mexicana en
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Mexico, Codigo Civil del Imperio Mexicano. Mexico, 1866.

Mexico, Codigo de Comercio. Mexico, 1854.

Mexico, Codigo de la Reforma 6 coleccion de Leyes, etc., desde 1856 hasta 1861.
Mexico, 1861.

Mexico, Codigo fundamental de los Estados-Unidos Mexicanos. Mexico, 1847.

Mexico, Coleccion completa de los decretos gencrales. Mexico, 1863.

lxxiv AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Mexico, Coleccion de constituciones de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos

Mexico, 1828. 3 vols.
Mexico, Coleccion de decretos sobre contribuciones directas y papel sellado

Mexico, 1842.
Mexico, Coleccion de disposiciones relativas a la renta de Alcabalas. Mexico

1853.
Mexico, Coleccion de Itinerarios y Leguarios. Mexico, 1850.
Mexico, Coleccion de las leyes, decretos y ordenes 1850-1, 1853-5. Mexico

1850-5. 8 vols.
Mexico, Coleccion de Leyes y Decretos, 1839-41, 1844-8, 1850. Mexico

1851-2. 6 vols.
Mexico, Coleccion de Leyes, Decretos y Circulares 1863-67. Mexico, 1867

3 vols.
Mexico, Coleccion de Leyes, Decretos, Circulares, etc., relativas a la desamor

tizacion. Mexico, 1861. 2 vols.
Mexico, Coleccion de leyes, decretos y reglamentos, sistema politico del Im

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Mexico, Coleccion de los decretos espedidos por el supremo gobierno. Mex

ico, 1S44.
Mexico, Coleccion de los decretos y ordenes de las Cortes de Espafia. Mex

ico, 1829.
Mexico, Coleccion de los Documentos relativos al pr^stamo de medio millon

de pesos. Mexico, 1839.
Mexico, Coleccion de oficios originales. MS. 1779.
Mexico, Coleccion de Ordenes y decretos de la Soberano Junta. Mexico,

1829. 3 vols.
Mexico, Coleccion de Sentencias pronunciadas por los Tribunales de la Repiib-

lica Mexicana. Mexico, 1850.
Mexico, Colonias Militares, Proyecto. Mexico, 1848.
Mexico como Xacion Independiente, Descripcion. Mexico, 1828.
Mexico, Condition of Affairs. Washington, 1866. 2 vols.
Mexico, Conducto ilegal del Ministerio de Hacienda en sus providencias.

Mexico, 1841.
Mexico, Conquest of. London, n.d.
Mexico, Consideraciones sobre la situacion politica y social de la Republica.

Mexico, 184S.
Mexico, Consolidacion de la Repiiblica Mexicana. Mexico, 1850-1. 3 vols.
Mexico, Constitucion federal de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos. Mexico,

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Mexico, Constitucion politica del Estado de Mexico. Mexico, 1827.
Mexico, Constituciones. A Collection. 2 vols.
Mexico, Contestacion a la nota dirigida por la Junta de Colonizacion 6 Indus-

tria. Puebla, 184S; Contestacion de la Junta Direct! va del Banco Na-

cional. Mex., 1841; Contestacion de la segunda comision de Hacienda.

Mex., 1850; Contestacion en derecho de Don Esteban Diaz Gonzalez.

Mex., 1830; Contestacion que ^a el Ayuntamiento. Mex., 1840; Contes-
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habidas entre el gobierno Mexicano y el commisionado de los Estados

Unidos. Mex., 1847; Contestaciones habidas entre el Seiior Arzobispo

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Mexico, Contrata del ramo de alumbrado de las calles de la Capital federal.

Mexico, 1835.
Mexico, Corporaciones civiles y eclesiasticas, Noticia de las fincas. JNIexico,

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AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lxxv

que ha mecliado entre la Legacion Extraord» de, y el Dept° de Estado de

los Ests Unidos. Phil., ISoG; Correspondencia que ha mcdiado entre el

Ministro de Relaciones y la Legacion de Francia. Mex., 1845.
Mexico, Cosas. Vera Cruz, 1858.
Mexico, Cuaderno de Formularies. Mexico, 1840.
Mexico, Cuenta de la percepcion, distribucipn 6 inversion de los diez millones

de pesos que produjo el tratado de Mesilla. Mexico, 1855.
Mexico, Cuestion de Mejico, si la monarquia constitucional. Madrid, 18G2;

Cuestion relativa a la provision de Obispados. Mex., 1850.
Mexico, Declaraciones sobre el tumulto. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., torn. ii.
Mexico, Decreto (A very large number quoted by date, subject, or authority).
Mexico, Defensa Juridica por el venerable Dean y cabildo, etc. Mexico, 1741.

MS.
Mexico, Derechos Mexicanos en orden a los Agentes comerciales. Vera Cruz,

1859.
Mexico, Derechos reales de la Alcabala. Mexico, 1805. folio.
Mexico, Descargos del Marques de Gelves a los cargos. MS. folio.
Mexico, Description of the Republic. Philadelphia, 1846.
Mexico, Destierro del Arzobispo. In Doc. Hist. Mex. , serie ii. , torn. ii.
Mexico, Diario de la Junta Xacional Instituyente. Mexico, 1822 et seq.
Mexico, Diario del Gobierno de la Repiiblica Mexicana. Mexico, 1840 et seq.
Mexico, Diario de las Sesiones de la Junta Provisional Gubernativa del Im-

perio Mexicano. Mexico, 1821 et seq.
Mexico, Diario del Imperio. Mexico, 1805 et seq.
Mexico, Diario Oficial. Mexico, 1870 et seq.
Mexico, Dictamen (Several hundred reports of Committees of State and

National Governments cited by date and topic).
Mexico, Die Auswanderung nach Mexico, etc. Leipzig, n.d.
Mexico, Diferencias entre Franciscanos y Curas Parrocos. MS.
Mexico, Direccion General de la Industria Nacional. MS.
Mexico, Discurso pronunciado ante el Congreso General por Jose Herrera.

Mexico, 1845.
Mexico, Discurso pronunciado por el Presidente 1° de Enero de 1852. Mexico,

1852.
Mexico, Discurso pronunciado por el Presidente 15 de Oct. de 1852. Mexico,

1852.
Mexico, Disposiciones legales y otros documentos relativos a prohibicion de

Impresos. Mexico, .1850.
Mexico, Documentos Eclesiasticos. MS. folio. 5 vols.
Mexico, Documentos importantes tornados del Espediente instruido. Mexico,

1S26.
Mexico, Documentos impresos por acuerdo del Supremo Poder. Mexico, 1840.
Mexico, Documentos justificativos sobre la inversion de los f ondos pedidos a la

Junta directiva de Cr^dito Publico. Mexico, 1851.
Mexico, Documentos que publica la Direccion de Colonizacion 6 Industria.

Mexico, 1848.
Mexico, Documentos referentes a la cuestion agitada en estos liltimos dias

sobre si los nombramicntos de Jueccs Militares. Mexico, 1852.
Mexico, Documentos relativos a la apertura de comunicacion de Tehuantepec.

Mexico, 1852.
Mexico, Documentos relativos a las iiltimas ocurrencias de Nueva Espafia.

Madrid, 1821.
Mexico, Documentos relativos al decreto sobre provision de las magistraturas

vacantes. Mexico, 1846.
Mexico, Dos Alios en Mexico. Mexico, 1840.
Mexico, Dos Alios en Mejico 6 memorias criticas. Valencia, 1838.
Mexico, Draft for a Convention. Washington, 1861.
•Mexico, Dramas. MS.
Mexico, Edicto del Presidente y cabildo Mctropolitano Gobernador del Arzo-

bispado. Mexico, 1830.

lxxvi AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Mexico, Edicto sobre pago de Primicias. MS.

Mexico, El Alcalde primero del Ayuntamicnto publica la manifestacicn que

hizo. Mexico, 1840.
Mexico, El Congreso de 1842. Morelia, 1842.
Mexico, El Imperio y la Intervencion. Mexico, 1867.
Mexico, El Virey de Nueva Espaiia Don Felix M. Calleja a sus liabitantes.

Mexico, 1814.
Mexico en 1847. Mexico, 1847.
Mexico, Encarnacion prisoners. Louisville, 1848.
Mexico, Escalafon General de Artilleria. Mex., 1839; Escalafon General del

Eje"rcito. Mex., 1843; Escalafon General de todas Armas del Ejercito.

Mex., 1845.
Mexico, Escudo de Armas. In Figueroa, Vindicias. MS.
Mexico, Estado Mayor Gral. del EjCrcito, Escalafon. Mexico, 1854.
Mexico, Estatuto Organico Provisional de la Republica Mexicano. Mex.,

1856; Estatuto para el Regimen de Plana Mayor del Ejercito. Mex.,

1839; Estatuto provisional del Imperio Mexicano. Mexico, 1865.
Mexico, Estatutos de la Compania de Colonizacion Asiatica. Mex., 1866;

Estatutos de la Compania del Ferro-carril de Orizava a Vera Cruz. Mex.,

1861.
Mexico, Espediente con dos acuerdos del Senado sobre convenciones diplo-

maticas. Mexico, 1852.
Mexico, Expediente instruido en el Ministerio de Relaciones Esteriores del

Gobierno Constitucional. Vera Cruz, 1860. 4to.
Mexico, Exposicion (Several hundred by various commissions and individuals

on different topics).
Mexico, Expulsion del Arzobispo. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., torn. iii.
Mexico, Extractos de Cedulas en los archivos de la Ciudad. MS. folio.
Mexico fiel y valiente en el crisol que la pusieron los insurgentes. Mexico,

1810.
Mexico, Forcible abduction of a citizen of the U. S. Washington, 1851.
Mexico, Franciscanos y quejas de Indios. MS. 1672. folio.
Mexico, Gaceta del Gobierno Supremo. Mexico, 1826 et seq.
Mexico, Hacienda, 1845-52. A Collection. 6 vols.
Mexico, Historia de la Revolucion de Mexico contra la Dictadura del General

Santa- Anna. Mexico, 1856.
Mexico, Hostilities by (29 Cong. 1st. Sess. House Ex. Doc. 196). Washing-
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Mexico, Important official Documents, n.pl., n.d.
Mexico in 1842. New York, 1842.
Mexico, Indemnities, Convention of Jan. 30, 1843 (28 Cong. 2d Sess. Sen.

Doc. 81). Washington, 1845.
Mexico, Indicacion del origen de los estravios del Cong. Mex. Mexico, 1 822.
Mexico, Informacion sobre el tumulto. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., torn. ii.
Mexico, Informe (A very large number of reports by various committees,

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Mexico, Iniciativa del Gobierno para la demarcacion de la linea de Comercio

libre. Mexico, 1852.
Mexico, Iniciativa que la Exma Junta Departamental hace al Congreso

General. Mexico, 1839.
Mexico, Instruccion de los comisionados de la Direccion General. Mexico,

1783.
Mexico, Instruccion del Rey. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. xii.
Mexico, Instruccion para la practica de los padrones que se han de formar.

Mexico, 1853.
Mexico, Instruccion para que los administradores de aduanas hagan la legitima

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Mexico, Instruccion Provisional a que han de arreglarse las C^misarias Gen-

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Mexico, Its present Government and its Political Parties. Washington, I860.,

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lxxvii

Mexico, Juicio Imparcial Bobre los Acontecimientos en 1828-20. New York,

etc., 1830.
Mexico, La Intervencion Europea en Mexico. Filadelfia, 1859.
Mexico, La Intervencion y la Monarquia. Washington, 18G2.
Mexico, La Ley. Toluca, 1871 et seq.
Mexico, Legislacion Mejicana, Coleccion completa de las Leyes 1848-50.

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Mexico, Ley decretada por el Congreso general estableciendo un impuesto.

Mexico, 1844.
Mexico, Ley de 4 de Nov. de 1848sobre arreglo del ejercito. Mexico, 1848.
Mexico, Ley de Presupuestos Generales de la Republica Mexicana 1801.

Mexico, 1801.
Mexico, Ley organica de la guardia de seguridad.
Mexico, Ley organica de la Guardia Nacional. Mexico, 1857.
Mexico, Ley para al arreglo de la Admin, de Justicia. Guadalajara, 1837.
Mexico, Ley penal para los Desertores del Ejercito. Mexico, 1839.
Mexico, Ley penal para los Empleados de Hacienda. Mexico, 1853.
Mexico, Ley que arregla la renta del papel sellado y los usos de esta decretada

en 14 de Feb. de 1856. Mexico, 1856.
Mexico, Ley que arregla las procedimientos Judiciales. La Paz, 1867.
Mexico, Ley sobre derechos y observaciones parroquiales. Mexico, 1857.
Mexico, Ley sobre Libertad de Cultos. Mexico, 1801.
Mexico, Le}res a las que ha debido arreglarse la eleccion de los Supremos

Pocleres. Mexico, 1848.
Mexico, Leyes, Decretos y Convenios Relativos a la deuda estrangera. Mex-
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Mexico, Lista pormenorizada de los dafios, etc. MS.

Mexico, Manifestacion de las actas de las discusiones, etc. Tlalpam, 1829.
Mexico, Manifestacion que hace al publico la comision nombrada por los acre-

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Mexico, Manifestacion que el Exmo Ayuntamiento hace al publico, contratas,

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Mexico, Manifestacion que la Exma Junta Departmental de Mexico. Mexico,

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Mexico, Manifiesto de la Camara de Diputados en la legislatura de 1831 y

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Mexico, Manifiesto del Congreso General en el presente Ano. Mexico, 1836.
Mexico, Manifiesto del Gobierno Constitutional a la Nacion. Colima, 1859.
Mexico, Manifiesto del Supremo Tribunal de Guerra. n.pl., n.d.
Mexico, Manifiesto del Supremo Tribunal de Guerra y Marina. Mexico, 1848.
Mexico, Memoria de Plumages. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. xii.
Mexico, Memorias (Regular Reports of the different government departments ;

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Mexico, Memorandum de los Negocios Pendientes entre Mexico y Espafia.

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Mexico, Mensage del Presidente. [Cited by dates.]
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Mexico, Notes made in 1822. Philadelphia, 1824.
Mexico, Noticia Hist6rica de Infanteria. Mexico, 1840.
Mexico, Noticia Historica delos Cuerpos de Caballeria. Mexico, 1840.
Mexico, Noticias de la ciudad. Mexico, 1855.
Mexico, Noticias de Mexico y sus contornos. MS. folio.
Mexico, Observaciones generales sobre Caminos de Hierro. Nueva York, 1833.

lxxviii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Mexico, Observaciones que hace el cjecutivo al Proyecto de Arancel de Adua-

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Mexico, Observaciones que sobre el proyecto de Bases. Guadalajara, 1843.
Mexico, Observaciones sobre la Influencia del Cornercio Estrangero. Mexico,

18G9.
Mexico, Observaciones sobre las facultades del Congreso Constituyente. Tlal-

pam, 1830.
Mexico, Observaciones sobre reformas a las leyes constitucionales. Mexico,

1841.
Mexico, Observations on the origin and conduct of the war with. New York,

1847.
Mexico, Occupation by French troops. Message of the President, Dec. 21,

18(35.
Mexico, Ordenanza de la division de la nobilisima ciudad de Mexico en quar-
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Mexico, Ordenanza de la renta del Tabaco, 24 de Agosto, 1846. Mexico, 1846.
Mexico, Ordenanza del ramo de carnes. Mexico, 1850.

Mexico, Ordenanza general de Aduanas Maritimas y fronterizas. Mexico, 1856.
Mexico, Ordenanza miiitar para el regimen, disciplina, etc., del Ejtixuto.

.Mexico, 1833. 3 vols.
Mexico, Ordenanza miiitar provisional que debe observar el cuerpo de patrio-

tas. Mexico, 1810.
Mexico, Ordenanzas de esta nobilissima ciudad. Mexico, 1775. MS. folio.
Mexico, Ordenanzas de la fiel executoria formadas por la ciudad de Mexico.

Mexico, 1730. folio.
Mexico, Ordenanzas de Loteria. Mexico, 1844.
Mexico, Ordenanzas para el regimen de los tenderos y tiendas de pulperia.

Mexico, 1758. fol.
Mexico, Ordenanzas que se ban de observar y guardar en la muy nobilisima y

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Mexico, Pamphlets. A Collection.
Mexico, Papeles Varios. A Collection.
Mexico, Papers relating to. Washington, 1866.
Mexico, Periodico Oficial. Mexico, 1863 et seq.
Mexico, Piezas Justihcativas del Arreglo de la deuda Esterna de Mexico.

Mexico, 1849.
Mexico Plausible con la Triumphal demonstration. Mexico, 1711.
Mexico, Present Condition. Messages of the President of the U. S.. April

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Mexico, Presupuesto del Ministerio de Gucrra y Marina 1° Julio de 1851 a

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Mexico, Presupuesto del Ministerio de Hacienda de 1° Jul. de 1851 a 30 de

Junio de 1852. Mexico, 1852. folio.
Mexico, Presupuesto del Ministerio de Justicia, etc., del 1° de Julio de 1851

a 30 de Jul. de 1852. Mexico, 1851. folio.
Mexico, Presupuesto del Ministerio de Relaciones, etc., 1849, 1° de Julio de

1S51 a 30 de Junio de 1852. Mexico, 1849, 1851. folio. 2 vols.
Mexico, Presupuesto de los gastos que en un mes. Mexico,' 1850.
Mexico, Proceedings of a meeting of citizens of New York to express sym-
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Mexico, Proceso instructivo formado por la seccion del Gran Jurado de la

camara de dipntados. Mexico, 1833.
Mexico, Providencias Diocesanas de Mexico. MS. n.pl., n.d.
Mexico, Proyecto de Basis de Organization; de Constitution; de Ley, etc.,

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Mexico, Pantos del parecer que el Seiior Auditor de guerra, etc., en 4 de Julio

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Mexico, llazon de los pr6stamos que ha negociado el Supremo Gobierno de.la

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AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lxxix

Mexico, Reales Aranzeles dc los ministros cle la Heal Audicncia. Mexico,
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Mexico, Recollections of, and the battle of Buena Vista, by an Engineer
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Mexico, Reflexiones importantes al bien y beneficio de la Hacienda, etc.
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Mexico, Reflexiones importantes sobre la inconveniencia del contrato. Mex-
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Mexico, Reflexiones sobre el acuerdo del Senado, adopcion del sistema de par-
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Mexico, Reflexiones sobre el ramo de Alcabalas. Mexico, 1848.

Mexico, Reflexiones sobre la Independencia. Guadalajara, 1821.

Mexico, Reglamento de Aduanas Maritimas. Mexico, 1829. 4to.

Mexico, Reglamento de la casa de Moneda. Tlalpan, 1827.

Mexico, Reglamento do la Direccion de Colonizacion. Mexico, 1846.

Mexico, Reglamento de la Milicia Activa y General de la Civica. TVIejico,
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ISIexico, Reglamento del Archivo general y publico de la Nacion. Mexico,
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Mexico, Reglamento del cuerpo de cosecheros de Tabaco. Mexico, 1842.

Mexico, Reglamento del Teatro de Mcx. Ap. 11. 1786. [Mexico, 1786.]
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Mexico, Reglamento 6 instruccion para los presidios. Mexico, 1834. folio.

Mexico, Reglamento general de la libertad de imprenta. Mexico, 1827.

Mexico, Reglamento interino y Provisional para la Comisaria Central de Guer-
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Mexico, Reglamento para el corso de particulares en la presente guerra. Mex-
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Mexico, Reglamento para el establecimiento de las colonias militares del
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Mexico, Reglamento para el gobierno interior del Congreso General. Mexico,
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Mexico, Reglamento para el Gobierno interior de la Suprema Corte marcial.
Mexico, 1837.

Mexico, Reglamento para el Gobierno interior de los tribunales superiores.
Mexico, 1838.

Mexico, Reglamento para el gobierno interior y economico de la Secretaria de
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Mexico, Reglamento para el Supremo Tribunal de Justicia del Estado. Mex-
ico, 1825.

Mexico, Reglamento para la administracion y contabilidad. Mexico, 1867.

Mexico, Reglamento para la Comunicacion por la via Inter-Oceunica de Te-
huantepec. Mexico, 1857.

•Mexico, Reglamento para la Guardia Nacional. Mexico, 1846.

Mexico, Reglamento para la seccion superior de los distritos de Hacienda.
Mexico, 1852.

Mexico, Reglamento para la Tesoreria general. Mejico, 1831. 4to.

Mexico, Reglamento para los Servicios de Honor y ceremonial de la Corte.
Mexico, 1866.

Mexico, Reglamento Provisional para las funciones y servicio del Estado
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Mexico, Reglamento que han de obscrvar el juez, el administrador Tesorero,
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Mexico, Reglamento y Arancel de Corredores para la plaza de Mexico.
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Mexico, P^eglamentos de los Gabinetes Civil y militar del Emperador. Puebla,
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Mexico, Relacion de los Conquistadores. In Doc. Inod. , torn. i.

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lxxx AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

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multo en Mexico 15 Enero 1624. n.pl., n.d. 4to.
Mexico, Report of the Committee on Public Credit, etc., on the adjustment

of the English Debt. London, 1850.
Mexico, Reports and Dispatches exhibiting operations of the U. S. Naval

forces during the War with Mexico. Washington, 1849.
Mexico, Representacion dirigida a la camara de Diputados por el Supremo

Tribunal de Guerra y Marina. Mexico, 1835.
Mexico, Representacion dirigida al Virey de Nueva Espana. Mexico, 1812.
Mexico, Representacion por la Junta directiva de la Industria Nacional sobre

necesidad de su fomento. Mexico, 1843.
Mexico, Representacion que hace el Ayuntamiento en defensa de la industria

agricola. Mexico, 1841.
Mexico, Re])resentacion umilde que hace la ciudad en favor de sus naturales a

Carlos III. en 2 de Mayo de 1771. Mexico, 1771. MS. 2 vols.
Mexico, Representacion que la Junta de Fomento y Administrativa de Min-

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Mexico, Representacion sobre pago de primicias en las doctrinas. MS.
Mexico, Resena de las festividades que ban tenido lugar en Puebla de Sara-

goza. Puebla, 1870.
Mexico, Resena historica de las negociaciones entre Espana y Mexico. Ma-
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Mexico, Resena historica y explicativa de los liltimos sucesos de Mexico.

Paris, 1857. 4to.
Mexico, Resena sobre el estado de los principales ramos. Mexico, 1850.
Mexico, Revolucion en Mexico. Marzo de 1860. Monterey, 1860.
Mexico, Segunda representacion que hace el comercio de Megico al Supremo

Congreso. Megico, 1840.
Mexico (Scrvicio). In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. vi.
Mexico, Sesion secreta ordinaria de 11 de Marzo de 1830. [Tlalpam, 1830.]
Mexico, Sesiones tenidas por el Congreso Constituyente del Estado en los dias

28 y 20 del ultimo Mayo. Tlalpam, 1830.
Mexico, Silver Mines in Mexico, n.pl., n.d.
Mexico, Sindico segundo del Exmo Ayuntamiento sobre la nueva respuesta.

[Mexico, 1838.]
Mexico, Sitio de Puebla de Zaragoza. Mexico, 1863.
Mexico, Stories of. New York. n.d.
Mexico, Tarifa para el cobro de los derechos de Alcabala y Municipal.

Mexico, 1853. 4to.
Mexico, Tarifas de los Haberes liquidos mensuales que corresponden a todas

las clases pertenecientes al ramo de guerra. Mexico, 1840.
Mexico, Tercera parte sobre Consolidacion de la Republica Mexicana. Mexico,

1851.
Mexico, Terrible situacion de la Republica. Mexico, 1852.
Mexico, Testimonio de la averiguacion practicada por 6rden del Supremo

Gobierno. Mexico, 1861.
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Mexico, The complaint of Mexico and conspiracy against liberty. Boston,

1843.
Mexico, The Country, History and People. London, 1863.
Mexico, The Marine Corps in Mexico — Trial of First Lieutenant J. S. Devlin.

Washington, 1852.
Mexico, The Mexican Empire, its actual situation. New York, 1866.
Mexico, The Republic of Mexico restored. Mexico, 1867.
Mexico, The West Coast of. Washington, 1880.
Mexico, Tratadode Amistad, etc., Austria. [Mexico. 1S43.]
Mexico, Tribunal del Protomedicato. MS.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lxxxi

Mexico, Tumulto dc 1024. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii, torn. ii.

Mexico, Ultimas Notas Diplomaticas cambiadas entre cl Ministro de Rela-
ciones Esteriorcs y las legaciones estrangeras. Mexico, 18G2.

Mexico, Ultimo Adios al Congreso Constituyente del Estado. Mexico, 1830.

Mexico, Varias cartas del cabildode Mexico a los seiiores del consejo sobre el
tumulto de 15 de Enere de 1624.

Mexico, Verdadera Noticia de los Tres Dias de Ministerio. Mexico, 1839.

Mexico and Havanna, A Voyage to. . .by an Italian. New York, 1841.

Mexico and Mr Poinsett, Reply to a British Pamphlet. Philadelphia, Dec.
21, 1820.

Mexico and the Monroe Doctrine, n.pl., n.d.

Mexico and the United States, An American view of the Mexican Question.
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Mexico and the United States, Treaties of 1832; 1848; 1849; 1862. Mexico,
etc., 1832-62. IP vols.

Mexico y Guatemala, Question de Limites. Mexico, 1875.

Mexico y la Intervencion. Mexico, 18G1.

Mexico ysusAlrededoreSjColeccionde Vistas, etc. Mexico, 1855-7. atlas, folio.

Mexico y sus Disturbios. MS. 2 vols.

Mexico, Texas and Canada, Message of the President, Jan. 8, 1838 (25th Cong.
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Mexiko, Aus eincr Discussion, etc. New York, 1865.

Mexique, De la Revolution au Mexique. Mars, 18G0.

Mexique, Description Situation a vue de la Ville. n.pl., n.d.

Mexique, Documents relatifs a la protection des sujets strangers rdsidant, etc.
Mexico, 1864.

Mexique, Documens sur le Commerce. Paris, 1847.

Mexique (Le) et l'Europe ou expose de la situation actuelle. Paris, 1847.

Mexique (Le) et lTntervention. Paris, 1861.

Mexique (Le) et ses Richesses. Nouvelle-Orldans, 1862.

Mexique, Etudes Historiques au point de vue politique et social. Paris, 1859.

Mexique, Le General Prim Le Senat, etc., dans la question du Mexique.
Paris, 1S63.

Mexique, L'Empereur du Mexique. Paris, 1864.

Mexique, L'Empire et Intervention. Leipzig. 1869.

Mexique, LTntervention francaise au Mexique. Paris, 1868.

Mexique, Memorandum des negotiations pendantes entre le Mexique et
l'Espagnc. Poissy, 1857.

Mexique, Recueil de pieces relatives a la Conquete de. Paris, 1838.

Mexique, Recueil (second) de pieces. Paris, 1846.

Mexique, Commission Scientiiique, Archives. Paris, 1865-9. 3 vols.

Mexique Conquis (Le). Paris, 1752. 2 vols.

Michelena (lose" Mariano), Contestation que dio ante laseccion del gran Jurado.
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Michoacan, Analisis Estadistico en 1822 por J. J. L. Mex., 1S24; Arancel de
los honorarios y derechos judiciales que se han de cobrar. Mex., 1840;
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Don Ricardo Villaschor y su Retractaeion, etc. Mex., 1S61 ; Gobernador
del Estado tl todos sus habitantes, Marzo 28 de 1835. Morelia, 1835;
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Dcpartamental elevo en 28 de Febrero de 1845. Morelia, 1845 : Manifesto
que para justificar ante la opinion piiblica. Morelia, 1849; Memoria de
la Admon publica del Estado de. Morelia, 183D; Protesta del Sehor
Obispo y venerable cabildo contra la ley dc 11 dc Enero dc 1847. Guada-
lajara, 1847; Representation en defensa del Sistema Federal. Mex.,
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Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 6

lxxxii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Mier (Scrvando Teresa), Profecia politica, discurso 13 de Die. 1823. Mexico,

1849.
Mier (Servando Teresa), Vida, aventuras, escritos, y viages. Mexico, 1865.
Mier y Teran (Manuel de), Manifestacion del ciudadano al publico. Mexico,

1825.
Mills (Nicholas), History of Mexico. London, 1824.
Mina (Francisco), Breve Extracto de la vida. London, 1825.
Mina de la Luz, Recurso de Atentado que algunos de los duenos de la mina.

Mexico, 1848.
Mina de San Clemente, Dictamenes de varios abogados sobre el fallo. Megico,

1840.
Mineria, Informe dado por el Establecimiento de, a la Comision de Industria

del Congreso General. Mex., 183G ; Informe del Establecimiento al Seiior

Ministro de Hacienda. Mex., 1838; Manifestacion que con motivo de la

not;; pasada. Mex., 1850 ; Representaciones del Ileal Tribunal de. Mex.,

1791.
Mineria de Nucva-Espafia, Reales ordenanzas para la direccion, regimen y go-

bierno. Madrid, 1783. folio; Hepresentaciones del Real Tribunal de.

Mexico, 1781. folio.
Miqr.eorena (Augustin de), Vida de la Venerable Madre Michaela Josepha de

la Puriilcacion. Puebla, 1755.
Miramar a Mexico, Via jc del Empereur Maximiliano y de la Emperatriz

Carlota. Orizaba, 1SG4.
Miramon, Defensa de los ministros. A collection.
Miramon (Michel), General de division Chef de l'Armee et President substi-

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Miranda (Cathalina de), Proceso y causa criminal contra. MS. 1G90.
Miranda (Francisco Javier), Algunas Reilexiones sobre It cuestion de la

Paz. Mex., 18G0; Esposicion. n.pl., n.d.; Panegirico pronunciado 1G

do Oct. de 1859. Puebla, 1859; La vida 6 la Muerte. n.pl., 1857. MS.

folio.
Miranda (Francisco Montero de), Memoria sobre la provincia de Verapaz.

IMS., 1575. folio.
Miranda (Jacinto), Causa de liomicidio. MS., 1792. folio, 92 pages; folio,

10 pages.
Miscelanea, A Collection. 7 vols.
Miscelanca Curiosa, A Collection. 3 vols.
Miscelanea del Messico, A Collection.
Miscella neons Pamphlets, A Collection.
Miscellany, A Collection. 10 vols.

Missa Gothica seu Mozarabica, etc. Angelopoli, 1770. folio.
Misste pro defunctis. n.pl. n.d. 4to.

Mittheilungen eines jungen Bayers iiber dessen See Miinchen, 1827.
Moderates (Los) y el Estado de Mexico. Toluca, 18G1.
Modern Traveller (The), Mexico and Guatemala. London, 1825. 2 vols.;

Boston, 1830. 2 vols.
Molina (Alonso de), Ordinancaz para estas Ospitalles. MS.
Molina (Alonso de), Vocabulario en lengua Castcllana y Mexicana. Mexico,

1571. 2 vols, folio.
Molinero del Cerro (Caralampio), Cartas de. Mexico, 18G8.
Monardes (Xicolas), Historia medicinal de las cosas que se traen de Lidias

Occidentales. Sevilla, 1574.
Monglave (Eugene de), Resume de l'histoire du Mexique. Paris, 1826.
Monitor Constitucional Independiente. Mexico, 1845 et seq.
Monitor Ultramarino (El). Madrid, 1822.
Moiiroy (Antonio de Villasenor), Oraciones panegyricas funebres en las ex-

equias. Mexico, 1716.
Montana (Joseph Isidro), El corazon de las Rosas. Puebla, 1765.
Montana (Luis), Caracter politico y marcial de los insurgentes. Mex., 1810;

Guanaxuato Invadido 28 de Sept. de 1810. Mex., 1S10; Reflexione*

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lxxxiii

sobre los alborotos acascidos en algunos pueblos de Tierradentro. Mex.,
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Montejo, Testimonia. In Col. Doc. Indd., torn. i.

Montemaior (Joannes Franciscas), Excvbationes Semicentvm ex Decisionibus
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Montemaior (Joannes Franciscus), Pastor Bonus Dominus Jesus. Mexico,
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Montemaior (Juan Francisco de), Discurso politico hist6rico Juridico del
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Montemayor y Cordova de Cuenca (Juan Francisco de), Svmarios de las
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Montenegro (A. de la P.), Itinerario para Parochos de Indios. Amberes, 1754.

Montepio, Reglamento para el Govierno del Monte pio viudas de ministros de
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Monte Pio de Oficinas, Prontuario general en cinco Tarifas. Mexico, 1784.

Monterde (Pedro M. de), Proclama que el Intendente de la Provincia de Mex-
ico. Mexico, 1810.

Montes de Oca y Obregon (Ignacio), Oracion funebre que en las lionras de
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Montesclaros, Carta. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. vi.

Montesdeoca (Demetrio), Oracion civica el dia 1G de Sept. de 1851. Guana-
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Montesquieu, Esprit des lois. Paris, 1867.

Montgomery (H.), Life of Zachary Taylor. Auburn, 1851.

Montlong (Wilhelm von), Authentische Enthullungen liber die letzten Ereig-
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Montiifar (Lorenzo), Respuesta al Segundo Opusculo sobre Jesuitas. Leon,
1873.

Monumentos Historicos de la dominacion Espafiola en Mexico. MS. folio.

Monumentos Historicos y Politicos de la Administracion Colonial. A Collec-
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Moore (Nathan B. ), Geological Sketch. MS. folio.

Mora, Mexico y sus Revoluciones. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., torn. iii.

Mora (J. M. L. ) Mejico y sus Revoluciones. Paris, 1836. 3 vols.

Mora (Jos6 Joaquin), De la Libertad del Comercio. Mexico, 1853.

Mora (Jose Maria), Memoria que para informar sobre el origen y estado ac-
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Mora (Jos6 Maria Luis), Obras Sueltas. Paris, 1837. 2 vols.

Mora (Juan Antonio de), Alientos a la Verdadera Confianza. Mexico, 1721.

Morales (Juan Bautista), Disertacion contra la Tolerancia Religiosa. Mejico,
1S31; El Gallo Pitagorico. Mex., 1845.

Moran y Butron (Jacintho), La Azvcena de Qvito que broto en el florido
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Moran y Crivelli (Tomas), Juicio critico sobre el sistema de Hacienda en Mex-
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Morelia, Iniciativa que el mui Ilustre Ayuntamiento de Morelia. Morelia,
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Moreno (Diego), Manifiesto sobre la conducta observada al dejar el gobierno
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Moreno (Geronymo), Reglas ciertas y precisamente necessarias para Juezes y
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Moreno (Juan Becerra), Relacion del Funeral, entierro y exequias de el illmo
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Moreno (Mauucl), Vida y Memorias. Londres, 1812.

Morfi (Juan Agustin), Coleccion de Documented. MS. folio; Desordenes que
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Morfi (Juan Augustin), La nobleza y Piedad de los Montaneses demonstrada
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Morga (Antonio de), Sucesos de las islas Filipinas. Mexico, 1609. 4to.

lxxxiv AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Moriana y Zafrilla (Marcos), Solemnes exequias el 9 y 10 de Mayo de 1810.

Mexico, 1810.
Morillo (Pablo), Mdmoires relatifs aux campagnes en Amerique de 1815 a

1821. Paris, 1826,
Moro (Gerardo), Informe en derecho sobre que la compania de el Real asiento

do la Gran Bretana. Mexico, 1724. folio.
Morse (Isaac E.), Speech in defence of the Mexican War, Dec. 1846. Wash-
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Mosaico Mexicano (El). Mexico, 1840-42. 7 vols.
Mota Padilla (Matias de la), Historia de la conquista de la Nueva-Galicia.

Mexico, 1843. MS.; Mexico, 1870.
Motolinia (Toribio), Carta al Emperador Carlos V. In Icazbalceta, Col. Doc,

torn. i.
Motolinia (Toribio), Historia de los Indios de Nueva Espaiia. In Icazbalceta,

Col. Doc, torn. i.
Motolinia (Toribio), La Vida y Muerta de tres nifios de Tlaxcala. MS.
Motolinia (Toribio), Vidas y Martirios de tres Niiios Tlascaltecas. MS. folio.
Motezuma, Testamento. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. torn. vi.
Moya y Contreras (Pedro), Carta al Presidente de los Reales Consejos de

Indios. In Cartas de Indias.
Moya y Contreras (Pedro), Carta Relacion al Rey Don Felipe II. In Cartas

de Indias.
Mucharrez (Jos6 Antonio), Contestacion del Ensayador y Juez de Balanza.

Mcx., 1846; Esposicion sobre refonnas constitutionales. Mex., 1841.
Muerde Quedito (El), Pa pel jocoso, serio, satirico y moral. MS. 1714.
Midler (Baron J. W. von), Reisen in den Vereinigten staaten Canada und

Mexico. Leipzig, 1864. 3 vols.
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1849. 4 vols.; Manifiesto que dirige a la nacion Mejicana. Morelia,

1851; Mcx., 1852; Un voto independiente en la cuestion del juramento.

Morelia, 1851.
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vols.; Instrucciones Pastorales. Mex., 1857; Obras diversas, Primera

Serie. Morelia, 1852-53. 2 vols. ; Obras diversas, Segunda Serie. Mex.,

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Senora de Guadalupe de Mexico. [Madrid, 1794.]
Murphy (Tomas), Memoria sobre la Deuda esterior de la Republica Mexicaua.

Paris, 1848.
Muzzarelli, Opiisculo de la escomunion. Guadalajara, 1824; Opiisculo xi. de

las riquczas del Clero. Guad., 1824; Opiisculo xviii. Inmunidad eclesias-
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Nacion (La), Mexico, 1856 et seq.

Nacion Mexicana, Plan de la constitucion politica. Mexico, 1823.

NahuatlMS. 1576.

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1865.

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Narte (Sejo Amira de), Clamores de la America. Mexico, 1811.

Nautical Description of the Gulf of Mexico and Bay of Honduras. London,
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Navarrete, Biografia. In Doc. In6"d., torn. ii.

Navanete (Francisco Antonio), Relacion Peregrina de la Agua Corriente.
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AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lxxxv

Navarrete (J. G.), Esposicion que dirige al Congreso General. Mexico, 1832.
Navarrete (Manuel), Entretenimientos Po6ticos. Mexico, 1323. 2 vols.
Navarrete (Martin Fernandez), Coleccion de los Viagcs y Descubrimientos que

hicieron los Espaiioles desde fines del Siglo XV. Madrid, 1825-37. 5 vols.
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26 de Julio de 1785. MS.
Navarro y Ibarra (Joaquin), Discurso pronunciado el 27 de Sept. de 1845.

Mexico, 1845.
Navarro y Noriega (Fernando), Catalogo de los Curatos y Misiones que tiene

la Nueva Espaiia. Mexico, 1813.
Navarro y Noriega (Fernando), Memoria sobre la poblacion del Reino de

N. E. Mexico, 1820.
Nayarit, Fragmento Historico. MS.
Nayarit, Informe de la audiencia de Guadalaxara fechado a 26 de Agosto de

1785. MS.
Nayaritas, Relacion de la Conquista. Madrid. [1722.]
Nebel (Carlos), Viage pintoresco y Arqueolojico de la Rep. Mex. Paris, etc.,

1839.
Nebrija (Antonio de), Explicacion de los libros qvarto y quinto. Puebla,

1095. 4to.
Negocios de Mexico, Discusion en el Senado Espanol sobre los. Mexico, 1863.

4to.
Negocios Pendientes entre Mexico y Espaiia. Paris, 1858.
Negocios Eclesiasticos, Dictamen de laComision de. Mexico, 1833.
Nepomuceno (Mariana Juana), Vida de la, del Monasterio de religiosas.

Mexico, 1808. 4to.
Newcomb (James P.), History of Secession Times in Texas and Travels in

Mexico. San Francisco, 1863.
Nicolie (Elivd), Newe vnd warliafFte relation von deme was sich in beederly.

Miinclien, 1619. 4to.
Nicolin (Jose" Raimundo), La Division del Territorio en Yucatan, Mexico,

1861.
Nieremberg (J. E.), De la devocion y patrocinio de San Miguel. Mexico.

[1643.]
Nieuw Spaanje. In Aa.,tom. x.
Niles (John M.), History of South America and Mexico. Hartford, 1844. 2

vols.
Niles (John M.), Speech in Sen. of the U. S., Feb. 9, 1848. Washington, 1848.
Nifios Exp6sitos, Exposicion que haceal publico. Mexico, 1838.
Noamira (J. R. Z. ), Memoria Instructiva sobre el Maguey 6 Agave Mexicano.

Mexico, 1837.
No es lo mas el Juramento sino si sabe Cumplir. [Mejico, 1823.]
No Me Olvidcs. Londres, 1824-28. 5 vols.
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Norman (B. M.), Rambles by Land and Water. New York, 1845.
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Notas, Vocabulario Geografico. In Cartas de' Indias.
Noticia Biografica del Archiduque Fernando Maximiliano de Austria, n.pl.

n.d.
Noticia de los Procedimientos en la Reposicion de la Sagrada Imdgen, etc.

Mexico, 1846.
Noticia Estraordinaria. Division de operaciones en la Barra de Tampico.

[Mexico, 1829.] folio.
Noticia individual de los derechos que segvn lo reglado en el ultimo real

proyecto. Barcelona, 1732.
Nojticias de las espediciones que han hecho los Espaiioles para la Conquista

Mex. MS. folio.
Noticias hist6ricas de la Nueva Espana publicadas con la proteccion del Min-

isterio de Fomento. Madrid, 1878. folio.

lxxxvi AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Noticias intoresantisimas contra la independencia. Mexico, 1821. folio.
Noticioso General. Mexico, 1815 et seq.

Noue de le Isole & Terra ferma Nouamente trouate in India. Sevilla, 1522.
Nueva Espafia, Acuerdos de la Junta Superior de Real Hacienda. Mexico,

1794. MS.
Nueva Espafia, Breve Resumen del Descubrimiento de la. Madrid. [17G7.]

MS. royal folio. 2 vols.
Nueva Espafia, Respuestas a las preguntas hechas sobre el estado de los In-

dios. MS.
Nuevas Reflexiones sobre la cuestion Franco-Mexicana. Mexico, 1862.
Nuevo Diccionario de la lengua Castellana.
Nuevo Leon, Dictamen de la comision eclesiastico. [Apr. 30, 1834. Monterey,

1834.]
Nuevo Leon, Dictamen presentado sobre introduccion de Algodon. Mon-
terey, 1845.
Nuevo Leon, Dictamen sobre reforma de las Bases Organicas. Monterey, 1845.
Nuix (Juan), Reflexiones Imparciales. Madrid, 1782.
Nunez (Alonso), Carta Pastoral. Mexico, 1777. 4to.
Nunez (Alonzo), Constituciones. Mexico. [1775.]
Nunez (Antonio), Distribuciones de las obras ordinarias y extraordinarias.

Mexico, 1712. 4to.
Nunez (Ildefonzo), Relacion de la funebre ceremonia y exequias. Mexico, 1802.

4to.
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!N ufio Pinto, In Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado.
Nye (James W.), Speech in Sen. of U. S., July 12, 1867. n.pl., n.d.

Oajaca, Asuntos. In Mex. Doc. Ecles. MS. torn. ii.

Oajaca, Carta del Ayuntamiento. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. , torn. xiii.

Oajaca, Constitucion del Estado de. Oax., 1857; Copias de las Contestaciones.
Mex., 1825; Discurso que Pronuncio el ciudadano J. M. Arteaga 2 de
Enero de 1843. Oax., 1843; Esposicion por el Gobierno al Soberano Con-
greso, 1848 ct seq.; Iniciativa que la Asamblea elevo 19 Feb. 1S45 sobre
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1867. n.pl., n.d.; Ley Organica para cl Gobierno y Administracion In-
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Obispo de la Puebla, Memorias al Rey. MS. 1652.

Observaciones acerca del Parecer Fiscal y Acuerdo de la corte suprema de
Justicia. Mexico, 1848.

Observaciones al dictamen de la segunda comision de Hacienda de la Camara
de Diputados. Mexico, 1840.

Observaciones de los Fabricantesy Agricultores de Mexico. Mexico, 1861.

Observaciones Imparciales acerca de la Administracion Financiera. Mexico,
1845.

Observaciones sobre las Cuestiones que el abate Testory, etc. Guadalajara, 1 865.

Observaciones y comentarios a la carta que Manuel Payno ha dirijido ai gen-
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Observador de la Republica Mexicana (El). Mexico, 1827. 3 vols.

Observador Judicial y de Legislacion. Mexico, 1842 et seq.

Ocafia, Carta. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. xiii.

Ochoa (Anastacio de), Don Alfonso, Tragedia. Mexico, 1811. MS.

Olm o (Jose del), Relacion Historica del auto general de Fe. Mejico, 1849.

Ofiate (Zacarias), Algo sobre los Ultimos acontecimientos de Quer6taro. Quer6-
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Onis (Luis de), Letter of 5th of January, 1818. In Annals of Congress 1819.
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Onis (Luis de), Memoir upon the Negotiations between Spain and the United
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AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lxxxvii

Oposicion (La). Mexico, 1824 et seq.

Opiisculo de la verdad y do la razon contra el proyecto de un monopolio co-

mercial. Mexico, 1839.
Oraciones Civicas. A Collection.

Oratoria Espanola y Americana-, Discurso Historico-Critico. MS. folio.
Orcolaga (Diego Ambrosio de), La Luz del Pharo Mas Pura. Mexico, 1718.
Ordenanza de la renta de Tabaco. Mexico, 1846.
Ordenanza Militar, tratado cuarto, Reglamento para el Ejercicio y Maniobras

de la Infanteria Mexico, 1854. 2 vols.
Ordenanzas. n.pl., 1548.
Ordenanzas de Indias. A Collection. 4to.
Ordenanzas de la Junta de Guerra de Indias. [Madrid] 1634.
Orden de Carlos III. , Real Despacho. Madrid, 1775. folio.
Ordenes de la Corona. A Collection. MS. folio. 7 vols.
Orellana (Manuel), Manifestacion que liace al Publico. Mexico, 1859. 4to.
Orizava, Libro curioso que contiene algunos apuntes particulares acaecidos en

esta Villa. MS.; Reglamento a que debe sujetarse el cuerpo de cose-

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de cosecheros de Tabaco del distrito de 13 de Agosto de 1842. Mexico,

1842.
Orizava y Cordova, Documentos referentes a los sucesos ocurridos. Vera

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Ormaechca (Juan B.), Oracion funebre en las solemnes honras, Jose" Santiago.

Mexico, 1845.
Orozco y Berra (Manuel), Cartografia Mexicana. Mexico, n.d.; Geografia

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Memoria para la Carta Hidrografica del Vallc do Me*x. Mex., 1804. 4to. ;

Noticia Ilistorica del Marques del Valle. Mex., 1853.
Orquesta (La). Mexico, 1S70 et seq.

Orrio (Francisco X. A. de), Solucion del Gran Problema. Mexico, 1703. 4to.
Orta (Francisco de P.), Refutacion al maniiiesto de la Guarnicion de Vera

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Ortega (Amado), Voto fundado de uno de los ministros de la corte de justicia.

Mexico, 1833.
Ortega (Euialio Maria), Plaidoyer sur 1'incompe'tence du conseil de Guerre

Franoais. Mexico, 18G4.
Ortega (F.), Poesias. Mejico, 1839.

Ortega (Fernando de), Alcgaeion Juridica por. Mexico, 1714. folio.
Ortega (Jesus G.), Protesta del Presidente de la Corte Suprema de Justicia.

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Ortega (Lucas Fernandez), Vida de la Madre Maria Magdalena, religiosa del

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Ortega (Manuel del C), El Trono de Mexico 1804. Mexico, 1804.
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Ortiz (Tadeo), Mexico considerado como nacion independiente. Burdeos,

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Ortiz de Ayala (Tadeo), Resiimen de la Estadistica del Imperio Mexicano.

Mexico, 1822.
Osborne (John), Guide to the West Indies, Madeira, Mexico, etc. London,

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Oswald (Felix L.), Summerland sketches. Philadelphia, 1880.
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lxxxviii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Otero (Mariano), Obras. MS. 1850-60. 7 vols.

Otero (Mariano), Oracion civica el dia 1G de Setiembre de 1843. Mexico, 1843.

Oviedo (Juan Antonio de), Vida admirable, apostolicos ministerios y heroicas

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Oviedo Herrera y Rueda (Luis Antonio de), Poema sacro de la pasionde Jesu

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Owen (Tom), Anecdotes and Letters of Zachary Taylor. New York, 1848.

Pabellon Nacional. Mexico, 1844 et seq.

Pacheco (Joaquin F.) and Cardenas et al., Coleccion de Documentos In^ditos

relatives al Descubrimiento, Conquista y Colonizacion de las Posesiones

Espanolas en America. Madrid, 18G4-81. 34 vols.
Pacheco (Jose Ramon), Question de Mexico. Mexico, 18G3 ; Descripcion de la

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Paris, 1S5G; Lettres sur le Mcxique. Bordeaux, 1833.
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Palacio (Mariano Riva), and Rafael Martinez de la Torre, Memorandum sobre

el Proceso del Maximiliano. Mexico, 1867.
Palacio (Vicente Riva), Soberania de los Estados y la Suprema Corte de Jus-

ticia. Mexico, 1874.
Palafox y Mcndoza (Juan), Obras. Madrid, 1762. folio. 15 vols. [Most of

which works also exist in separate form.]
Palanca (La). Guadalajara, 1826 et seq.
Panes (Diego Garcia), Extension intcresante de la Plaza de Vera Cruz. MS.

18C0.
Panes y Abellan (Diego), Cronologia de los Vi-reyes de Nueva Espafia. MS.
Papalotla, Instalacion de su Ayuntamiento. MS.

Papcl de Estrasa en que sc filtra el Baratillo y se cuela de Nulgo. MS. 1753.
Papeles en Dereclio. A Collection.
Papeles de Jesuitas. A Collection. MS. folio.
Papeles Franciscanos. A Collection. MS. folio. 2 vols.
Papeles Sueitos. A Collection.

Papeles Varios. A Collection of Spanish and Mexican Pamphlets. 218 vols.
Parada (Vicente Gomez), Segunda esposicion que hace al Soberano Congreso.

Mexico, 1841.
Pardo (Diego), M^trica exposicion de la regla serafica, etc. MS. 1650.
Parecer de los Senores Thcologos de. Salamanca, 1541.
Paredes (Antonio de), Carta edificante. Mexico, 1791; Carta edificante, ex-

tinguida Compania de Jesvs. Mexico, 1784; Voto Particular, en la Junta

de Mineria de 10 de Marzo. Mexico, 1868.
Paredes (Mariano), Breve Esposicion que el General hace. Mex., 1847.
Paredes y Arrillaga (Mariano), Breve esposicion que hace a suSconciudadanos.

Mex., 1S47; Contestaciones que & la circular. S. L. Potosi, 1845; Espo-
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lica Mexicana. Mex., 1846.
Paresccr 6 Determinacion de los senores the61ogos de Salamanca. Londres,

1854. 4to.
Parian (El), Coleccion de documentos oficiales relativos a la construccion,

etc., del. Mex., 1843; Esposicion a la Camara por Demolicion de. Mex.,

1844 ; Primera representacion del Comercio solicitando una inclemnizacion.

Mex., 1849.
Parker (Theodore), A Sermon on the Mexican War. June 25, 1848. Boston,

1848.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lxxxix

Parkman (P.), Informe que dio cl perito facultativo, minas del mineral del

Gallo. Mexico, 1848. 4to.
Parra (Francisco), Conquista de la provincia de Xalisco, Nuevo Reyno de

Galicia, etc. MS. [1805] 4to.
Parra (Joseph Gomez), Importantissimas y verdaderas resolucioncs para

Eclesiasticos. Puebla, 1712.
Parres (Luis), Manifestacion del Contador de la Aduana Maritima de Mata-

moros. Matamoros, 1839.
Parrodi (A.), Memoria sobre la Evacuacion militar del puerto de Tampico.

Tamaulipas, 184G.
Parthe (Ernst), Die Intervention in Mexico. Leipzig and Stuttgart, 18G4.
Pasatiempo (El), Coleccion de Xovelas, An6cdotas, etc. Mejico, 1839.
Pastoral en dos Actos. MS. 1828.
Patino (Pedro Pablo), Disertacion critico theo-fdosofica sobre la conservacion

de la Santa imagen. Mexico, 1801. 4to.
Patronato analizado contra el Patronato embrollado. Mejico, 1833.
Patronato, Dialogo entre un cura y un Abogado. Mexico, 1827.
Patronato, Opsusculos sobre. A Collection.
Patterson (Geo. W. ), Across Mexico to California. MS.
Pattronatto de Partte (1726 liasta 1742). MS.
Pauw (Corneille), Recherches philosophiques sur les AmeYicains. Londres,

etc., 1770. 3 vols.
Payno, Cronologia de Mexico. In Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, torn. vi.
Payno (Manuel), Compendio de la Historia de Mexico. Mexico, 1870 ; Cuadro,

sinoptico de la Historia Antigua de Mexico. Mex., 18G7; Cuentas, Gastos

Acreedores y otros asuntos. Mex., 1SG8 ; La Convencion Espaiiola.

Mex., 1S57 ; La Deuda Interior de Mex. Mex., 18G5 ; Memoria sobre el

Maguey Mex. Mex., 18G4 ; Memoria sobre la Revolucion de Die. de 1857

y Enero de 1858. Mex., 18G0 ; Mexico and her Financial Questions

with England. Mex., 1SG2 ; Proyectos de arreglo de los gastos de la

Hacienda, Mex., 1848.
Paz (La). Mexico, 1858 et seq.
Paz (Jos6 Ignacio), Plan de estatutos, constituciones y ejercicios. Mexico,

1819.
Pearce, Speech on Ten Regiment Bill. Jan. 13, 1848. Washington, 1848.
Pearce, Speech on Three Million Bill. March 1, 1847. Washington, 1847.
Pedraza (Manuel Gomez), Acusacion presentada en la camara de diputados, 2

Die. 1830. Mex. 1830; Impugnacion a la contestacion del. Mex., 1827;

Manifiesto (Jul. 30, 1823). (Mex., 1823); Notas al maniiiesto Publicado.

Mex., 1831 ; Reflexioncs importantes al Mensage de Pedraza. Mex., 1833.
Pedroza (F. de J. ), Biografias de los principales Caudillos de la Independencia.

La Paz, 1878 ; Compendio Historico de la Conquista de Mexico. La Paz,

1877.
Pelletan (Eugenio), Profession de fe" del Siglo Diez Y Nueve. Mexico, 1SG1.
Pena (Ignacio de la), Trono Mexicano en cl Convento de religiosas pobres

capuchinas. Madrid, 1728. 4to.
Pefia (Luis de la), La Muerte Temprana pero Madura. Mexico, 1725.
Pena y Pena (Manuel do la), Coleccion de los documentos mas importantes

relativos a, la instalacion y Reconocimiento. Mex., 1847; Discursos prc-

sentados a la Academia do Jurisprudencia. Mex. 1850; Lecciones de

Practica Forensc Mejicana. Mex., 1835-9. 4 vols; Rcvoqucse esta

sancion por cl bien de la jNacion. Mex., 1841. folio; Voto fundado por,

en la causa contra Alaman. Mex., 1835.
Pena y Peiia (Manuel de la), Comunicacion Circular sobre la Cuestion de Paz

6 Guerra. QuerCtaro, 1848.
Pensamiento Xacional (El). Mexico, 1855 ct seq.
Penuelas (Pablo), Sermon que en accion de gracias por la exaltacion al trono.

Mexico, 1791.
Penuelas (Pablo Antonio), Breve noticia de la prodigiosa imagen de Nuestra

Seiiora de Los Angeles. Mexico, 1781.

xc AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Peralta (Antonio de), Disertaciones scholasticse de Divinis Decretis. Mexico,

1727.
Peralta (Jnan Suarez de), Noticias Historicas de la Nueva Espaiia. Madrid,

1878. folio.
Peraza (Jnan), Proceso contra negro esclauo de Guillen Peraza. MS., 1599.
Peredo (Vicente del), Historia de la Santisima Virgen Maria. Mexico, 1823.
Perez, Proclama del Capitan General. Mexico, 1809.
Perez (Antonio Joaquin), Oracion funebre, Salvador Biempica y Sotomayor.

Madrid, 1804.
Perez y Camoto (Florencio), Representacion que a favor del libre comercio,

etc. Habana, 1818. 4to.
Perez (Gio.), and Gio. Battista Zappa, see Relatione Delia Missione, etc.
Perico (El). Mexico, 18G2 et seq.
Periudicos Miscelaneos. A Collection.
Periodicos Varios. A Collection.
Perry (J. A.), Travels, Scenes, and Sufferings in Cuba, Mexico, etc. Boston,

1853.
Pdsame a los Mexicanos por la muerte de la Patria. 0 Sea oposicion a la ley

sobre cobre, Tabaco y Tcjas. Mexico, 1S41.
P6same de Pesames y Respecto de respectos. MS.
Peterson (Charles J.), The Military Heroes of the War of 1812 and of the war

with Mexico. Philadelphia, 1858.
Peypus (Frederick), Ein auszug ettlicher sendbrieff dem aller durchleuchti-

gisten. Xuremburg, 1520.
Phelps, Speech in U. S. Senate, Jan. 27, 1848. Washington, 1848.
Phillips (John), Mexico Illustrated. London, 1848. folio.
Pierard (A.), Souvenirs du Mexique. Bruxelles, 18G7.
Pierron (Eduardo), Datos para la Geografia del Imperio Mexicano. Mexico,

180G. 4to.
Pieschel (Carl), Die Vulkane der Republik Mexiko. Berlin, 1856. folio.
Pillow, Defence of, before court of inquiry, n.pl. [1848.]
Pimentel (Francisco), Cuadro descriptivo y comparativo de las lenguas indi-

genas de Mexico. Mex., 1SG2. 2 vols. ; Disertacion leida en la Sociedad

Mexicanade Historia Natural. Mex., 1869; La Economia Politica. Mex.,

186G; Memoria sobre Lis Causas que ban originado la situacion actual de

la raza indigena de Mex. Mexico, 1SG4.
Piria y Cuevas (Manuel), Esposcion al Tribunal Superior del Distrito Federal.

Mexico, 1861.
Pinal (L.), Catecismo de economia politica. Mexico, 1856.
Pinart (Alphonse), Coleccion de documentos originales para la historia de

Mexico. MS.
Pineda (Emeterio), Descripcion Geografica del departmento de Chiapas y So-

conusco. Mexico, 1845.
Piquero (Ignacio), Breve Instruccion sobre las Contribuciones. Mexico, 1845.
Pius V., Bulla Confirmationis. 15G8.

Pizarro (Xicolas), Catecismo politico constitucional. Mejico, 1867.
Pizarro y Orellana (Fernando), Varones Ilvstres del Nvevo Mvndo. Madrid,

1G39. folio.
Plan de Hacienda para la Republica Mexicana. Mexico, 1847.
Plancarte (Joseph), Sermon de gracias que en la exaltacion al trono. Mexico,

1791.
Plateria, Ordenanzas de la nobilissimo arte. Mexico, 1715. folio.
Plausible gozo de la N. Espaiia por la prision de crueles insurgentes. [Mexico]

n.d. 4to.
Plaza de Mexico, Balanza Mercantil, 1843-5. Mexico, 1844-6. folio.
Pleitos. A Collection. 6 vols.

Poblanos (Los), a los habitantes de Mejico. Puebla, 1821. folio.
Pobre Peregrino (El). Vara Cruz, 1844. folio.
Poesias Mexicanas 1700-1860. A Collection. 2 vols.
Poinsett (J. R.), Contestacion del Ministro Americano. Mex., 1829; Esposi-

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. ^ xci

cion de la cone!" eta politica de los Estados-Unidos. Mcx., 1827; Mani-

fiesto de los principios politicos. Mex., 1S2S; Notes on Mexico. London,

182--).
Polichinellc (Platon), El Area del Pueblo. Mexico, 1858. 2 vols.
Politica de los espafioles en la conquista y colonizacion de America. Madrid,

18S2.
Polk (J. K.), Mensage del Presidente de los Estados-Unidos. Mexico, 1848.
Pomnarede (J. A.), Nouveau moyen de prevenir les Inondations de la Ville

et la Valle de Mex. Mexico, 18C0.
Poore (Ben Perley), Life of Gen. Zachary Taylor. Boston, n.d.
Portegueda (Juan Ventura de), Seiitimientos sublimes de religion. Mexico,

1811.
Porter (Charles T.), Review of the Mexican War. Auburn, 1849.
Portfolio (The). Philadelphia, 1817.
Portilla (Anselmo de la), Espaiia en Mexico. Mexico, 1871; Mejico en 185G y

1857. New York, 1858.
Portilla (J. de la), Episodio Historico del gob. Dictatorial en la Republica

Mexicana. Mexico, 1861.
Portilla (Jesus Lopez), Esposicion que dirige al Publico el Gobernador de

Jalisco. Mexico, 1853, 4to.
Portilla (Pedro de la), Representacion que el ciudadano hace al soberano

Congreso, 1826. Mexico, 1826.
Portugal (Juan Cayetano). [Pastoral letter 22 de Feb. 1850.] MS. [Morelia,

1850.]
Posadas (Manuel), Alegato de defensa. Mexico, 1830.
Potestad Pontificia. Madrid, 1826.

Poussin (Guillaume Tell), De la Puissance Americaine, etc, Paris, 1848. 2 vols.
Powell (G. Frank), Life of Maj.-Gen. Zachary Taylor. New York, 1846.
Pradt (Dufour de), The Colonies and the Present American Revolutions.

London, 1817.
Presas 'Jose"), Juicio Imparcial sobre las principales causas de la revolucion de

la America Espanola. - Burdeos, 1828.
Presas (Josef de), Memoria sobre el estado y situacion politica en que se hal-

laba el reyno de Nueva-Espaiia en Agosto de 1823. Madrid, 1824. 4to.
Prescott (William H.), Historia de la Conquista de Mexico. Mexico, 1844-6.

3 vols.; also Mexico, 1845-6, 3 vols.; also Madrid, 1847-50, 4 vols.
Prescott (William H. ), Historia de la Conquista del Peru. Mexico, 1850. 2

vols.
Prescott (William H.), Historia del Reinado de los Reyes Cat61icos D. Fer-
nando y Isabel. Mexico, 1854. 2 vols.
Prescott (William H.), History of the Conquest of Mexico. New York,

1844. 3 vols. ; also Philadelphia, 1860. 3 vols.
Pre'stamos, Contribuciones y Exacciones de la Iglesia de Guadalajara. Guada-
lajara, 1S47.
Prieto (Guillermo), Algunas ideas sobre organizacion de la Hacienda. Mex.,

1861 ; Indicaciones sobre el origen, etc., de las Rentas Generales de la Fed.

Mcx. Mex., 1850; Lecciones Elementales de Economia Politica. Me::.,

1871; Viaje a los Estados Unidos 1877. Mex., 1877-9. 3 vols.; Viagea

de Orden Supremo. Mex., 1857.
Prim (General), Discurso en el Senado Espaiiol, Cuestion Mex. Mexico, 18G2.

4to; Speech upon the Mexican question in the Senate of Spain. San

Francisco, 1863.
Primer gefe del Ej6rcito imperial a los habitantes de Mexico. Mexico, 1821.

folio.
Proceso por el Real Audiencia de la Espafiola. In Icazbalceta, Col. Doc. , torn. i.
Proceso sobre la fuga de siete religiosos del Convento de la Merced. MS.

Mexico, 1800.
Proclama de una Americana a sus compatricias. [Mexico, 1810.]
Proclama del Arzobispo Virey contra los enganos perfidos de los Bonapartes.

[Mexico, 1810.]

xcii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

•

Proclama que dirige a los espailoles Europeos. Mexico, 1810.

Prontuario por materias y 6rden alfab6tico. I\Iexico, 1828.

Prospectus and Act Incorporating the American and Mexican Railroad and
Telegraph Company. New York, 1809.

Protesta del Illmo Senor Arzobispo de Cesarea y vicario Capitular. Mexico,
1848.

Providencias sobre Azogues, 1670-73. MS.

Provincia de San Diego de Mexico, Alternativa que se ha observado. MS.
177-'.

Provincia de San Nicolds, (Por la)...De la Orden de San Augustin en el
Pleyto con el Padre presentado Fray, n.pl., n.d.

Provincia del Santo Evangelio de Nueva Espaiia. [A collection of MSS. of
the 10th century.] folio.

Provincial del Carmen, Esposicion que por las exenciones de la Provincia de
Mexico, 1851.

Provincias Iuternas, Copia de una carta del Ministro de Guerra de Espaiia de
24 de Julio, 1812. MS.

Provincias Interims, Peal Orden de 11 de Marzo de 17S8 concediendo alvirey
de N. Espaiia. MS.

Provincias Interims, Real Orden de la Regencia de 12 de Julio, 1812. MS.

Provision de Obispados, Cnestion relativa a la. Mexico, 1850.

Proyecto de Comunicacion Oceanica por el Centro de la Repiiblica. Vera
Cruz, 1851.

Proyecto de un Ferrocarrily Telegrafo desde la Linea Division de Mexico y los
Estados-Unidos. Mexico, 18G8.

Proyecto para Galeones y Flotas del Peru y Nueva- Espaiia. Madrid, 1720.
folio.

Proyecto sobre un establecimento de Papel Moneda. Mexico, 1822.

Puebla, Arancel de los honorarios y derechos judiciales. Puebla, 1811 ; Mex.,
1840; El Ayuntamientode Puebla a los habitantes de su comarca. [Mex.,
1821.] folio; Breve Descripcion de los festivos. n.pl. [1707] 4to ; Con-
testacion dada por el Sr> Obispo de Puebla. Mex., 1847; Contestacion
dirigida al exmo Sr- Gob. Puebla, 1S51. 4to; Contestacion al Maniiiesto
que seis individuos del Ayunt° de Puebla. Puebla, 1840. 4to; Coleccion
de Acuerdos y Decretos. Puebla, 1832. 4to; Coleccion de los D^cretos,
etc., del V Cong. Constitucional en 182G-8. Puebla, 1828. folio; Consti-
tucioii Politica del Estado Libre de Puebla. Puebla, 1825; Puebla, 1848;
Puebla, 1SG1 ; Corona Civica a los heroes del 2 de Abril de 1SG7. Merida,
18G8; Decreto de 28 de Setiembre de 1861. n.pl., n.d. ; El C. Francisco
I1 )arra gobernador interinod sus habitantes, sabed. [Puebla, 1865]; Inici-
ativa que para impedir la importacion de hilaza estrangera y demas efectos
Prohibidos. [Puebla, 1841.] 4to; De la Junta de industria de Puebla.
n.pl., 184G. 4to; Libertad de Puebla. [Mexico, 1828]; Manifiesto que el
Batallon. Puebla, 1830; Maniiiesto del Selior Obispo con otros docu-
mentos para desengano de los incautos. Mexico, 1812; Manifiesto
que hacen al publico el Alcalde, Regidores y Sindico. Puebla,
1840; Memoria presentada al Congreso de Puebla de los Angeles por el
Secretario del Despacho de Gob0 sobre el estado de la Admin, pub1, aiio
de 1827. Mex., 1827. 4to; Memoria presentada al Congreso de Puebla
de Los Angeles por el Secretario del despacho de Gob° sobre el estado
de la Admin. puba» afio de 1830. Mex. [1830] 4to; Noticias Sagradas
que a mayor honra y gloria de Dios. Puebla, n.d. 4to; Nuevos Medios
para una Comunicacion Inter-Oceanica. Puebla, 1851; Ofrccimiento de
los Seliadores Eclesnisticos de la Ciudad de Puebla. Mex., 1821; Orcle-
nanzas para elnuevo estab. de Alcaldes de Quartel. Puebla, 1796. folio;
Parte Gen. que sobre la canrpaha de Puebla. Mex., 185G. Proclama
Oct. 24, 1846. [Puebla, 184G.] folio; Reflexiones sobre varios Articulos
del Proyecto de Constitucion. Puebla, 1823; Refutacion a la Contesta-
cion. Puebla, 1840; Representacion del ExUJO Ayuntamiento de la cap-
ital de Puebla. Puebla, 1836. 4to; Representacion que la exma junta"

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xciii

Departmental de Puebla. [Puebla, 1841.] 4to; Representacion que la
junta disectiva de industria. Puebla, 1851. 4to; Representacion de la
Junta de industria. n.p. 1S46. 4to; Representacion que la junta de in-
dustria de Puebla eleva al honorable congreso. Puebla, 1850. 4to.

Puebla de los Angeles, Noticias sagradas que a mayor lionra. Puebla, 1G91.

Puebla de Zaragoza, Sitio de. Mexico, 1863.

Pueblo Mexicano, Relacion de las causas que influyeron en los degraciados
sucesos del dia 20 de Agosto de 1847. Mex., 1847.

Puente Escala aereo, Ligera descripcion. [Mexico, 1841.]

Puente (Pedro de la), Refiexiones sobre el Bando de 25 de Junio Ultimo.
Mexico, 1812. 4to.

Puerta (Juan de la), Carta al Emperador. In Cartas de Indias.

Puerto et al., Carta al Consejo de las Indias. In Cartas de Indias.

Puertocarrero, Testimonio de, In Col. Doc. In6d., torn. i.

Puga (Vasco de), [Ced\ilario] Provisiones, Cedulas, Instrumentos de su Ma-
gestad. Mexico, 1503.

Puigblanch (Antonio), La inquisicion sin mascara, 6 disertacion. Mexico,
1824.

Pulque Blanco, Ordenancas de los Sefiores Virreyes. [Mexico, 1653.] folio.

Purchas, His Pilgrimes. London, 1625-G. 5 vols, folio.

Purdy (John), Whittle and Laurie's complete Sailing Directions. London,
1819.

Pusalgas (Ignacio), El Nigromantico Mejicano. Barcelona, 1838. 2 vols.

Quarterly Review. London, 1809 et seq.

Que Muera el Papel Moneda yaque Comenz6 a Enfermar. [Mexico, 1823.]

Queipo (Manuel Abad), Carta pastoral del ilustrisimo Senor Obispo electo y
Gobernador. Mexico, 1813; Coleccion de los escritos mas importantes
que dirigio al Gobierno. Mex., 1813; Edicto instructivo. [Sept. 30, 1810.
Mex., 1810.]

Quejas de los Mexicanos a su Ilustre Presidcnte. Mexico, 1841.

Queretaro, Caida de...en- 18G7. Mex., 18G8; Constitucion Politica del
Estado el 12 de Agosto de 1825. Mex., 1833; Dictamen quo la Junta
departamental. Queretaro, 1840; Dos Palabras en Honor de. Quer.,
1842; El Congreso de QuerCtaro (x sus Comitantes. Mex., 1849; El
Cura de Santiago de, a sus fieles habitantes. n.pl., n.d.; Espediente for-
mado sobre la suspension que decrcto el Supremo Gobierno. Quer., 1844;
Estadistica del Departamento. Quer., 184G; Iniciativa que la Honorable
Legislatura. Quer., 1848; Queretaro Libre. Mex., 1830; Notas esta-
disticas. Mex., 1848; Ocurrencias en los dias 18 y 19 de Enero de 1847.
Quer., 1847; Ordenanza que para la Division de la ciudad de Santiago.
Mex., 179G; Relacion Historica que hace la Exma Asamblea. Quer.,
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1871.

Quijotita (La), y su prima. Mexico, 1831-2. 4 vols.

Quinet (Edgar), La Espedicion de Mexico. Mexico, 1863.

Quinones (Jos6 Garcia), Descripcion de las demostraciones. Puebla, 1809.

Quintana R,oo (Andres), Acusacion presentada en la Camara de Diputados el
2 de Die. de 1830. Mex. 1830; Amplicacion que el. Mex., 1832; Cuarta
representacion a la Cam de Dip. Mex., 1831; Discurso en la Alameda
el 1G de Sept. de 1845. Mex., 1845; Informe del Apoderado de los
Acreedores, etc. Mex., 1834; Observaciones sobre un informe que dio.
Mex., 1835.

Quiroga, Carta. In Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc. , torn. xiii.

<->ga (Domingo), Compendio breve de la Vida, etc. Mexico, 1729.

Quiros (Jose Maria), Memoria de Estatuto. Vera Paz, 1817; Voz imperiosa
de la Verdad. Mex., 1810.

Quixano (Dr), Discurso sobre la Insurrecion de Am.6ri.ca. Mexico, 1814;
Guadalaxara, 1814.

xciv AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Ramirez (Antonio de Guadalupe), Ereve Compendio de todo lo que debe saber
y entender. Mexico, 1785.

Ramirez (Jos6 Fernando), Acusaeion presentada al Gran Jurado. Mcjico,
n.d.; Apuntes para escribir la Historia del valor y origen de las Monedas
que corrian en Mexico en el siglo de su conquista. MS. folio; Apuntes
para servir a la historia de las Convenciones Diplomdticas. Mex. , 1852;
Documentos relativos a la fundacion del Hospital del xlmor de Dios. MS. ;
Informe que hizo en defensa de Bonilla. Mex., 1SG1; Memorias, Xego-
ciaciones y Documentos para servir a la Historia entre Mexico y los Es-
tados-Unidos [cuestion Tehuantepec]. Mex., 1S53; Noticias Historical
y Estadisticas de Durango. Mex., 1851; Observaciones hechas al docu-
mento no 4 de la memoria. Mcj., 1852; Proceso de Residencia contra
Pedro de Alvarado. Mex., 1847; Vida de Motolinia. In Icazbalceta,
Col. Doc, torn. i.

Ramirez (Jose Miguel), Voto Particular al proyecto de reformas de las leyes
constitucionales. [Mex., 1840]; Voto Particular que sobre el punto de
Patronato presento al Sob. Cong. Mex., 1824.

Ramirez (Josephus), Via lactea seu vita candidissima S. Philippi Neiii. Mex-
ico, 1G98.

Ramirez Ponce de Leon (Juan Felix), Testimonio del Testamento Memoria y
dos Cobdicillos. MS., 1714. folio.

Ramirez de Prado (Marcos) and J. de O. Montanez, Coleccion de las Ordenan-
zas que para el Gobierno de el Obispado de Michoacan. Mexico, 1776.

Ramirez y Sesma (Joaquin), Coleccion de Decretos para el Ejercito. Mexico,
1827.

Ramon (Domingo), Derrotero para las misiones de los presidios internos. In
Mayer MSS.

Ramos (Alonso), Lvz de Verdades Catholicas. Mex., 1G91; Primera Parte de
los Prodigios de la Omnipotencia. Puebla, 1G89.

Ramsey (Albert C), The Other Side. New York, 1850.

Ramusio (Giovanni Battista), Navigationi et Viaggi. Venetia. torn, i., 1554;
torn, ii., 1583; torn, iii., 15G5. 3 vols, folio.

Ranged (Joaquin), Defensa que el Seiior General Tomas Requena hizo. Mex.,
1845; Esposicion hecha por los individuosde la estinguida Corte Marcial,
etc. Mex., 1845; Segunda defensa del Sr. Gen. Requena. Mex'., 1845;
Tcrcera Brigada del Ejercito Mexicano. Mex., 1847.

Rankin (Melinda), Twenty Years among the Mexicans. Cincinnati, 1881.

Ranking (John), Historical researches on the Conquest of Peru. Mexico,
etc. London, 1827.

Raso. In Soc. Mex. Geog. , Boletin. torn. iii.

Ratos Entretenidos 6 Miscelanea util y curiosa. Mexico, 1819. 2 vols.

Ratzcl (Friedrich), Aus Mexico Reiseskizzen, 1874 und 1875. Breslau, 1878.

Ravignan (X.), De los Jesuitas y de su Institute Mexico, 1845.

Ravson (William), The present operations and future prospects of the Mex-
ican Mine Associations. London, 1825.

Raymond, Del Catolicismo en las sociedades. Mexico, 1851.

Rayon, Asedio y Defensa de Mexico 6 sucesos del 13 de Agosta al 15 de
Setiembre de 1847. Mexico, 1847. MS.

R,azon (La). Mexico, 1857 et seq.

Razonador (El). Mexico, 1847 et seq.

Reales Cedulas, Orclenes y Decretos. In Col. Doc. Ine'ditos; Navarrete, Col.
de Viages; Ordenes de la Corona; Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc.

Real Declaracion de 17 Junio 1773 sobre Monte Pio militar. Madrid, 1773.
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Real Executoria. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., torn, xii.

Reavis (L. U.), The New Republic. St. Louis, 1867.

Recopilacion de las Leyes del Gobierno Esparlol que Rigen en la Republica.
Mexico, 1851.

Recopilacion de Lej^es de Los Reynos mandadas Imprimir y Publicar por Car-
los II. Madrid, 1791. folio. 4 vols.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xcv

Reflecciones sobre el Dictamen dc las Comisiones Eclesiastica y do relaciones

acerca de enviado a Roma. Mexico, 182G.
Reflecsiones sobre algunas reformas a la Constitucion Federal de la Repub-

lica Mexicana. Mexico, 1835.
Reflexiones Coniidenciales 6 sea Carta a un Amigo sobre el Opuscule Mex-
ico, 18G5.
Reflexiones sobre la ley que declara irredimibles los capitales pertenecientes

a corporaciones y obras pias. Mexico, 1847.
Refutacion de un espaiiol- Americano a proclamas de Jose Bonaparte. Mex-
ico. 1810.
Refutacion en la parte historica del articulo de fondo. Mexico, 1849.
Registro Trimestre. Mexico, 1832-3. 2 vols.
Registro Yucateco. Merida, 1845. 2 vols.

Regla de la Purissima Concepcion, Orden que se ha de guardar. Mexico, n.d.
Regla y Constituciones dc las Religiosas Descalzas de la Orden de la gloriosis-

sima Virgen Maria del monte Carmelo. Madrid, 1733.
Reglamcnto de las Ordenes militares de Fernando y San Hermenegildo.

Mexico, 1810.
Reglamento de una sociedad para el fomento de la industria Nacional. Mex-
ico, 1839.
Reglamento en los Hospitales. In Reales Ordenes. torn. ii.
Reglamento para el establecemiento deuna Comisaria deguerra. Mex. , 1817.

folio.
Reglas dc la Compafria de Jesus. Mexico, 1742.
Regulares. A Collection. Mexico, 1809 et seq.
Rejon (Manuel Crecencio), Justificacion de la conducta desde Oct. dc 1841,

hasta la feclia. New-Orleans, 1S4G; Observaciones del Diputado saliente

contra los Tratados dc Paz. Queretaro, 1848.
Relacion Anonima de los disturbios acaecidos. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col.

Doc, torn. vii.
Relacion de las causas que influycron los Desgraciados Sucesos. Mexico,

1847.
Relacion de las Tribulaciones de los Fieles. Mexico, 1804.
Relacion de el Tumulto de 15 Henero 1G24 en Mexico con el Virrey, etc. MS.
Relatione d'alcvne cose della Xuoua Spagna della gran citta de Temistitan

Messico fatta per un gentil' huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese.
Religion Bethlemitica, Regla y Constitucioncs. Mexico, 1751.
Religiosas de Santa Brigida, Regla y Constituciones. Mexico, 1822.
Religiosos de la Nueva Espaua, Copia y relacion de las facultades y breves

apostolicos. MS.
Religious Ceremonies and Customs. London, 1731. folio. 3 vols.
Remesal (Antonio dc), Histoiia de la Provincia de S. Vicente de Chyapa.

Madrid, 1G19. 4to.
Renta del Tabaco, Instruccion general para los visitadores. n.pl., n.d.
Repartimicntos de Indios, Parecer del Padre Provincial y otros religiosos

thcologos de la Orden do San Francisco. MS., folio. Mex., 1594.
Repertorio de Literatura 3* Variedades. Mejico, 1841-2. 3 vols.
Represcntacion de los Caporetos al Seilor Gobernador del Distrito Federal.

[Mexico, 1833.]
Represcntacion por el clero dc Mexico alGobierno Supremo. [Mexico, 1847.]
Representacion que los subditos ingleses hacen al Seilor Ministro de S. M. B.

Mexico, 1S59.
Republica Mexicana, Conrsidcraciones sobre la situacion politica y social.

Mex., 1848; Lijera Resena de los Partidos, etc. Mex., 1851.
Requena (Tomas); Defensa. Mex., 1845; Segunda defensa. Mex., 1845.
Rcscriptos Reales sobre Asuntos Eclesiasticos. MS. folio.
Resena Historica de la formacion de operaciones del ejercito del Norte durante

la iutervencion francesa, etc. 4to.
Resena Historica y Explicativa de los ultimos Sucesos de Mexico. Paris,

1857.

xcvi AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Respuesta a las Dudas sobre Gobierno de la Iglesia. Mexico, 1827.
Respuesta de un Americano a las Preguntas que hizo Iturbide al Pensador

Mejicano. [Mexico, 1821.]
Respuesta que da un Soldado de la Almiranta. n.pl., n.d.
Restaurador (El. ) Mexico, 184G et seq.
Revilla (Jos6 de la), Resumcn Histurico de la Conquista de Nueva Espaiia.

In Solis, Hist. Mex. Edition Madrid, 1843.
Revilla Gigedo (Conde de), Extractos de la carta de 27 de Diciembre de 1793.

MS.; Instruccion que debe observarse para el arreglo, etc. Mex., 1704;

Instruccion Reservada que di6 a su sucesor. Mex., 1831-2; Instruccion

sobre el cultivo de moreras y cria de gusanos de seda. [Mex., 18301;

Real Ccdula (sobre Pulque bianco 1G de Mayo 1753. Julio 9, 1753. [Mex. ,

1753.] 4to. 2 vols.; Residencia de. [1795] MS. folio; Ynstruccion que

el Exmo. Sr. dejo escrita 1789-94. MS. 2 vols.
Re vista Cat61ica. [Mexico] 1851 et seq.
Re vista Espallola. Madrid, 183G et seq.

Revista Minera, Peri6dico Cientifico 6 Industrial. Madrid, 1859 et seq.
Revolucion de Nueva Espaiia, Verdadero origen, caracter, causas, resortes,

etc. Mexico, 1820.
Revolucion de Vera Cruz, Nuevas ocurrencias. [Mexico, 1822.]
Revue Orientale et Americaine. Paris, 1859 et seq.
Reygadas (Fermin), Discurso contra el fanatismo y la imposturade losrebeldes

de Nueva Espaiia. Mexico, 1811.
Ribadeneyra y Barrientos (A. J. de), Escudo Real en Defensa. MS. 4to;

Manual Compendio de el Regio Patronato Indiano. Madrid, 1755. 4to.
Ribas (Andres Perez de), Historia de los Trivmphos de Nvestra Santa T6

entrc gentes las mas barbaras y fieras del Nueuo Orbe. Madrid, 1G45.
Ribera (Antonio de), Razon de la sentencia deffinitiva que did. n.pl., n.d.
Ribera (Miguel), Informe que por el derecho que assiste. Mexico, 1771.
Ribero (L. Miguel), Proyccto de Monarquia en Mejico. Madrid, 184G.
Richards (Antonio D.), El General W. S. Rosecrans y el Ferrocarril de Tux-
pan al Pacifico. Mex., 1870; Historia de la Concesion del Ferrocarril

Proyectado de Tuxpan al Pacifico. Mex., 1872.
Richthoi'en (Emil K. H. F. von), Die Ausseren und inneren Politischen Zus-

tande de Rcpublik Mexicana. Berlin, 1854.
Richthoi'en (Emil Freih), Die Mexicanische Frage. Berlin, 18G2.
Riesgo (Pascual), La Gran Artista y la Gran Sefiora. Mexico, 1855. 3 vols.
Rincon (Manuel), Justificado a los ojos de los Mcxicanos imparciales. Mex.,

1831; Manifiesto que dirige a sus Compatriotas. Mex., 1839; Vindica-

cion ante el Consejo de Guerra. Mex., 1840.
Rios (E. J. de los), Compendio de la Historia de Mexico. Mexico, 1852.
Riperda (Baron de), Carta al Senor Baron de Croix comandante general de las

provincias internas, 27 de Abril de 1777. MS.
Riperda, Carta. In Texas, Doc. Hist. Ecles.

Ripley (R. S.), The War with Mexico. New York, 1849. 2 vols.
Rivas, Cartas Pastorales. A Collection. 2 vols.
Rivas de Velasco (Diego Rodriguez), Carta Pastoral, n.pl., n.d.
Rivera (Juan Antonio), Diario Curioso de Mexico. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie

ii., torn. vi.
Rivera (Manuel), Historia Antigua y Moderna de Jalapa. Mexico, 1869-71.

5 vols.
Rivera (Manuel), Los Gobernantes de Mexico. Mexico, 1872. 2 vols.
Rivera (Mariano Galvan), La Tierra Santa. Mexico, 1842. 3 vols.
Rivera (Mariano P. de), Manifestacion que hace. Mexico, 1810.
Riviere (E.), San Felipe de Jesus Patron de Mexico. Mexico, 1853.
Rivero (Luis M. del), Mejico en 1842. Madrid, 1844.

Robertson (J. B. ), Reminiscences of a campaign in Mexico. Nashville, 1849.
Robertson (William), The History of America. London, 1777. 2 vols. 4to.;

also London, 1783. 3 vols.
Robertson (William Parrish), A visit to Mexico. London, 1853. 2 vols.-

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xcvii

Robertson (William Parish), Foreign debt of Mexico, etc. London, 1850.

Robinson (Fayette), Mexico and her military chieftains. Philadelphia, 1847.

Robinson (W. D. ), A cursory view of Spanish America. Georgetown, 1815.

Robinson (William Davis), Memoirs of the Mexican Revolution. Philadel-
phia, 1820; also London, 1821. 2 vols.

Robleda (Maria de las Nicves), El Senador Megicano 6 Carta de Lermin a
Claucolde. Madrid, 1836.

Robles (Antonio de), Diario de los ahos 1G65 y 1703. In Doc. Hist. Mex.,
serie i., torn. ii.

Robles (Mariano Robles), Memoria hist6ricade la Provincial de Chiapa. Cadiz,
1813.

Rocafucrte (Vicente), Carta a Carlos M. Bustamante. "Mex., 1831 ; Considcr-
aciones generales sobre la bondad de un gobierno. Mex., 1S31 ; Contes-
tacion 6 sea Banderilla. Mex., 1831 ; Cuadernoque contiene el prestamo
hecho a Colombia. Mex., 1829; Ensayo Politico. Nueva York, 1823;
Ensayo sobre el nuevo sistema de carceles. Mex., 1830; Ensayo sobre
Tolerancia Religiosa. Mex., 1831; Ideas Necesarias a todo Pueblo
Americano Independiente. Mex., 18G1 ; Impugnacion a la nueva secta
de Sublimes Cristianos. Mex., 1832; Observaciones sobre la carta inserta
en el registro oficial del 4 de Oct. Mex., 1831 ; Un regalo de aho nuevo
para el Seiior. Mex., 1832.

Roche (I. L.), Fernand Cortez. Lille, 1858.

P^odenbaugh (Theo F.), From Everglade to Canon. New York, 1875.

Rodriguez (Ignacio), Muhoz, Visitador de Mejico. Mejico, 1838.

Rodriguez (Joseph Manuel), Relacion Juridica sobre Fray Andres Picazo.
Alex., 17G9; Vida Prodigiosa del V. Siervo de Dios Fray Sebastian de
Aparicio. Mex., 1769.

Rodriguez (Mathias), Explicacion de las sesenta y cinco proposiciones prohi-
bidas por Inocencio XL Puebla, 1684.

Rodriguez y Cos (Jose- M.), El Anahuac. Mex., 1853; Ensayos porticos.
Mex., 1849.

Rodriguez y Valero (Jose" Antonio), Cartilla historica y Sagrada. Mexico,
1759.

Roman (J. Dixon), Speech on Mexican War, Jan. 25, 1848. Washington, 1848.

Romero, The situation of Mexico. Speech on, Dec. 16, 1863. New York, 1864.

Romero (Jos6 Guadalupe), Noticias para formar la Historia y la Estadistica
del Obispado de Michoacan. Mexico, 1862.

Romero (Matias), Apuntes para formar un Bosquejo Hist6rico del Regreso a
la R,epiiblica. Mex., 1868; Contratos hechos en los Estados-Unidos, etc.
Mex., 1868; Dinner to. . .on March 29, 1864. New York, 1866; Inicia-
tiva de Hacienda. Mex., 1869; Tabla sinoptica de los tratados y con-
venciones que ban negociado los Est. Un. Mex. Tabasco, 1859.

Roo (Andres Q), Informe del Apoderado. Mejico, 1834; Observaciones sobre
un informe que Dio. Mejico, 1835; Mai Maromero sali6 el, etc., de los
Fanaticos. Mex., 1823.

Root (Joseph M.), Speeches in U. S. House of Rep., May 13, 1846; December
24, 1846; March 15, 1848. Washington, 1846, 1848. 3 vols.

Rosa (Agustin de la), Opiisculos. A collection.

Rosa (Luis de la), Contestacion del Arzobispo, etc. Mex., 1847; Discurso en
la Alameda 16 de Setiembre 1846. Mex., 1846; Ensayo sobre la Admin-
istracion Publica de Mex. Mex., 1853. 4to; Impresiones de un viage de
Alex, a Washington. N. Y., 1844; Observaciones sobre varios puntos.
Bait., 1851.

Rosa y Figueroa (F. Antonio de la), Quejas contra Indios. A collection of
Memorials. MS. 1722.

Rosas (Landa), Manifestacion que hace al publico con motivo de la conducta
que observ6 en la campaha de la Sierra Gorda. Mexico, 1857.

Roscio (J. G. ), El triunfo de la libertad sobre el despotismo. Oajaca, 1828.

Rosecrans (W. S.), Actual Estado del Asunto del Ferrocarril Interoceanico.
Mex., 1873; El Ferrocarril Interoceanico, Ultimas Comunicacioncs Cam-
Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 7

xcviii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

biadas. Mex., 1873; Ferrocarriles, Carta del General. Mex., 1872;
Ferrocarriles, La Goncesion hecha. Mex., 1872; Historia de laConcesion
del Ferrocarril. Mex., 1872; Mexico necesita sus Ferrocarriles. Mex.,
1872.

Roure (M. P.). Conquete du Mexique. Paris, 1811.

Rubio (C. ), Informe de la empresa de tabacos al publico. Mexico, 1841.

Rubio (Juan), Ejemplos Morales 6 las Consecuencias de la Buena yde la Mala
Educacion en los Varios Destines do la Sociedad. Mexico, 1820.

Rubio (Manuel), Demanda promovida en Guanajuato, Mina de la Luz. Mex.,
1849; Demanda promovida en Guanajuato por los herederos. Mex., 1S48;
Informe que en contestacion al que liizo el Sr. Licdo Don Jose" MaCuevas.
Mina de la Luz. Mex., 1852; Informe que hizo el Licdo Dn. Jose" Ma
Cuevas [suit about Mina de la Luz]. Mex., 1852; Informe que en con-
testacion hizo el Licd° Franco M. Lombardo [suit about Mina dc la Luz].
Mex. , 1852 ; Pedimento del Sr. Fiscal suplcnte [suit about Mina de la Luz],
Mex., 1850; Pedimento del Sr. fiscal supleute, mina de la Luz. Mex.,
1850; Recurso de atentado que algunos de los dueiios de la mina de la
Luz. Mex., 1848.

Rubio y Salinas (Manuel Joseph), Aranzel de dereclio parrochial. Mex., 1757;
Carta Pastoral que el Arzobispo. Mex., 175(3; Carta Circular. Mex.,
1702; Carta Circular 28 Sep. 17G4. n.pl., n.d.; Explicacion de el Arco
erigido en la puerta de el Palacio Arz. de Mex. Mex., 1700.

Riider (F. A. ), Gedriingtes Gemalde des Zustandes von Mexico. Leipzig, 1828.

Ruiz (Ivan), Discurso hecho sobre do:; impressiones meteorologicas. n.pl., n.d.

Ruiz (Jose), Septenario Devoto. Mexico, 1801.

Ruiz (Manuel), Informe que ante la Supreina Corte de Justicia. Mexico,
1803.

Ruiz (Telcsforo), Apuntes Porticos. Mexico, 1800.

Paiiz do Cabrera (Christoual), Algunos singulares y extraordinarios sucesos del
gouierno de Marques dc Galves. MS. folio.

Ruiz y Cervantes (Joseph Manuel), Memorias de la portentosa Sefiora de
Xuquila. Mexico, 1791.

Rusk (Thos. J.), Speech on Mexican War, Feb. 17, 1848. Washington,
1848.

Sacramento del Altar. A Collection.

Saenz de Santa Maria (Jos. ), Carta edincante 6 relacion sumaria de la vida.

Cadiz, 1807.
Sagazcta (Gabriel), Acusacion que eleva contra Jose" Gomez de la Cortina.

Megico, 183G.
Sahagun (Bernardino de), Historia de la Conquista de Mexico. Mexico,

1829.
Sahagun (Bernardino de), Historia General de las cosas de Nueva Espana.

Mexico, 1829-30. 3 vols.
Sahagun (Bernardino de), Relacion de la Conquista de esta Nueva Espana.

Mexico, 1840.
Saint Cloud, Historia secreta de la corte. Mexico, 1808. 2 vols.
Saint Jure (J. B.), El hombre espiritual 6 la vida espiritual. MS. n.pl., n.d.
Saint-Martin (Vivien de), Rapport fait a la Comission Scientifique du Mex-
ique. Paris, 1805.
Sala (Juan), Ilustracion del Derecho Real de Espana. Mexico, 1852. 2 vols.
Sala (Juan), Sala Plispano-Mejicano. [Paris, 1844.] 2 vols.
Salazar (Francisco Cervantes), Mexico en 1554. Mexico, 1875.
Salazar (Juan Francisco Regis), Sermon funeral en las honras. Mexico, 1759.
Salazar de Mendoza (Pedro), Monarquia de Espana. Madrid, 1770-1. folio.

3 vols.
Salazar y Olarte (Ignacio de), Historia de la Conquista de Mexico. Segunda

Parte. [Continuation of Solis.] Cordova, 1743. folio; also Madrid,

1780. 4to.
Saldana (Ignacio). La Penitente Paloma. Mexico, 1758.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xcix

Salesii (Francisci), De confessionibus scrupulosorum brevis tractatus. Mecici,

1715.
Salguero (Pedro), Vida de Friar Diego Basalenque. Mexico, 1GG4. 4to.
Salinas del Penon Blanco, Comunicados y Documentos. Zacatecas, 1845.
Salm Salm (Felix de), Contestacion a Don Miguel Lopez. Mexico, 18G7.
Salm Salm (Felix de), Mis memorias sobre Queretaro y Maximiliano. Mexico,

18G9.
Salm Salm (Felix), My Diary in Mexico in 18G7. London, 1868. 2 vols.
Salm Salm (Felix), Ten Years of my life. Detroit, 1877.
Salm Salm (In6s de) Queretaro, Apuntes del Diario de la Princesa lues de

Salm Salm. Mexico, 1809.
Salmeroi), Carta 30 de Marzo de 1531. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc,

torn. xiii.
Salmeron (Pedro), Vida de la Venerable Madre Isabel de la Encarnacion.

Mexico, 1G75. 4to.
Salvatierra (Andres Vernal de), El Camino Verdadero. Mexico, 1718.
Salvatierra y Zappa, Correspondencia entre los Venerables Padres. MSS.,

1G7S-93.
Samaniego (Francisco), Representacion tocante a su salario. Mexico, 1G47.
Samano, Ordenanzas Reales. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, 4som. xii.
San Agustin de las Cuevas, Esposicion documentada, Colegio y Escuelas.

Mexico, 1827.
San Anastasio (Juan de), Coloquios Canonico-morales. Mexico, 181G.
San Clcmente, Dictamenes de Varios Abogados. Megico, 1840; Escrito de

Siiplica Especial. Mex., 1839.
San Francisco (Juan de), Vindicacion del R. P. Provincial de Carmelitas.

Mexico, 1846.
San Francisco de Mexico, Libro de entradas y profesiones de los novicios.

MS. [1597-1684.]
San Francisco de Mexico, Libro de recepciones de este Santo Noviciado. MS.

[1597-1680.]
San Francisco de Mexico, Libro segundo de recepciones y Profesiones en este

convento. MS.
San Ignacio (Maria Anna Agueda de), Varias Devociones. Puebla, 1758.
San Luis Potosi, Composiciones leidas en el teadro de Alarcon. S. L. Potosi,

1867 ; Dictamcn de la comision segunda de pmitos constitucionales. Mex.,

1850; Exposicion de la Audiencia. Mex., 1826; Exposicion que la

Honorable Legislatura del Estado. S. L. Potosi, 1850; Las garantias in-

dividualcs en el departamento de Mex., 1841; Protesta del Illmo Senor

Obispo de. [Mex.] 1858; Relacion de las demostraciones con que la

ciudad de. n.pl., n.d.; Revolucion comenzada el dia 14 de Abril de 1837.

Mex., 1837.
San Miguel (Evaristo), Historia de Felipe II. Madrid, 1844-7. 4 vols.
San Miguel (Juan Rodriguez), La Repiiblica Mexicana en 1846. Mexico,

1845; Pandectas Hispano-Megicanas. Paris, 1852. 3 vols. ; Rectiiicacion

de Graves Equivocaciones del Fondo Piadoso. Mexico, 1845.
San Miguel (Maria), La dignidad de una Esposa de Cristo. Mexico, 1682.

MS. 4to.
San Milian (Francisco Lorenzo), Juez oficial de la casa. n.pl., n.d.
San Pedro (Joaquin), and F. Rodriguez, Comentarios a las lcyes de minas, etc.

Madrid, 1861.
San Salvador, Carta de un padre a sus hijos. [Mexico. 1810.]
San Salvador (Agustin P. Fernandez), Disengafios que a los Insurgentes.

Mex., 1812; Memoria Cristiana Politica. Mex., 1810; Sentiniiento de

la Xueva Espana. n.pl., n.d.
San Salvador (Fernando Fernandez), Defensa juridica de la Sra. Maria Micaela

Romero de Terreros. Mex., 1796; Reflexiones del Patriota Americano,

Mex., 1810.
San Vicente (Juan Manuel de), Exacta Descripcion de la magnifica Corte

Mexicana. Cadiz, n.d.

c AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Sanchez (Francisco), Informe y Parecer acerca de las razones. Puebla, 1691 ;
Principios de Retorica y Poetica. Mex., 1825; Rosario de la Virgen
Maria. Mex., 1684.

Sanchez (Juan de Villa), Justas y debidas honras que hicieron. Puebla, 1753 ;
Puebla Sagrada y Profana. Puebla, 1S35; Sermon funebre el 1 1 de Julio
de 1748. Mexico, 1749.

Sandoval (Prudencio), Historia de la vida y hechos del Emperador Carlos V.
Pamplona, 1634. folio. 2 vols.

Santa- Anna (Antonio Lopez), Alegato hecho ante el Juez Primero de lo crim-
inal por elApoderado. Mex., 1849; Apelacion al buen criterio de las na-
cionalesyestrangeros. Mex., 1849; Apuntamientos para la historia. Mex.,
1841; Biografia. Mex.,1857;BiografiadelGen. Mex., 1847; Causa criminal
instruida al Exmo Sr. Mex. , 1 846 ; Collection of Pamphlets ; Comunicacion
oficialdelExmoSr. Orizava,1848; Guadalajara, 1848; Contestacionaloficio.
Orizava, 1847; Corresponclencia recogida a los agentes de Santa- Anna.
Zacatecas, 1858; Defensa de. Mex., 1822; Detail de las operaciones
ocurridas en la defensa de la Capital. Mex., 1847; Dialogo entre un
abogado y un capitan. Mex., 1832; Dictdmen de las sesiones unidas del
Gran Jurado. Mex., 1845; El General a los Mexicanos, Junio 5, 1866.
Elisabethfort, 1S66; El General a sus Compatriotas. San Thomas, 1858;
El General de division a sus compatriotas [dated Die. 15, 1829.] Mex.
1829; Estas si son Claridades. Mex., 1833; Esposicion dirigida al Exmo
Sr. Gen. Presidente. Mex. 1853; Esposicion que dirige desde la Forta-
leza de S. Carlos de Perote. Mex., 1845; La despedida del General.
Mex., 1847; Manifestation que hace un ciudadano Mex., etc. Mex.
1834; Manifiesto, Carta jena, 1858; Manifiesto a sus conciudanos. Mex.,
1823; Manifiesto del Exmo Sr. Mex., 1844; Manifiesto del General de
Division Benemerito de la Patria. Mex. , 1848; Manifiesto del Presidente
de la Repiiblica a la nacion. Mex., 1847; Manifiesto de sus Operaciones
en la Campaiia de Tejas, etc. Vera Cruz, 1837; Manifiesto que hace al
publico [Oct. 10, 1821]. Mex., 1821; Manifiesto que hace de la conducta
que ha observado 7 de Julio de 1821. Puebla, 1821; Muerte del Sr.
Poncha, Manifiesto, Oct. 5, 1821. Mex., 1821; Proceso del Gen. Mex.,
1845; Proclama del impavido Teniente Coronel. Oct. 9, 1821. Puebla,
[1821]; Proclamas a los habitantes y troj)a de Vera Cruz. Mex., 1822;
Pronunciamiento de Perote. Mex., 1829; Rapida Ojeada sobre la Cam-
paiia & segunda parte. Mex., 1847; Ptepresentacion dirigida al Congrcso
Isacional. Mex., 1837; Vindicacion de los Crimenes. Mex., 1837; What
Santa Anna's professions of Republicanism are worth, n.pl., n.d.

Santa Anna Castro ( Jose" Manuel), Diario de sucesos notables, comprende los
anos de 1752 a 1758. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie i., toms. iv. v. vi.

Santa Imagen de la Macana. In Papeles de Jesuitas. MS.

Santa Maria, Carta al Emperador Don Carlos. In Cartas de Indias.

Santa Maria, Poder que otorg6 el Provincial. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col.
Doc., torn. vii.

Santa Maria (Miguel), Exposicion y Protesta. MS., 1834; also Mexico, 1834.

Santa Theresa (Manuel de), Compendio de Institvciones Gramaticales. Mex.,
1724; Instructorio Espiritual de los Terceros, etc. Mex., 1816.

Santa Teresa de Jesus Silver Mining Company, Reports, etc. San Francisco,
1864.

Santander, Carta el Emperador. In Doc. InCd., torn. xxvi.

Santangelo, (O. de A.), A Circular to the World. N. Y., 1842; Claims on
Mexico. Baltimore, 1846.

Santiago de los Dominicos. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. v.

Santiago de Papasquiero, Descripcion. MS. 1793.

Santisteban, Carta. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. , torn. xiv.

Santo Catharina, Panegyrico a la vida y glorioso Martyrio de. n.pl., n.d.

Santo Thomas (Diego de), Ceremonial y Manual sacado del Missal Romano.
Mexico, 1660.

Sard (Antonio de), Ensayo sobre las Glorias Franciscanas. Mexico, 1860.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. ci

Sardo (Joaquin), Relacion historica de la portentosa imagen, etc. ]Mcxico,

1810.
Sarinana (Severo M.), Trovas Mexicanas. Mexico, 1850.
Sariilana y Cuenca (Ysidro), Solemne dedicacion del Templo Metropolitano.

Mexico, 1GG8.
Sartorius (Carlos), Importancia de Mexico para la emigracion Alemana.

Mexico, 1852.
Saussure (Henri de), Coup d'oeil sur l'Hydrologie du Mexique. Geneve, 1862.
Saussure (Henri de), Voyage au Mexique, etc. Paris, 1857.
Schadtler (Gustavo), Documentos relativos a la admision por la Junta Mer-

cantil de Fomento. Mexico, 1844.
Seherr (Johannes), Das Frauerspiel in Mexiko. Leipzig, 1SG8.
Schmidt (Gustavus), The Civil Law of Spain and Mexico. New Orleans, 1851.
Scott (Winfield), Illustrated Life of. New York, 1847.
Scott (Winfield), Life of. New York, 1852.

Scott (Winfield), Memoirs of Lieut. -General Scott. New York, 1864. 2 vols.
Scott and Taylor Correspondence, Message of the President, March 20, 1848-.

[30 Cong. 1st Sess. H. Ex. Doc. 56.] Washington, 1848.
Seager(D. W. ), The Resources of Mexico. Mexico, 1867.
Seaman (Henry I.), Speech on Mexican War February 13, 1847. Washing-
ton, 1847.
Sedicion en la ciudad de Mexico el 15 de Enero de 1624, Causas y principio

de ella. MS. folio.
Segundo Quinze de Enero de la Corte Mexicana. Mexico, 1730.
Scgur, La Revolucion. Mexico, 1863.
Segura (Francisco Ildephonso), Consultas Varias Morales y Mysticas. Puebla,

1728.
Segura (Nicolas de), Defensa Canonica por las Provincias'de la Compania de

Jesus de la Nueba Espafia y Philipinas. MS. [1767.]
Segura (Vicente), Apuntes para la Estadistica del Departamento de Orizava.

Jalapa, 1831.
Select Pamphlets. A Colleqtion.
Semanario de la Industria Mexicana. n.pl., n.d.
Semanario Judicial de la Federacion, Coleccion de las Sentencias pronunciadas

por los Tribunales Federales, etc. Mexico, 1871. 4to.
Semanario Politico y Literario de Mejico. Mexico, 1820-1. 2 vols.
Semanario Rcligioso. n.pl., n.d.
Semblanzas de los miembros que han compuesto la Camara de Diputados del

Congreso de la Rep. Mex., 1827-28. New York, 1828.
Semblanzas de los Representantes que compusieron al Cong. Const, de 1836.

Mexico, 1837.
Semmes (Raphael), The campaign of General Scott. Cincinnati, 1852.
Semmes (Raphael), Service afloat and ashore. Cincinnati, 1851,
Series of intercepted letters captured by the American Guard at Tacubaya,

August 22, 1847. Mexico, 1847.
Sermones, A Collection of 634 sermons preached in Mexican Towns, 1617-1860.

64 vols.
Sermones in Festis Sanctorum. MS.

Sermones Varios, A Collection of MSS. Sermons probably preached in Mex-
ico, folio.
Serna (Juan Perez), Auto cessatio a Divinis. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii.,

torn. ii.
Serna (Juan Perez), Auto en que levanta la cesacion a Divinis. In Doc. Hist.

Mex., serie ii. , torn. ii.
Serna (Juan Perez), Decreto del dicho declarando excomulgados. In Doc.

Hist. Mex., serie ii., torn. ii.
Serna (Juan Perez), Otra informacion que mando recibir. In Doc. Hist. Mex.,

serie ii., torn. ii.
Serna (Juan Perez), Representacion a la Real Audiencia. In Doc. Hist. Mex.,

serie ii., torn. ii.

cii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Serna (Juan Perez), Representation a uno de los ministros del consejo en que
dice haberle agraviado la audiencia de Mexico, 1624. In Doc. Hist. Mex.,
serie ii., torn. ii.

Seward (William H.), Relations with Mexico. Washington, 1853.

Shackford (Charles C.), A citizen's appeal in regard to the War with Mexico.
Boston, 1848.

Shepard (A. K.), The Land of the Aztec. Albany, 1859.

Sierra (Ivan de), Dictamen de Consciencia, informe apolog^tico del estado y
govierno de esta Provincia del Santo Evangelio. MS. 1702. folio.

Sierra y Rosso (Ignacio), Arenga civica el 11 de Sept. 1854. Mex., 1854;
Discurso que por encargo de la Junta Patriotica. Mex., 1842; Discurso
que pronunci6 en la colocacion en Santa Paula. Mex., 1842; Exposition
documentada que dirigio el ministro de Hacienda. Mex., 1852; Repre-
sentation dirigida al Congreso Xacional. Mex., 1837.

Sigala (Geronimo Morales), Discurso Theojuridico. Mexico, 1744.

Sigiienza y Gongora (Carlos), El Fenix de la America. [Mexico, 1688.] MS.
folio ; Anotaciones Criticas sobre el primer apostol de N ueva Espana y
sobre el Imagen de Guadalupe. MS. folio; Carta al Almirante Don
Andres de Pez sobre alboroto y motin de los Indios de Mexico. MS.
folio; Glorias de Queretaro. Mex., 1803; Paraiso Occidental plantado
y Cultivado. Mexico, 16S4; Teatro de Virtudes Politicas. In Doc.
Hist. Mex. , serie iii.

Siliceo (Ignacio Xunez), Oration civica pronunciada en la plaza. Guanajuato,
1846.

Silva (Beatriz de), Vida de fundadera de la 6rden de la primera conception.
Mexico, 1830. MS.

Sistema M6trico-Decimal, Tablas que establecen la relation. Mexico, 1857.

Smith (S. Compton), Chile con carne. New York, 1857.

Smith and Hardcastle, Map of the Valley of Mexico. Reports of the Secre-
tary of WTar, January 17 and 26, 1849 [30 Cong. 2d Sess. Sen. Ex. 19; 31
Cong. 1st Sess. Sen. Ex. 4]. Washington, 1849. 2 vols.

Sociedad, Humboldt Anales, Mexico, 1872.

Sociedad de Mejoras Materiales Morales Beneficencia y Socorros Mutuos de
Texcoco, Documentos relativos. Mexico, 1865.

Sociedad Mexicana de Geografia y Estadistica, Boletin. Mexico, 1861 et seq.
[Includes Instituto National.]

Sociedad Mexicana de Geografia y Estadistica, Reglamento. Mexico, 1802.

Sociedad Mexicana Promovedora de Mejoras Materiales, Reglamento. Mexico,
1851.

Sociedad Patriotica, Estracto de las sesiones de la. Mexico, 1839.

Soden (Julius), Die Spanier in Peru und Mexico. Berlin, 1794. 2 vols.

Solana (Juan), Prontuario 6 manual y correspondencia de delitos y penas.
Mexico, 1844.

►Solano (Franco), El Tunante de Fabio o pintura de Buenaparte. Mexico, 1808.

Solis (Antonio de), Historia de la Conquista de Mexico. Madrid, 1684; Bar-
celona, 1691. folio. 2 vols; Amberes, 1704; Paris, 1704. 2 vols.; London,
1724. folio; Madrid, 1783. 4to. 2 vols.; Londres, 1807. 3 vols.; Madrid,
1843.

Solorzano Pereyra (Juan de), Obras varias Posthumas. - Madrid, 1776.

Soria (Francisco de), Istoria y Fundacion de la Ciudad de Tlaxcala, 1718. MS.

Soria (Francisco Joseph), Description Fiestas Tehuacan Templo de Nuestra
Seiiora del Carmen. Mexico, 1783.

Soriano (Juan Guadalupe), Prologo historial. MS. folio.

Sosa (Francisco de P.), Manual de Biografia Yucateca. Merida, 1866.

Soto (Manuel F.), El Xuevo Estado. Mex., 1856; Proyecto de Comunica-
cion Interoceanica. Mex., 1869.

Sotomayer (Gab.), Epitome del computo e"clesiastico. Mexico, 1827.

Spain, Constitution Pob'tica de la Monarquia Espafiola. Mex., 1812; Man>-
fiesto de los Procedimientos del Consejo Real. Madrid, 1808. .

Speeches, A Collection of.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. ciii

Speeches in Congress, A Collection of.

Stapp (William Preston), The Prisoners of Perote. Philadelphia, 1845.

Stephenson (Edmundo), Proyecto sobre formacion de Compafiias Nacionales

para construir ferrocarriles en la Republica. Mex., 1869; Speech [Feb.

13, 1861]. [Guanajuato, 1861.]
Stern (Adolf), Kaiser Maximilian I. von Mexico. Dresden, 1868v
Stevens (Isaac L), Campaigns of the Rio Grande and of Mexico. New York,

1851.
Stewart (Wm. M.), Speech in U. S. H. of Pep., Feb. 13, 1847. Washington,

1847.
Strong (William), Speech in U. S. House of Pep., March 4, 1848. Washington,

1848.
Struvius (Burc. Gotth.), Bibliotheca historica. Lipsiae, 1782-1804. 22 vols.
Sturm (Herman), The Republic of Mexico and its American Creditors. In-
dianapolis, 1869. ,
Suarez y Navarro (Juan), El General Santa Anna Burlandose de la Nacion.

Mex., 1856; Historia de Mexico y del Gen. A. L. de Santa- Anna. Mex.,

1850; Informe sobre las causas y caracter de los frecuentes cambios poli-

ticos en Yucatan. Mex., 1861.
Subsidio Eclesiastico en las Indias. MS. 1721-92. folio.
Sumaria criminal contra Tres Religiosos Agustinos. MS. 1811. folio.
Sumario del Derecho Popular dedicado a las Naciones de America. ^Vlejico,

1834.
Sumpter (Arthur), The lives of General Z. Taylor and General W. Scott, etc.

New York, 1848.
Sun of Anahuac. Vera Cruz, 1847 et seq.

Tabaco, Demostracion de los terminos en que ha obtenidola Renta del. Mex.,
1846; Documentos que justifican el desistimiento de la Empresa de. Mex.,,
1841; Informe de la Empresa de, etc. Mex., 1841; Observaciones al
dictamen de la 2a comision de Hacienda. Mex., 1840; Oacio dirigido a
la comision de Hacienda. Mex., 1841; Ordenanzas de la Real Renta del
Tabaco. Mex., 1768; Restablecimiento del estanco de la siembra. Mex.,
1839.

Tabasco, Manifiesto del Gobernador del Estado. Tabasco, 1847; Representa-
cion del Batallon Guardacostas de, Junio 8. S. Juan Bautista, 1845.

Tabcles Cientificos. A Collection.

Tagle (Francisco M. S.), Discurso sobre creacion de un Poder Conservador.
Mex., 1835; Obras Po^ticas. Mex., 1852. 2 vols.

Tamaulipas, Conversiones del Rio Verde, Panuco y Tampico. n.pl., n.d. ; Die
Deutsche Colonie in. Baltimore, 1841; Reglamento para el gobierno in-
terior de las municipalidades del Departamento de. Victoria, 1843.

Tampico de Tamaulipas, Memoria sobre la evacuacion militar del Puerto.
[San Luis Potosi, 1848.]

Tapia (Andre's de), Relacion sobre la conquista de Mexico. In Icazbalceta,
Col. Doc, torn. ii.

Tapia (Eugenio de), Febrero Novisimamente redactado. Madrid, 1845-6.
8 vols.

Tarayre (E. Guillemin), Exploration Mineralogique des Regions Mexicaines.
Paris, 1869.

Tastera, et al., Carta al Emperador Don Carlos. In Cartas de Indias.

Taylor (Fitch W.), The Broad Pennant. New York, 1S48.

Taylor (Fitch W.), The Flag Ship. New York, 1840. 2 vols.

Taylor (Isaac), The Mine. Philadelphia, 1841.

Taylor (Zachary), A brief review of the career, character, and campaigns of.
Wash, n.d.; A review of the life, character, and political opinions of.
Boston, 1848; A sketch of the Life and character of. By the one-legged
Sergeant. Boston, 1847; A sketch of the Life and Public Services of.
Wash. [1848]; Biography, A Collection; General Taylor's moral, in-
tellectual, and professional character. Wash., n.d.; Letters of, etc.

civ AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

N. Y., 1848} Life and Public Services of. By an officer of the U. S. A.
N. Y., 184(3; N. Y., 1850; Life and Public Services of, also life and ser-
vices of Millard Fillmore. Hartford, 1848; Life, Battles, and Despatches.
Phil., 1847; The Life and Public Services of. Phil., n.d.; The Life of.
N. Y. , 1847 ; The Life of, and a history of the War in Mexico. N. Y. 1847.

Taylor and Fillmore, Sketch of the lives of. Boston, n.d.

Taylor and His Campaigns, A Biography. Philadelphia, 1848.

Taylor and His Generals. Philadelphia, 1847.

Taylor and His Staff. Philadelphia, 1848.

Tehuantepec, An Account of the Isthmus of. London, 1846; Analisis del
Dictamen de laComision sobre el negocio de. Mex., 1852 ; CaminoCarre-
tero, Camino de Fierro y Canal por el istmo de. Mex., 1870; Cuestion
de Nueva-York, 1852; Decreto del Supremo Gobierno para la apertura
del Istmo. Mex., 1853; Dictamen de la Comision Especial, con motrvo
del privilegio concedido a Jose Garay. Mex., 1851; Dictamen de la
Mayoria de las Comisiones de Industria. Mex., 1852; Dictamen de la
Mayoria de la Comision especial de la Camara de Diputados. Mex.,
1851 ; Discurso pronunciado por el Senor Fuente, 29 de Noviembre. Mex. ,
1852 ; Documentos relativos a la apertura de una via. Mex. , 1852 ; Memoria
instructiva de los derechos y justas causas que tiene el Gobierno. Mex.,
1852; Proyecto de colonizar el istmo. [Mex., 1823]; Reglamento para el
Establecimiento de las Colonias Militares del Istmo. Mex. 1851 ; Regla-
mento para la Comunicacion por la via Inter-Oceanica. Mex. , 1857; Right
of way. n.pl. [1853]; Vindicacion de la conducta politica de los. Oaxaca,
1847.

Tehuantepec Canal, A Collection.

Tehuantepec Canal, A memorial setting forth the rights and just reasons for
not recognizing the validity of the privilege granted to D. JosC Garay.
New York, 1852.

Tehuantepec Canal, A Review of the Tehuantepec Controversy. Georgetown,
1853.

Tehuantepec Railway, Its location, features, and advantages under the La
Sere Grant of 1SG9. New York, 18G9.

Tepic, Manifesto fpue el Ayuntamiento. Guadalajara, 1845; Santa Cruz que
se venera en el convento de Religiosos Franciscanos de la ciudad. Guada-
lajara, 1853.

Ternaux-Compans (Henri), Recueil de Documents et Memoires originaux sur
l'Histoire des Possessions Espagnoles dans l'Am6rique. Paris, 1840.

Ternaux-Compans (Henri), Voyages, Relations et Memoires originaux pour
servir a l'histoire de la Decouverte de l'Amelique. Paris, 1837-41. 2
series, 10 and 8 vols.

Testimonio a la letra del Espediente mandado formar por el Arzobispado de
Cesarea. Mexico, 1848.

Testimonio de Hidalguia de Cort6s. In Col. Doc. Ined., torn. iv.

Tesuory (Abate), El Imperio y el Clero Mejicano. Mexico, 18G5.

Tezozomoc, Recopilacion de tradiciones. MS.

Tezozomoc (Alvaro), Histoire du Mexique. Paris, 1853. 2 vols.

Thiers (A. ), Historia del Consulado y del Imperio de Napoleon. Mexico, 1845.

Thomas (Lewis F.), Cortez, the Conqueror. Washington, 1857.

Thompson (John Lewis), History of the wars of the United States. Phila-
delphia, 1 8G0. 2 vols.

Thompson (Waddy), Recollections of Mexico. New York, etc, 1847.

Thorpe (T. B.), Our Army at Monterey. Philadelphia, 1847.

Thorpe (T. B.), Our Army on the Rio Grande. Philadelphia, 184G.

Thiimmel (A. R.), Mexiko und die Mexikaner. Erlangen, 1848.

Thummel (A. R.), Neueste Geschichte der Republik Mexiko. Erlangen, 1848.

Ticmpo (El). Mexico, 1834 et seq.

Tilden (Daniel R.), Speech in U. S. House of Rep., July 14, 184G. Wash.,
184G.

Tipografia Mexicana. Mexico, 1878 et seq.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. cv

Tlascala, Abusos de los mandones de Indios. MS. Mex., 1G29; Acusacion
cjue la Exma Diputacion Territorial. Mex., 1852; Despojo a mano ar-
mada por el Prefecto de. Puebla, 1843; Discurso pronunciado el 20 de
Die. de 1851. Puebla, 1852; Estatuto organico del territorio. Mex.,
1849; Franciscanos e Indios. MS.; Representacion que la Diputacion
Territorial de. Mex., 1849.

Todo tiene remedio siendo el aviso oportnno. Mexico, 1822.

Tolerancia de Cultos, Opusculo que contiene una Corta Defensa de la Religion
de Jesu Cristo. Mexico, 1849.

Tolerancia Religiosa, Disertacion contra la. Mejico, 1831; Representation al
Sob. Cong, contra el Art. 15 del Proyecto de "constitucion sobre. Mcx.,
1856.

Toluca, Elecciones de. [Mexico, 182G.]

Tompkins (Patrick W.), Speeches in U. S. House of Rep., Jan. 19 and March
14, 1848. n.pl., n.d.

Tomson, Viage de. In Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da Ep., torn. i.

Toral' (Francisco), Carta al Adelantado de la Florida. In Cartas de Indias.

Toral (Francisco), Carta al Rey. In Cartas de Indias.

Tornel (Jose Maria), Carta del Gen. a sus amigos. Mex., 1839; Discurso en
la sesion del 12 de Oct. de 1842. Mex., 1842; El General a sus amigos.
Mex., 1839; Fastos militares de Iniquidad. Mex., 1843; Manifestacion
del C. Mex., 1833; Manifestacion presentada a la Camara de Sen. Mex.,
1841; Manifiesto delOrigen, Causas, Progresos y Estado de la Revolucion
del Imperio Mexicano. Puebla, 1.821; Proyectos de codigo criminal y
Penal. Mex., 1853; Replica de Varios Espanoles. Mex., 1841; Res-
puesta del Gen. Mcx., 1840; Varios Espanoles al Sr Tornel, ultima
respuesta. Mex., 1841; Voto Particular, etc., relativos al Istmo de
Tehuantepec. Mex., 1852.

Tornel y Mendivil (J. Julian), La Aparicion de Nuestra Seilora de Guadalupe
de Mexico. Orizava, 1849. 2 vols.

Tornel y Mendivil (Jose" Maria), Breve Reseiia Hist6rica de los Acontecimien-
tos. Mcx., 1852; Decretos, Dec. 29, 1828, Abril 22, 1829, Aug. 26,

1829. Mex., 1828-9; Discurso pronunciado en la Alameda 27 de Sept. de
1850. Mex., 1850; Discurso que en la Solemnidad 11 de Set. de 1843.
Orizava, 1843; Discurso que al solemnizarse el feliz natalicio del Emp.
Maximilian 0 de Julio de 1864. Orizaba, 1804; Discurso que pronunci6
el Exmo Sr. Gen. Mex., 1840; Elgritode la patria, Aug. 4, 1821 [Puebla,
1821]; Los Heroes de Dolores vindicados. Mex., 1850; Proclamaciones,
Dec. 27, 1828, Marzo 17, 1829, Abril 28, 1829. Mex., 1S28-9; Protesta
del Gen. contra el decreto espedido. Mex., 1839; Respuesta del Gen.
Mex., 1840; Vindicacion del Coronel. Orizaba, 1842.

Torquemada (Juan de), Monarquia Indiana. Madrid, 1723. 3 vols, folio.
Torre (Juan de la), Relacion de los Residuos. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col.

Doc, torn. xii.
Torre (Martin de la), Carta sobre el Cometa de 1680. In Morfi, Col. Doc.
Torrente (Mariano), Historia de la Revolucion Hispano- Americana. Madrid,

1830. 3 vols.

Torres, Certificacion. In Doc. Hist. Mcx., serie ii., torn. iii.

Torres (C. A. de), De Laudibus Maria? Barbaras Regime 1759. Mexico, 1760.

Torres (Jose" J. G. de), Dcsengaiio a los Rebcldes sobre su monstruosa consti-
tucion. [Mex., 1815]; Vindicacion del Clero Mexicano. Mex., 1812.

Torres (Luis de), Sermon funebre que en las honras que hicieron en 29 de
Mayo de 1707. Mexico, 17G8.

Torres (Miguel), Vida ejemplar y muerte preciosa. n.pl. [1723] 4to.

Torres del Palacio (Francisco de), Proceso contra. IMS., 1595-7.

Torres y Recedo (Marcos), Testamentary disposition, leaving Government of
Mexico to Real Audiencia. MS. [1699.]

Trait D'Union (Le), Mexico, 1861 et seq.

Translationuss hispanischer sprach zii Frantzosisch gemacht so durch de Vice
Rey, etc. 1522.

cvi AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Trastour (P. E.), Memorial-claim against Tehuantepec Railroad Company.

New-Orleans, 1853.
Trebarra (Napoleon), Los Misterios de Chan Santa Cruz. Mei-ida, 18G4.
Tres Dias de Ministerio, Verdadera Noticia de los. Mexico, 1839.
Tribunal del Consulado. In Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, torn. ii.
Tribuno (El), Guadalajara, 1827 et seq.
Tributo a la Verdad. Mexico, 1847.
Tributos. MS.
Tributes, Reglamento de los tributos de esta capital. Mex., 1792; Regla-

mento y Ordenanzas. Mex., 1771.
Trigueros (Ignacio), Defensa remitida al Gran Jurado el 13 de Jul. de 1848.

Mexico, 1846.
Triunfo (El), de la justicia en los viles insurgentes. Mexico, 1811.
Trujillo (Jose Sanchez), Proyecto sobre productos y recursos. Mexico, 1805.
Tubino (Francisco M.), Un trono en M6jico. Sevilla, 18G2.
Tumultos de Mexico. Collection of Documents. MS. folio.
Turchi (Adcodato), Coleccion de los discursos mas interesantes. Mexico,

1853. 2 vols.
Tyler (Edward B.), Anahuac, or Mexico and the Mexicans. London, 18G1.

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Union de Espafia con la Inglaterra. Mexico, 1809.

United Mexican Mining Association, Report of Directors. London, 1825-

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United States Government Documents. [Coast Survey ; Commerce and Navi-

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United States and Mexican Boundary Survey. Washington, 1857-9. 4to.

3 vols.
Universal (El). Mexico, 1849, et seq.
Universidad' de Guadalajara, Real Cedula, Deciembre 20, 1815. Guadalajara,

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Ilustre Claustro. Mex., 1810; Obras de eloquencia premiadas el 28 de

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Urbano VIII, Breve, acerca de la Ternativa de los Religiosos, etc. Mexico,

1G90.
Uribe (Joseph A. F. ), Disertacion Hist6rica critica. Mexico, 1801.
Uricoechca (E.), Mapoteca Colombiana. Londres, 18G0.
Urizar y Estrada (Juan de), Defensa can6nica de la jurisdiccion de los Prelados

Regulares. n.pl. n.d.
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Mex., 1839.
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AUTHORITIES QUOTED. cvii

Valladolid, Exhortacion que dirige a los habitantes cle la Provincia. Mcx.,

1810 ; Exposicion que el Heal Ayuntamiento de la ciudad. Mcrida, 1830.
Vallarta (IgnacioL.),La Cuestion de Jalisco. Mexico, 1870.
Valle (J. N. del), El Viajero en Mexico. Mexico, 1859.
Vallecillo Mining Company. "New York, 1855.
Vallejo (Josef Ignacio), Vida de la Madre de Dios. Cesena, 1779; Vida del

fteiior San Jose. Mex. , 1845.
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de Mexico.

MS. and print, folio. 2 vols.
Valori (Henry de), L'Expedition du Mexique. Paris, 18G4.
Valverde (Antonio S.), Idea del valor de la Isla Espailola. Madrid, 1785.
Vander -Linden (Pedro), Memoria sobre el Cuerpo de Salud Militar. Mexico,

1845.
Van Dyke (J.), Speech in U. S. House of Pep., Ap. 2, 1848. n.pl., n.d.
Vargas (Joseph Mariano de), Carta de pesamo por el fallecimiento. Mexico,

1787. 4to.
Varias Poesias, A Collection.
Variedades, A Collection. 3 vols.
Variedades de la Civilizacion. Mejico, 1852. 3 vols.
Variedades de Jurisprudencia. Mexico, 1850-5. 9 vols.
Variedades del Monitor, A Collection.
Varios Impresos, A Collection. 3 vols.
Varios Papeles, A Collection. 2 vols.
Vattel, Derecho de Gentes 6 Principios de la Ley natural Aplicados a la con-

ducta 6 Intereses. Burdeos, 1822. 4 vols.
Vazquez, Apuntamiento. In Doc. Ine\L, torn. lii.
Vazquez (Rodrigo), Memorial referente a la reparticion y tributo de las

tierras de la Nueva-Espaiia. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. vi.
Vazquez de Avila (Juan), Carta al Emperador 10 de Feb° de 1539. In Pa-
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Vecinos del Distrito (Los), Solo piden igualdad y justicia en los impuestos.

Mexico, 1852.
Vega (Jose Sixto Gonzalez), Exhortacion a los Americanos. Mex., 1811.
Vega (Placido), Documentos para la Historia de Mexico. MS., 1862-8.

15 vols.
Vega (Placido), Da Cuenta al Gobierno de la Republica Mejicana. Tepic,

1867; Deposito General de Armas. MS.; Pepublica Mejicana Oficial.

n.pl., 1867.
Vega (R6mulo Diez de la), Manifestacion que hace a los habitantes de Yuca-
tan. Merida, 1854.
Vega (S. D. de la), Discurso sobre el objeto de las dramas. Mexico, 1785.
Veitia Linage, Cuatro Imagenes milagrosas de Nuestra Seiiora. MS., 1754.
Vejaciones a los Indios. MS.
Velasco (Alonso Alberto de), Exaltacion de la Divina Misericordia. Mex.,

1G99; Mex., 1724; Mex., 1776; Mex., 1807; Plistoria de la Milagrosa

Renovacion, etc. Mex., 1845; Mex., 1858; Manifiesto en defensa de la

Nota. Mex., 1700.
Velasco (Andres Miguel Perez de), El Pretendiente de Curatos instruido.

Puebla, 1765.
Velasco (Luiz de), Carta al Rey sobre robo por navlos franceses en el Puerto

de Caballos. MS., 1558.
Velasco y Arellano (Joseph Luis), Amnestria Heroico. Mex., 1711; Saeta

Amorosa. Mex. [1711]; Tierno recuerdo de. Mex., 1726.
Velasco y Texada (Antonio Joseph), Historia de la milagrosissima imagen.

Mex., 1750; Vozes Juridicas que en el Tribunal de la razon de justicia.

MS.
Velasquez (Andres), Carta del a los P. P. Superiores de la Comp. de Jesus.

Puebla, 1748.
Velazquez (Antonio), Instruccion que di6 el adelantado a Hernan Cortes. In

Col. Doc. Ined., torn. xii.

cviii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Velazquez clc Bazan (Antonio), Memorial del ncgocio d'e, cerca do la merced
que pidc a su Magestad. In Pacheco and C.irdenas Col. Doc., torn. x.

Velazquez (Diego), Carta en la que rclaciona la desobediencia de Hernan
Cortes dc Octubrc 12, 1519. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. xii.

Velazco (Francisco de), Hecho del Litigio. Mexico, 1G9G. MS.

Velez (Pedro), Observaciones sobre el acuerdo de la cdmara de senadores.
Mex., 1830; Vindicacion de laprimera sala de suprema corte de Justicia.
Mex., 1834.

Vcnadito (Conde), Document leaving the Government to D. Fran. Novella,
July 5, 1821. Mex., 1821; Fidclisimos habitantes de esta capital. Mex.,
1821; Proclama 3 de Marzo de 1821. Mex., 1821.

Venegas (Francisco Xavier), Manifesto de Su Virey a la Nueva Espaila, Oct.
27, 1810. Mex., 1810; Pron6stico de la Felicidad Americana. Mex.,
1810; Vindicacion de los agravios. Cadiz, 1811.

Venegas (Miguel), Vida y Virtudes del Juan Bautista Zappa. Barcelona, 1 754.

Vera Cruz, Arancel de los Honorarios y Derechos Judiciales. Mex., 1840;
Balanza del Comercio Maritimo, afio de 1809. Mex., 1S10, Carta de la
Justicia de 10 de Julio, 1519. In Cortes, Cartas ; Carta del Ayuntamiento.
In Col. Doc. Incd., torn. L; Documentos referentcs a los sucesos ocurridos
en Orizava. Vera Cruz, 1834; El Plan Republicano del Triunvirato.
Mex., 1823; Exposicion de los Empresarios de nuevos Caminos. Mex.,
1834; Esposicion dirigida al Congreso General. Mex., 1849; Estadistica
del estado libre y soberano de Jalapa, 1831. 2 vols.; Fabrica de Parro-
quia en la Antigua. MS. 1783. folio; Manifiesto del Congreso. Jalapa,
1827; Mcmoria leida por el Gobernador del Estado. Vera Cruz, 1871;
Memoria presentada al Hon. Congreso del Estado. Vera Cruz, 1869;
Memoria relativa a la administracion municipal. Vera Cruz, 18G5; Oii-
cios del Consulado. Vera Cruz, 1821 ; Reglamento de administracion de
propios del Ayuntamiento. Vera Cruz, 1848; Reglamento de policia
y buen gobierno, etc. Vera Cruz, 1821; Reglamento para la policia in-
terior del Departamento. Jalapa, 1841; Rcpresentacion al Congreso sobre
Caminos. Mex., 1835; Representacion del Vecindario. Vera Cruz, 1821;
Sesion del Hon. Congreso. Vera Cruz, 1833 ; Sucesos de la actual revo-
lucion en el Estado. Mex., 1852.

Verdadera Idea sobre el impreso titnlado "donativo de medio millon de Pesos."
Mexico, 1845.

Verdadera Noticia de los Tres Dias de Ministerio. Mexico, 1839.

Vcrdades de suma importancia a la nacion Mexicana. Mexico, 182G.

Vergara y Estrada (Manuel U.), Eneas Espanol. Mexico, 175G.

Verona (Paciente de), Paromologia de el Diphthongo de Quer6taro en la pro-
ccsion de el corpus desde el afio de 1709. MS. [1740] 4to.

Vetancvrt (Avgvstin de), Manuel de administrar los santos sacramentos con-
forme a la reforma de Paula V. y Urbano VIII. Mexico, 17G4.

Vetancvrt (Avgvstin de), Menologio Franciscano de los Varones mas Seilala-
dos. n.pl., n.d. folio; Mexico, 1871.

Vetancvrt (Avgvstin de), Sermon a la aparicion de la milagrosa imagen de
Nuestra Seiiora de Pilar. Mexico, 1G74.

Vetancvrt (Avgvstin de), Teatro Mexicano. Mexico, 1G98. folio; also edition
Mexico, 1870-1. 4 vols.

Vetancvrt (Avgvstin de), Tratado de la ciudad de Mexico, n.pl., n.d. folio.

Veytia (Mariano), Historia Antigua de Mejico. Mexico, 1836. 3 vols.

Veytia (Mariano), Sumaria Relacion de todas las cosas en la Nueva Espaiia y
que los tultecas alcanzaron.

Viage a los Estados-Unidos del Norte. Cincinnati, 1834.

Vicarios Generales, Preguntase si . . . deban obtener honores de Ex-Provinciales.
n.pl., n.d. 4to.

Victoria (Guadalupe de), Derrotero de las Islas Antillas. Mex., 1825; Pro-
clama a las provincias de Oriente y Occidente. Mex., 1823.

Vidal (Joseph), Espada Aguda de Dolor. Mex., 1692; Vida del Migvel de
Omaila. Mex., 1682.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. cix

Vigil (J. M.), and Juan B. Hijar de Haro, Ensayo Hist6rico del Ejdrcito (1q

Occidente. Mexico, 1871-2.
Vigne (G. T.), Travels in Mexico, South America, etc. London, 1863. 2 vols.
Vigneaux (Ernest), Souvenirs d'un Prisonnier de Guerre au Mexique, 1854-5.

Paris, 18G3.
Vilaplana (Hermenegildo), Breve Noticia de la portentosa conversion. Mex.,

17G0 ; Histurico y Sagrado Novenario de la milagrosa imagen, etc. Mex.,

1765; Vida portentosa del Americano, etc. Madrid, 1775.
Villa- Amor (Manuel), Biografia del General Santa Anna. Mexico, 1857.
Villagutierre Soto-Mayor (Juan de), Historia de la -Conquista de la Provincia

de el Itza. [Madrid, 1701.] folio.
Villalobos (Gomez de), Relacion del viaje que hizo desde la Nueva Espana

1° de Agosto de 1584. In Paeheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. v.
Villalovos (Joachin Antonio de), Relox de sombras. Puebla, 1729.
Villa Manrrique (Marque's de), Carta al Rey Don Felipe II., March 23, 1586.

In Cartas de Indias.
Villarroel, Mexico por Dentro y Fuera. Mex., 1831.
Villarroel (Hipolito), Enfermedades politicas. MS. 4 vols.
Villa Seiior y Sanchez (Jose Antonio), Theatro Americano. Mexico, 1746.

folio. 2 vols.
Villavicencio (Jvan Joseph de), Vida y Virtudes de el venerable P. Juan de

Ugarte. Mexico, 1752.
Villerias (Joseph de), Llanto de las Estrellas. Mexico, 1725.
Villuendas (Francisco), Estado de la mision de Laredo en 23 de Noviembre

de 1785. MS.
Vindicacion del General Presidente. Mexico, 1837.
Vindicacion del Pueblo Mexicano en la Invasion Francesa de 1862. Mexico.

1S67.
Virey Cerralvo, Acusacion contra el, por los Procuradores generales del Co-

misario General de la orden de San Francisco en Nueva Espana. MS.

folio.
Vireyes de Mexico, Instrucciones, Residencias. MSS. and print. 2 vols. -
Vives (Juan Luis), Dialogos de. Mexico, 1827.
Vivo (Buenaventura), Memorias del ministro de Mejico, en Espana, 1853-5,

Madrid, 1856; Tratado Consular por el Consul de los Estados-Unidos

Mexicanos en la Habana. Mex., 1850.
Vizarron y Eguiarreta, Copiade dos cartas. [Mex., 1742.] MS. folio; Res-

puesta y Satisfaccion. Mex., 1772. folio; Sentencia dada y pronunciada.

Mex., 1742. folio.
VocabularioVocabulariofilosofico-Democratico, Nuevo. Mexico, 1834. 2 vols.

Waldeck (F. de), Voyage Pittoresque, etc. Paris, 1838. folio.

Wappaus (J. E.), Geographie und Statistik von Mexiko und Central- Amerika.
Leipzig, 1863.

War with Mexico, Reports, etc., of Operations of U. S. Naval Forces, 1846-7
[30th Cong. 2d. Sess. H. Ex. Doc. 1, Pt. ii.]. Washington; 1848.

Ward (H. G. ), Gedrangtes Gemiilde des Zustandes von Mexiko. Leipzig, 1828.

Ward (H. G.), Mexico in 1827. London, 1828. 2 vols.

Ward (H. G. Mrs), Six Views of the most important towns and mining dis-
tricts of Mexico. London, 1829. folio.

Webster (Daniel), Speech on Mexican War. March 23, 1848. Washington,
1848.

Webster (Daniel), Speech at Philadelphia, December 2, 1846. Washington,
1847.

Welda (Othon), Dos Proyectos sobre fundacion de Colonias. Morelia, 1865.

Welzhofer (Max Moritz), Die Republik Mexico. Leipzig, 1862.

West-Indische Spieghel, door Athanasium Inga. [Amsterdam, 1624.]

Westminster Review. London, 1824 et seq.

AVhitehead (Charles), Letter May 11, 1855, to G. W. Lettsom on debt of Mex-
ican Government to British Bondholders. MS. folio.

ex AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Whitehead (Charles), Payment of dividends by Mexican Government to
British Bondholders. May 11, 1855. MS.

Wilhelm (Thomas), History of the Eighth U. S. Infantry, n.pl., 1S73. 2 vols.

Willard (Emma), Last Leaves of American History. New York, 1853.

Williams (J. J.), The Isthmus of Telmantepec. New York, 1852. 2 vols.

Willie (Roberto Crichton), Mexico, Noticia sobre su Hacienda Piiblicabajo el
( robierno Espaiiol y Despues de la Independeneia. Mexico, 1845.

Willson (Marcius), American history. Cincinnati, 1847.

Wilson (Robert Anderson), A New History of the Conquest of Mexico. Phila-
delphia, 1850.

Wilson (Robert Anderson), Mexico and its Religion. New York, 1855.

Wilson (Robert Anderson), Mexico: Its Peasants and its Priests. New York,
etc., 1850.

Winthrop, Speech on the Mexican War, Jan. 8, 1847. Washington, 1847.

Witte (Nicolas), Carta al Emperador, Jnly 15, 1552. In Cartas de Indias.

Woll (Adrian), Esposicion presentada al Presidente. Mexico, 1852.

Woods (Daniel B.), Sixteen months at the Gold diggings. New York, 1851.

Wool (John E.), A Sketch of the Life and Public Services of. New York, 1851.

Worrall (Tenuis), Examen del meritdque puedan tener los fundamentos, pres-
tamo el Supo Gob°. Mexico, 1839.

Worth (W. J.), Charges against by General Scott, n.pl., n.d.

Worthington (C. J.), The Woman in Battle. Hartford, 1876.

Yanez (Mariano), Alegato de buena prueba por parte de la Compania Avia-
dora, etc. Mexico, 1SG2.

Yafiez (Juan) y Socios, Extracto de la causa formado al. Megico, 1839.

Ylarregui (Jos6 Salazar), Datos de los trabajos astronomicos y topograficos
1849-50 por la comision de limites. Mexico, 1850.

Young (Eduardo), Obras Selectas. Mexico, 1833. 4 vols.

Young (Philip), History of Mexico. Cincinnati, 1850.

Yrolo (Nicolai), De las Escripturas. [Mexico, 1005.] 4to.

Yturrigarai (Jose" Manuel), Acta Literario con que la Real y Pontificia Univer-
sidad de Mexico. Mexico, 1 803. M r> .

Yucatan, Actas de la Junta Electoral de Provincia 12 de Die. 1830. Merida,
1830; Case of II. M. subjects settled on the coast of Yucatan. Lond.,
17S9; Compendio historico razonado del origen, etc. Mex. , 1S25; Dic-
tamen aprobado per la Exma Junta Departamental. Merida, 1838;
Discurso pronunciado por el Exmo Senor Gobernador 21 de Agosto de
1840. Merida, 1849; Documentos interesantes y decretos del legit*mo
Cong. Const, del Estado. n.pl., n.d.; El proyecto de ley del Sr. Senador
Vargas para pacificar el Estado. Mex., 1831; Es el ministerio quien
dirige los planes. Mex., 1831; Estadistica. Mex., 1853; Examen sobre
el actual estado del negocio. Mex., 1832; Exposicion del Gobierno.
Merida, 1845; Exposicion del Gobierno, derogacion del decreto 21 Feb.,
1844. Merida, 1g44; Exposicion del Gobierno sobre reconocimiento y
amortizacion de los creditos. Merida, 1808. 4to; Exposicion que el Real
Ayuntamiento. Merida, 1830; Hace pocos dias que se publico. Mex.,
1831 ; Impugnacion a las observaciones hechas por varios Yucatecos.
Mex., 183); Impugnacion a las observaciones que en' 19 del Oct. Mex.,
1831; Iniciativa de la legislatura del estado. Merida, 1832; La nueva
proposicion del Senor Rejon sobre Yucatan. Mex., 1831; Las facultades
de los supremos poderes federales en cuanto a la organizacion. Mex.,
1832; Maniiiesto de la Convencion del estado. M<3rida, 1831; Maniiiesto
del Congreso a los habitantes de los estados de la Confederacion Meji-
cana. Merida, 1824; Maniiiesto del gefe Superior a los pueblos. Merida,
1831; Maniiiesto del Gob. Provisional a la naeion acerca de los negocios.
Mex., 1843; Manifestaciones del Exmo Consejo, ilustres Ayuntamientos.
Merida, 1831; Memoria leida ante el Augusto Congreso Extraordinario.
Merida, 1840; Memoria leida ante la Excma Asamblea del Departamento
de 7 de Mayo de 1845. Merida, 1845; Newe zeittung von dem lande

AUTHORITIES QUOTED. cxi

des die Sponier fun den haben, 1521. Mex., 1S75; Observacioncs sobre
el dictamen en la proposicion del Senor Vargas. Mex., 1831; Observa-
ciones sobre la actual situacion del departameiito. Mex., 1845; Oprimido
reclama a la camara de Diputados su representacion legal. Mex., 182G;
Piezas justiiicativas de la conducta politica. Me'rida, 1840; Proyecto de
Bases para la regeneracion poiitica de la Republica. Merida, 1841; Rep-
resentaciones y Documentos justificativos que la Legislatura Constitu-
cional. Merida, 1874; Segunda carta del Yucateco al Payo de Rosario.
Mex., 1829; Tratado que celebro la administracion provisional con las
autoridades. Mex., 1845.

Zacarias (Luis Gonzaga), Representacion que el lie. diriji6 al Ilmo Sr» Obispo
de esta Diocesis. Puebla, 18G5.

Zacatecas, Acto de mi Juicio verbal celebrado en el Juzgado de distrito. Zac. ,
1841 ; Arancel de los honorarios y derechos judiciales que se ban de cobrar.
Mex., 1840; Comunicaciones oiiciales entre el Sup. Gob. del Estado y
el Superior Ecles. de la Diocesis. Guad., 1852; Contestacion al folleto
titulado " La Oposicion y el Gobierno. " Aguascalientes, 1853; Continua-
cion de las comunicaciones oiiciales, Ley de Hacienda. Guad., J852;
Decreto sobre estabto. de un Banco. Zac, 1830; Dictamen presentado
por la Comision Especial, sobre caiificacion de las Elecciones Nov. 30,
1843. Mex., 1843; Dictamen sobre Reformas Constitucionales. Mex.,
1841; Diario exacto. Mex., 1835; Impugnacion a la iniciativa del hon.
Cong. de. . .de 9 de Jun. de 1834, sobre Reformas Eclesiasticas. Mex.,
1834; Iniciativa de la Honorable Asamblea Departamental sobre Reformas
de las Bases de organizacion politica de la Republica. Zac, 1845;
Memoria presentada por el Ejecutivo a la Hon. Legislature!. Zac. 1871;
Plan para el establecimiento de una Coionia en el Estado. Baltimore,
1852; Reflecsiones al Hon. Cong, sobre la esposicion que liace al Sup. Gob.
Mex., 1831.

Zaccone (Pedro), El Hijo del Cielo. Mejico, 1858. 2 vols.

Zalatitan, Protesta que el cura y Feligreses de la Parroquia de Zalatitan haeen
contra la Traicion consumada en Veracruz. Guadalajara, 18G0.

Zamacois (Xieeto de), El Jarabe, obra de Costumbres Mejicanas. Mejico,
18G1; Historia de Mejico. Barcelona, etc., 1877-80. 11 vols.; Los Ecos
de mi Lira. Mex., 1849; Ministerios de Mexico. Mex., 1850. 2 vols.;
Salud del Alma, Devocionario en verso. Mex., 1851; Un Angel Dester-
rado del Cielo. Mex., .1855.

Zamboni (J. Fortunato), Ensayo de una memoria sobre la necesidad de pre-
venir a los incautos contra los artificios de algunos fisiologos. Megico,
1840.

Zambrano (Juan A.), Apuntes sobre Caminos de Fierro yFacilidad de Hacer-
los. Mex., 18G7; Comunicaciones Rclativas a la Renuncia que del Cargo
de Tesorero General de la Nacion, hizo. Mex., 1SG1; Tarifa de Sueldos
Mili tares arreglada para el uso de los cuerpos de Ejercito de la Repub.
Mexicana. Mex., 1854.

Zamora (Antonio Fernandez), Plan de Hacienda para la Republica Mexicana.
Mexico, 1847.

Zamora (Victoriano), Informe hecho a la Exma 2a Sala, relativo a los Rui-
dosos Autos del Denuncio de San Chemente. Zacatecas, 1839.

Zamora y Azevedo (A. M. and M. D.), Pruebas de Nobleza. MS. 17G8.

Zappa (Gio Battista), Copia di Vintisei Lettere Scritte dal Padre al Sig. Am-
brosio Zappa. Milano [1G87].

Zarauz (Joaquin de), Contestacion a la vindicacion yRcspuesta que el capitan
de navio de la Real armada Dn. Juan de Zarauz, did al suplemeuto del di-
ario de Mexico del viernes, 8 de Noviembre de 1805. Mexico, 1807.

Zarco (Francisco), Historia del Congreso Extraordinario Constituyente de
185G y 1857. Mexico, 1857. 2 vols.

Zarza (Juan A.), Siestas Dogmaticas. Mexico, 1765.

Zarzosa (Pedro), Representacion que eleva a la Camara del Senado. Mex., 1825.

cxii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Zavala (Lorenzo de), Dictamen sobre el proyecto de Ley. Mex., 1834; Fn-
sayo historico de las Revoluciones de Megico. Paris, etc., 1831. 2 vols.;
Mex., 1845. 2 vols. ; Manifiesto de los principios politicos. Mex., 1C28;
Proyecto de reforma del Congreso. Mex., 1822; Viaje a los Estadoa
Unidos. Merida, 1843; Voto del diputado sobre el proyecto de rcgla-
mento politico. [Mex., 1823.]

Zavala (Manuel Quixano), La venerable congregacion del oratorio de Felipe
Neri. Mexico, 1782.

Zelaa 6 Hidalgo (Jose* Maria), Disctirsos panegiricos 6 Sermones varios. MS.;
Glorias de Quer^taro. Mex., 1803; Vida Portentosa. Mex., 1812;

Zelaeta ( Juan), Maniliesto a sus compatriotas. Mexico, 1837.

Zerecero (Anastasio), Memorias para la Historia de las Revoluciones en Mex-
ico. Mex., 1869. 2 vols.; Observaciones del ciudadano a la constitucion.
Mex., 1857.

Zevallos (Francisco), Vida del P. Fernando Konsag. Mexico, 1764.

Zomera y Piiia (Manuel), Esposicion que hace de sus actos de la invasion
francesa. Mexico, 1867.

Zorilla (JosC), El Delator. Mex., 1857; Lecturas. Mex., 1864; Traidor in-
cpnfeso y Martir. Mex., 1850.

Zorita (Alonso de), Breve y sumaria relacion de los seiiores en la Nueva Es-
pana. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. ii.

Zozaya (Jose" M. ), Apelacion al Tribunal de la Opinion Piiblica. Mexico, 1830.

Zuazo (Diego de), Oracion Evangelica y Panegyrica de la Purificacion. Mex-
ico, 1703. MS.

Zuazo (Licenciado), Carta al Seiior de Xevres. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col.
Doc, torn. i.

Zumarraga, Carta a su Magestad del Obispo electo D. Juan de Zumarraga,
Agosto 27, 1529. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, torn. xiii.

Zumarraga (Juan), Pastoral sobre fundacion de la Catedral de Mexico. Mex-
ico, 1534. MS.

Ziiiiiga y Ontiveros (Felipe), Calendario Manual y Guia de Forasteros de
Mexico. Mexico, 1789.

Zurita (Ramon M.), Esposicion al Supremo Gobierno de la Republica. Mex-
ico, 1845.

M Longitude

West

from

HISTORY OF MEXICO.

CHAPTER I.

VOYAGE OF HERNANDEZ DE C6RDOBA TO YUCATAN.

1516-1517.

A Glance at the State of European Discovery and Government in
America at the Opening of this Volume — Diego Velazquez in
Cuba — Character of the Man — A Band of Adventurers Arrives
from Darien — The Governor Counsels them to Embark in Slave-
Catching — Under Hernandez de Cordoba they Sail Westward and
Discover Yucatan — And are Filled with Astonishment at the
Large Towns and Stone Towers they See there — They Fight the
Natives at Cape Catoche — Skirt the Peninsula to Champoton —
Sanguinary Battle — Return to Cuba — Death of C6rdoba.

During the first quarter of a century after the
landing of Columbus on San Salvador, three thou-
sand leagues of mainland coast were examined, chiefly
in the hope of finding a passage through to the India
of Marco Polo. The Cabots from England and
the Cortereals from Portugal made voyages to New-
foundland and down the east coast of North Amer-
ica; Amerigo Vespucci sailed hither and thither in
the service of Spain, and wrote letters confounding
knowledge; Vasco da Gama doubled the Cape of
Good Hope; Columbus, Ojeda, Nino, Guerra, Bas-
tidas, and Pinzon and Solis coasted the Tierra Firme
of Central and South America; Ocampo skirted
Cuba and found it an island; Cabral accidentally
discovered Brazil; Juan Ponce de Leon hunted for
the Fountain of Youth in Florida; Vasco Nunez de

Vol. I. 1

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2 VOYAGE OF C6RDOBA TO YUCATAN.

Balboa crossed the Isthmus and floated his ships on
the South Sea. Prior to 1517 almost every province
of the eastern continental seaboard, from Labrador
to Patagonia, had been uncovered, save those of the
Mexican Gulf, which casketed wonders greater than
them all. This little niche alone remained wrapped
in aboriginal obscurity, although less than forty
leagues of strait separated the proximate points of
Cuba and Yucatan.

Meanwhile, in the government of these Western
Indies, Columbus, first admiral of the Ocean Sea,
had been succeeded by Bobadilla, Ovando, and the
son and heir of the discoverer, Diego Colon, each
managing, wherein it was possible, worse than his
predecessor; so that it was found necessary to estab-
lish at Santo Domingo, the capital city of the Indies,
a sovereign tribunal, to which appeals might be made
from any viceroy, governor, or other representative
of royalty, and which should eventually, as a royal
audiencia, exercise for a time executive as well as ju-
dicial supremacy. But before clothing this tribunal
with full administrative powers, Cardinal Jimenez,
then dominant in New World affairs, had deter-
mined to try upon the turbulent colonists the effect
of ecclesiastical influence in secular matters, and had
sent over three friars of the order of St Jerome,
Luis de Figueroa, Alonso de Santo Domingo, and
Bernardo de Manzanedo, to whose direction gov-
ernors and all others were made subject. Just be-
fore the period in our history at which this volume
opens, the Jeronimite Fathers, as the three friars
were called, had practically superseded Diego Colon
at Espanola, and were supervising Pedrarias Davila
of Castilla del Oro, Francisco de Garay governor
of Jamaica, and Diego Velazquez governor of Cuba.
It will be remembered that Die^o Colon had sent
Juan de Esquivel in 1509 to Jamaica, where he was
succeeded by Francisco de Garay; and Diego Velaz-
quez had been sent in 1511 to Cuba to subdue and

DIEGO VELAZQUEZ. 3

govern that isle, subject to the young admiral's dic-
tation; and beside these, a small establishment at
Puerto Rico, and Pedrarias on the Isthmus, there
was no European ruler in the regions, islands or firm
land, between the two main continents of America.

The administration of the religiosos showed little
improvement on the governments of their predeces-
sors, who, while professing less honesty and piety,
practised more worldly wisdom; hence within two
short years the friars were recalled by Fonseca, who,
on the death of Jimenez, had again come into power
in Spain, and the administration of affairs in the
Indies remained wholly with the audiencia of Santo
Domingo, the heirs of Columbus continuing to agi-
tate their claim throughout the century.

It was as the lieutenant of Diego Colon that Ve-
lazquez had been sent to conquer Cuba; but that
easy work accomplished, he repudiated his former
master, and reported directly to the crown.

Velazquez was an hidalgo, native of Cuellar,
who, after seventeen years of service in the wars
of Spain, had come over with the old admiral in his
second voyage, in 1493, and was now a man of
age, experience, and wealth. With a commanding
figure, spacious forehead, fair complexion, large clear
eyes, well-chiselled nose and mouth, and a narrow
full-bearded chin, the whole lighted by a pleasing
intellectual expression, he presented, when elegantly
attired as was his custom, as imposing a presence as
any man in all the Indies. In history he also formed
quite a figure. And yet there was nothing weighty
in his character. He was remarkable rather for the
absence of positive qualities; he could not lay claim
even to conspicuous cruelty. He was not a bad man
as times went; assuredly he was not a good man as
times go. He could justly lay claim to all the cur-
rent vices, but none of them were enormous enough
to be interesting. In temper he was naturally mild

4 VOYAGE OF CORDOBA TO YUCATAN.

and affable, yet suspicious and jealous, and withal
easily influenced; so that when roused to anger, as
was frequently the case, he wTas beside himself.

Chief assistant in his new pacification was Pan-
filo de Narvaez, who brought from Jamaica thirty
archers, and engaged in the customary butchering,
while the governor, with three hundred men, quietly
proceeded to found towns and settlements, such as
Trinidad, Puerto del Principe, Matanzas, Santi Es-
piritu, San Salvador, Habana, and Santiago, making
the seat of his government at the place last named,
and appointing alcaldes in the several settlements.
Other notable characters were likewise in attendance
on this occasion, namely, Bartolome de las Casas,
Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba, Juan de Grijalva,
and Hernan Cortes.

Discreet in his business, and burdened by no coun-
teracting scruples, Velazquez and those who were
with him prospered. Informed of this, above one
hundred of the starving colonists at Darien obtained
permission from Pedrarias in 1516 to pass over to
Cuba, and were affably received by the governor.
Most of them were well-born and possessed of means ;
for though provisions were scarce at Antigua, the
South Sea expeditions of Vasco Nunez, Badajoz, and
Espinosa, had made gold plentiful there. Among this
company was Bernal Diaz del Castillo, a soldier of
fortune, who had come from Spain to Tierra Firme
in 1514, and who now engages in the several expedi-
tions to Mexico, and becomes, some years later, one
of the chief historians of the conquest.'

Ready for any exploit, and having failed to receive
certain repartimientos promised them, the band from
Tierra Firme cast glances toward the unknown west.
The lesser isles had been almost depopulated b}^ the
slave-catchers, and from the shores of the adjoining
mainland the affrighted natives had fled to the inte-
rior. It was still a profitable employment, however,
for the colonists must have laborers, being themselves

SLAVE-CATCHING. 5

entirely opposed to work. The governor of Cuba,
particularly, was fond of the traffic, for it was safe
and lucrative. Though a representative of royal au-
thority in America, he was as ready as any irrespon-
sible adventurer to break the royal command. During
this same year of 1516, a vessel from Santiago had
loaded with natives and provisions at the Guanaja
Islands, and had returned to port. While the captain
and crew were ashore for a carouse, the captives burst
open the hatches, overpowered the nine men who had
been left on guard, and sailed away midst the frantic
gesticulations of the captain on shore. Reaching
their islands in safety, they there encountered a
brigantine with twenty-five Spaniards tying in wait
for captives. Attacking them boldly, the savages
drove them off toward Darien, and then burned the
ship in which they themselves had made their en-
forced voyage to Cuba.

As a matter of course this atrocious conduct on the
part of the savages demanded exemplary punishment.
To this end two vessels were immediately despatched
with soldiers who fell upon the inhabitants of Guanaja,
put many to the sword, and carried away five hundred
captives, beside securing gold to the value of twenty
thousand pesos de oro.

Happy in the thought of engaging in an occupa-
tion so profitable, the chivalrous one hundred cheer-
fully adventured their Darien gold in a similar
voyage, fitting out two vessels for the purpose, and
choosing for their commander Francisco Hernandez
de Cordoba, now a wealthy planter of Santi Espiritu.1

1 In the memorial of Antonio Velazquez, successor of the adelantado, Diego
Velazquez, Memorial del netjocio de D . Antonio Velazquez de Bazan, in Mendoza,
Col. Doc. Ined., x. 80-6, taken from the archives of the Indies, the credit of
this expedition is claimed wholly for the governor. Indeed, Velazquez him-
self repeatedly asserts, as well as others, that the expedition was made at his
cost. But knowing the man as we do, and considering the claims of others,
it is safe enough to say that the governor did not invest much money in it.
The burden doubtless fell on Cordoba, who was aided, as some think, by his
associates, Cristobal Morante and Lope Ochoa de Caicedo, in making up what
the men of Darien lacked, Torquemada, i. 349, notwithstanding the claims
for his fraternity of Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., i. Ogilby, Hist. Am., 76,

6 VOYAGE OF CORD6BA TO YUCATAN.

Velazquez added a third vessel, a small bark, in con-
sideration of a share in the speculation.2 After lay-
ing in a supply of cassava, a bread made from the
3^ucca root, and some salt beef, bacon, and glass beads
for barter, the expedition departed from Santiago de
Cuba, and went round to the north side of the island.
There were in all one hundred and ten3 soldiers, with
Antonio de Alaminos as chief pilot, Alonso Gonza-
lez priest, and Bernardino Iniguez king's treasurer.
Here the chief pilot said to the commander, "Down
from Cuba Island, in this sea of the west, my heart
tells me there must be rich lands; because, when I

says the three associates were all Cuban planters ; that they equipped three
ships, Velazquez adding one. This Hernandez de Cordoba was not he who
served as lieutenant under Pedrarias, though of the same name.

2 Opinion has been divided as to the original purpose of the expedition.
As it turned out, it was thought best on all sides to say nothing of the in-
human and unlawful intention of capturing Indians for slaves. Hence, in the
public documents, particularly in the petitions for recompense which invaria-
bly followed discoveries, pains is taken to state that it was a voyage of dis-
covery, and prompted by the governor of Cuba. As in the Dccadas Abveviadas
de los Descubrlmlenlos, Meudoza, Col. Doc. hied., viii. 5-54, we find that 'El
adelantado Diego Velazquez de Cuellar es autor del descubrimiento de la
Nueva Esparia,' so, in effect, it is recorded everywhere. Indeed, Bernal Diaz
solemnly asserts that Velazquez at first stipulated that he should have three
cargoes of slaves from the Guanaja Islands, and that the virtuous one hun-
dred indignantly refused so to disobey God and the king as to turn free peo-
ple into slaves. ' Y desque vimos los soldados, que aquello que pedia el Diego
Velazquez no era justo, le respondimos, que lo que dezia, no lo mandaua Dios,
ni el Rey; que hiziessemos a los libres esclavos. ' Hist. Verdad., i. On the
strength of which fiction, Zamacois, Hist. Mej., ii. 224, launches into lauda-
tion of the Spanish character. The honest soldier, however, finds difficulty in
making the world believe his statement. Las Casas, Hist. hid. , iv. 348, does
not hesitate to say very plainly that the expedition was sent out to capture In-
dians, ' ir e enviar a saltear indios para traer a ella,' for which purpose there
were always men with money ready; and that on this occasion Cordoba, Mo-
rante, and Caicedo subscribed 1 ,500 or 2,000 castellanos each, to go and catch In-
dians, either at the Lucayas Islands or elsewhere. Torquemada, i. 349, writes
more mildly, yet plainly enough ; ' para ir a buscar Indios, a las Islas Con-
vecinas, y hacer Rescates, como hasta entonces lo acostumbraban. ' Cogolludo,
Hist. Yu'-athan, 1-6, follows Bernal Diaz almost literally. Gomara, Hist, hid.,
60, is non-committal, stating first 'para descubrir y rescatar,' and afterward,
' Otros dizen que para traer esclauos delas yslas Guanaxos a sus minas y gran-
jerias.' Oviedo and Herrera pass by the question. Lancia, Bel. de Yucatan,
16, 'a rescatar esclavos para las minas, que ya en Cuba se yva la gente apo-
cando y que otros dizen que salio a descubrir tierra. ' Says the unknown author
of De Rebus Gestls Ferdinandi Cortesli, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 338, 'In
has igitur insulas ad grassandum et prsedandum, ut ita dicam, ire hi de quibus
supra dictum est, constituerant; non in Iucatanam. ' It is clear to my mind
that slaves were the first object, and that discovery was secondary, and an
after-thought.

3 Bernal Diaz holds persistently to 110. It was 110 who came from Tierra
Firme, and after divers recruits and additions the number was still 110.

CAPE CATOCHE. 7

sailed as a boy with the old admiral, I remember he
inclined this way." Suddenly the vision of Cordoba
enlarged. Here might be something better, nobler,
more profitable even than kidnapping the poor na-
tives. Despatching a messenger to Velazquez, Cor-
doba asked, in case new discoveries were made while
on the way to catch Indians, for permission to act
as the governor's lieutenant in such lands. The de-
sired authority was granted, and from the haciendas
near by were brought on board sheep, pigs, and
mares, so that stock-raising might begin if settle-
ments were formed.

Sailing from the Habana, or San Cristobal, the 8th
of February, 1517, they came to Cape San Antonio,
whence, on the 12th, they struck westward, and after
certain days,4 during two of which they were severely
tempest-tossed, they discovered land;5 first the point
of an island, where were some fine salt-fields, and cul-
tivated ground. The people who appeared on the
shore were not naked as on the Islands, but well
dressed in white and colored cotton, some with orna-
ments of gold, silver, and feathers. The men were

* Authorities vary, from four days given by Las Casas, and six by Oviedo,
to 21 by Bernal Diaz and Herrera. The date of departure is also disputed,
but the differences are unimportant. Compare Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap.
vi. ; Dufey, Resume Hist. Am. , i. 93 ; Clavigero, Storia Mess. , iii. 3 ; Las Casas,
Hist. Ind., iv. 348-63; Coyolludo, Hist. Yueathan, 3-8; Gomara, Hist. Ind.,
60-1; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 1-2; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xvii. ;
Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 22-4; Vida de Cortes, or He Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cor-
tessii, in Fcazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 331-41; March y Labores, Marina Espafiola,
i. 463-8; Robertson's Hist. Am., i. 237-40; Fancourt's Hist. Yuc, 5-8.

5 Though remarkably fair and judicious in the main, Mr Prescott's parti-
ality for a certain class of his material is evident. To the copies from the
Spanish archives, most of which have been since published with hundreds of
others equally or more valuable, he seemed to attach an importance propor-
tionate to their cost. Thus, throughout his entire work, these papers are
paraded to the exclusion of the more reliable, but more accessible, standard
authorities. In the attempt, at this point, to follow at once his document
and the plainly current facts, he falls into an error of which he appears uncon-
scious. He states, Conq. Mex., i. 222, that Cordoba 'sailed with three vessels
on an expedition to one of the neighboring Bahama Islands, in quest of Indian
slaves. He encountered a succession of heavy gales which drove him far out
of his course.' The Bahama Islands are eastward from Habana, while Cape
San Antonio is toward the west. All the authorities agree that the expedition
sailed directly westward, and that the storm did not occur until after Cape
San Antonio had been passed, which leaves Mr Prescott among other eirors
in that of driving a fleet to the westward, in a storm, when it has already
sailed thither by the will of its commander, in fair weather.

8 VOYAGE OF C6RDOBA TO YUCATAN.

bold and brave, and the women well-formed and mod-
est, with head and breast covered. Most wonderful
of all, however, were some great towers, built of
stone and lime, with steps leading to the top; and
chapels covered with wood and straw, within which
were found arranged, in artistic order, many idols
apparently representing women, and that led the
Spaniards to name the place De Las Mugeres.6 Pro-
ceeding northward, they came to a larger point, of
island or mainland; and presently they descried, two
leagues from the shore, a large town, which was
called El Gran Cairo.

While looking for an anchorage, on the morning of
the 4th of March, five canoes approached the com-
mander's vessel, and thirty men stepped fearlessly on
board. The canoes were large, some of them capable
of holding fifty persons ; the men were intelligent, and
wore a sleeveless cloak and apron of cotton.7 The
Spaniards gave them bacon and bread to eat, and to
each a necklace of green glass beads. After closely
scrutinizing the ship and its belongings, the natives put
off for the shore. Early next day appeared the cacique
with many men in twelve canoes, making signs of
friendship, and crying, Conex cotoch! that is to say,
Come to our houses; whence the place was called
Punta de Catoche,8 which name it bears to-day.

6 Following Gomara and Torquemada, Galvano mentions the name of no
other place in this voyage than that of Punta de las Dueiias, which he places in
latitude 20°. He further remarks, Descobrimentos, 131, ' He gete milhor atau-
iada que ha em neuhua outra terra, & cruzes em q' os Indios adorauam, & os
punham sobre seus defuntos quando faleciam, donde parecia que em algum tepo
se sentio aly a fe de Christo.' The anonymous author of De Rebus Oestis and
all the best authorities recognize this as the first discovery. ' Sicque non ad
Guanaxos, quos petebant, appulerunt, sed ad Mulierum promontorium. ' Fer-
nando Colon places on his map, 1527, y: de rmijeres; Diego de Ribero, 1529,
d' miujeres, the next name north being amazonas. Vaz Dourado, 1571, lays
down three islands which he calls p:. de magreles; Hood, 1592, Y. de mueresj
Laet, 1633, Fas de rnucheres; Ogilby, 1G71, yas desconocida; Dampier, 1699,
/. miir/eras; Jefferys, 1776, Ia de Mujeres, or Woman's I. It was this name
that led certain of the chroniclers to speak of islands off the coast of Yucatan
inhabited by Amazons. ' Sirvio de asilo en nuestros dias al celebre pirata
Lafitte.' Boletin de la Sociedad Mex. de Geog., iii. 224.

7 For a description of these people see Bancroft 's Native Races, i. 645-747.

8 See Lauda, Rel. deYuc, 6. ' Domum Cotoche sonat: indicabant enim
domus ct oppidum haud longe abesse.' De Rebus Gestls Ferdinandi Cortesii, in

ARRIVAL AT CAMPECHE. 9

Thus invited, Cordoba, with several of his officers,
and twenty-five soldiers armed with cross-bows and
firelocks, accompanied the natives to the shore, where
the cacique with earnest invitations to visit his town
managed to lead them into ambush. The natives
fought with flint-edged wooden swords, lances, bows,
and slings, and were protected by armors of quilted
cotton and shields, their faces being painted and their
heads plumed. They charged the enemy bravely,
amidst shouts and noise of instruments; several of
the Spaniards were wounded, two fatally. At length
the natives gave way before the sharp and sulphurous
enginery of their exceedingly strange visitants, leav-
ing fifteen of their number dead upon the ground.
Two youths were taken prisoners, who were after-
ward baptized and named Julian and Melchor, and
profitably employed by the Spaniards as interpret-
ers. Near the battle-ground stood three more of
those curious stone temples, one of which was en-
tered by Father Gonzalez during the fight, and the
earthen and wooden idols and ornaments and plates
of inferior gold found there were carried away to the
ship.

Embarking, and proceeding westward, the Span-
iards arrived a fortnight later at Campeche,9 where
their amazement was increased on beholding the
number and beauty of the edifices, while the blood

IcazbcUceta, Col. Doc., i. 339. ' Conez cotoche, q quiere dezir, Andad aca a mia
casas.'. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xvii. ' Cotohe, cotohe,' that is to say,
'a house.' Fancourtfs Hist. Yuc, 6. 'Cotoche, q quiere dezir casa. ' Gomara,
Hist. J r/d., Gi. ' Con escotoch, con escotoch, y quiere dezir, andad aca a mis
casas.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 2. This, the north-eastern point of Yuca-
tan, is on Fernando Colon's map, 1527, gotoche; on the map of Diego de Ribero,
1529, p: d'cotoche; Vaz Dourado, 1571, C:. de quoteche; Pilestrina, c:. de sam-
pcdq. Hood places a little west of the cape a bay, B. de conil; the next name
west is Atalaia. Goldschmidi's Cariog. Pac. Coast, MS., i. 358. Kohl, Beiden
aU( stem, karten, 103, brings the expedition here the 1st of March. Las Casas,
Hist. Ind., iv. 350, confounds Cordoba's and Grijalva's voyages in this respect,
that brings the former at once to Cozumel, when, as a matter of fact, Cordoba
never saw that island.

<J So called by the natives, but by the Spaniards named San L&zaro, be-
cause ' it was a Domingo de Lazaro ' when they landed. Yet Ribero writes
chapa, while Vaz Dourado employs llazaro, and Hood, Campechy; Laet gives
the name correctly; Ogilby and Jefferys call the place 8. Frco de Campeche.
'Los Indios le dezio Quimpech.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xvii.

10 VOYAGE OF CORDOBA TO YUCATAN.

and other evidences of human sacrifice discovered
about the altars of the temples filled their souls with
horror. And as they were viewing these monu-
ments of a superior culture, the troops of armed
natives increased, and the priests of the temples,
producing a bundle of reeds, set fire to it, signify-
ing to the visitors that unless they took their de-
parture before the reeds were consumed every one of
them would be killed. Remembering their wounds
at Catoche, the Spaniards took the hint and de-
parted.

They were soon caught in a storm and severely
shaken; after which they began to look about for
water, which had by this time become as precious to
them as the Tyrian mures tincture, of which each
shell-fish gave but a single drop. They accordingly
came to anchor near a village called Potonchan, but
owing to a sanguinary battle in which they were
driven back, Cordoba named the place Bahia de Mala
Pelea.10 In this engagement the natives did not
shrink from fighting hand to hand with the foe.
Fifty-seven Spaniards were killed on the spot, two
were carried off alive, and five died subsequently on
shipboard. Those whom the natives could not kill
they followed to the shore, in their disappointed
rage, wading out into the sea after them, like the
bloodthirsty Cyclops who pursued the Trojan ^Eneas
and his crew. But one man escaped unharmed, and
he of all the rest was selected for slaughter by the
natives of Florida. Cordoba received twelve wounds;
Bernal Diaz three. The survivors underwent much
suffering before reaching Cuba, for the continued

10 Now Champoton, applied to river and town. Ribero writes camro;
Hood, Champoto; Mercator, Chapdton, and town next north, Maranga. Po-
tonchan, in the aboriginal tongue, signifies, 'Stinking Place.' Mercator has
also the town of Potochan, west of Tabasco River. West-Indisclte Spieghel,
Patocham. Laet, Ogilby, and Jefferys follow with Champoton in the usual
variations. 'Y llegaron a otra provincia,' says Oviedo, i. 498, 'que los indios
Hainan Aguanil, y el principal pueblo della se dice Moscoba, y el rey 6 cacique
de aquel senorio se llama Chiapoton ; ' and thus the author of De Rebus GesHs
Ferdinandi Cortesii, 'Nee diu navigaverant, cum Mochocobocurn perveniunt.'
Jcazbalcda, Col. Doc, i. 340.

RETURN TO CUBA. 11

hostilities of the natives prevented their obtaining
the needful supply of water.

There being no one else to curse except them-
selves, they cursed the pilot, Alaminos, for his dis-
covery, and for still persisting in calling the country
an island. Then they left Mala Pelea Bay and re-
turned along the coast, north-eastwardly, for three
days, when they entered an opening in the shore to
which they gave the name of Ester o de los Lagartos,11
from the multitude of caimans found there. After
burning one of the ships which had become unsea-
worthy, Cordoba crossed from this point to Florida,
and thence proceeded to Cuba, where he died from
his wounds, ten days after reaching his home at Santi
Espiritu.

Diego Velazquez was much interested in the details
of this discovery. He closely questioned the two cap-
tives about their country, its gold, its great buildings,
and the plants which grew there. When shown the
yucca root they assured the governor that they were
familiar with it, and that it was called by them tale,
though in Cuba the ground in which the yucca grew
bore that name. From these two words, according
to Bernal Diaz, comes the name Yucatan; for while
the governor was speaking to the Indians of yucca
and tale, some Spaniards standing by exclaimed, " You
see, sir, they call their country Yucatan."12

11 Pinzon and Solis must have found alligators in their northward cruise,
otherwise Peter Martyr could not honestly lay down on his map of India be-
yond the Ganges, in 1510, the baya a" lagartos north of guanase. Mariners
must have given the coast a bad name, for directly north of the R. de la of
Colon, the R:. de lag r fos of Ribero, the R:. de lagarts of Vaz Dourado, and
the R. de Lagartos of Hood, are placed some reefs by all these chart-makers,
and to which they give the name Alacrane.s, Scorpions. The next name west
of Lagartos on Map No. x., Munich Atlas, is costanisa, and on No. xiii. Ostanea.
Again next west, on both, is Medanos. On No. x., next to costa nisa, and on
No. xiii. , west of Punta de las Arenas, is the name A ncones. Ogilby gives here
B. de Conil, and in the interior south, a town Conil; east of R. de Lagartos is
also the town Quyo, and in large letters the name Chuaca.

13 ' Dezian los Espaiioles q' estavan hablado con el Diego Velazquez, y con los
Indios: Seiior estos Indios dizen, que su tierra se llama Yucata, y assi se, quedo
co este nobre, que en propria lengua no se dize assi. ' Hist. Verdad. , 5. Gomara,
J fist. Ind., 60, states that after naming Catoche, a little farther on the Span-
iards met some natives, of whom they asked the name of the town near by.
Tecteta, was the reply, which means, ' I do not understand.' The Spaniards,

12 VOYAGE OF C6RDOBA TO YUCATAN.

The people of this coast seemed to have heard of
the Spaniards, for at several places they shouted ' Cas-
tilians!' and asked the strangers by signs if they did
not come from toward the rising sun. Yet, neither
the glimpse caught of Yucatan by Pinzon and Solis
in 1506 while in search of a strait north of Guanaja
Island where Columbus had been, nor the piratical
expedition of Cordoba, in 1517, can properly be called
the discovery of Mexico.13 Meanwhile Mexico can
well afford to wait, being in no haste for European
civilization, and the attendant boons which Europe
seems so desirous of conferring.

accepting this as the answer to their question, called the country Yectetan,
and soon Yucatan. Waldeck, Voy. Pittoresque, 25, derives the name from the
native word ouyouclcutan, ' listen to what they say. ' The native name was Ma y&.
See Bancroft's Native Races, v. 614—34. There are various other theories and
renderings, among them the following: In answer to Cordoba's inquiry as to
the name of their country, the natives exclaimed, ' uy u tan, esto es : oyes como
habla?' Zamacois, Hist. Mej.t ii. 228. 'Que preguntundo a estos Indios, si
auia en su tierra aquellas rayzes que se llama Yuca. . . . Respondian Ilatli, por
la tierra en que se plan tan, y que de Yuca juntado con Ilatli, se dixo Yucatta,
yde alii Yucatan.' I/errera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xviii. Whencesoever the origin,
it was clearly a mistake, as there never was an aboriginal designation for the
whole country, nor, like the Japanese, have they names for their straits or
bays. For some time Yucatan was supposed to be an island. Grijalva called
the country Isla de Santa Maria de Remedios, though that term was employed
by few. In early documents the two names are united ; instance the instruc-
tions of Velazquez to Cortes, where the country is called la Ysla de Yucatan
Sta Maria de Remedios. On CorteV chart of the Gulf of Mexico, 1520, it is
called Yucatan, and represented as an island. Colon, 1527, and Ribero, 1529,
who write Ivcatan; Ptolemy, in Minister, 1530, lucatana; Orontius, on his
globe, 1531, Iucatans; Munich Atlas, no. iv., 1532-40, cucatan ; Baptista
Agnese, 1540-50, iucatan; Mercator, 15G9, Ivcatan; Michael Lok, 1582, /»•
coton; Hondius, 1595, Laet, Ogilby, etc., Yucatan, which now assumes penin-
sular proportions.

13 The term Mexico has widely different meanings under different condi-
tions. At first it signified only the capital of the Nahua nation, and it was
five hundred years before it overspread the territory now known by that name.
Mexico City was founded in 1325, and was called Mexico Tenochtitlan. The
latter appellation has been connected with Tenuch, the Aztec leader at
this time, and with the sign of a nopal on a stone, ' called in Aztec, re-
spectively nochtli and tetl, the final syllable representing locality, and the
first, te, divinity or superiority. The word Mexico, however, was then
rarely used, Tenochtitlan being the common term employed; and this was
retained by the Spaniards for some time after the conquest, even in
imperial decrees, and in the official records of the city, though in the
corrupt forms of Temixtitan, Tenustitan, etc. See Libro de Cabildo, 1524—9,
MS. Torquemada, i. 293, states distinctly that even in his time the natives
never employed any other designation for the ancient city than Tenochtitlan,
which was also the name of the chief and fashionable ward. Solis, Conq.
Mex., i. 390, is of opinion that Mexico was the name of the ward, Tenoch-
titlan being applied to the whole city, in which case Mexico Tenochtitlan
would signify the ward Mexico of the city Tenochtitlan. Gradually the

THE NAME MEXICO.

13

Spanish records began to add Mexico to Tenochtitlan, and in those of the
first provincial council, held in 1555, we find written Tenuxtitlan Mexico.
Concitios Prov., i. and ii., MS. In the course of time the older and more in-
tricate name disappeared, though the city arms always retained the symbolic
nopal and stone. (Jlavigero, Storia Mess., i. 168; iv. 205-70; Soc. Mex. Geog.

Arms of the Republic or Mexico.

Boletin, viii. 408-15; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Me'j., ii. 157-9; Humboldt, Essai Pol.,
i. 146-7; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 2; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., i. 92-3. See
also Molina, Vocabulario. A number of derivations have been given to the word
Mexico, as mexitli, navel of the maguey; metl-ico, place amidst the maguey;
meixco, on the maguey border; mec'itli, hare; metztli, moon; amexica, or mexica,
you of the anointed ones. The signification spring, or fountain, has also been
applied. But most writers have contented
themselves by assuming it to be identical
with the mexi, mexitl, or mecitl, appellation
of the war god, Huitzilopochtli, to which
has been added the co, an affix implying
locality; hence Mexico would imply the
place or settlement of Mexica, or Mexicans.
This war god, Huitzilopochtli, as is well
known, was the mythic leader and chief
deity of the Aztecs, the dominant tribe of
the Nahua nation. It was by this august
personage, who was also called Mexitl,
that, according to tradition, the name was
given them in the twelfth century, and in
these words : ' Inaxcan aocmoamotoca y na-
maz te ca ye am mexica, ' Henceforth bear
ye not the name Azteca, but Mexica. With
this command they received the distin-
guishing mark of a patch of gum and
feathers to wear upon their forehead and
ears. Bancroft's Native Races, ii. 559 ; iii.
295-6; v. 324-5 et passim. I can offer no
stronger proof as to the way in which the
name was regarded at the time of the con-
quest, and afterwards, than by placing side by side the maps of the sixteenth
century and instituting a comparison. In Apiano, Cosmographica, 1575, is
a map, supposed to be a copy of one drawn by Apianus in 1520, on which
Themisteton is given apparently to a large lake in the middle of Mexico;
Fernando Colon, in 1527, and Diego de Ribero, 1529, both give the word

Ancient Arms of the City of Mexico,
from a rare print.

14 VOYAGE OF CORDOBA TO YUCATAN.

Mexico in small letters, inland, as if applied to a town, although no town is
designated; Ptolemy, in Minister, 1530, gives Temistitan; Munich, Atlas, no.
vi., supposed to have been drawn between 1532 and 1540, Timitistan ml
Mesicho; Baptista Agnese, 1540-50, Timitistan vel Mesico; Ramusio, 1565,
Mexico; Mercator's Atlas, 1569, Mexico, as a city, and Tenuchitlan ; Michael
Lok, 1582, Mexico, in Hondius, about 1595, in Drake's World Encompassed,
the city is Mexico, and the gulf Baia di Mexico; Hondius, in Purchas, His
Pilr/rimes, Laet, Ogilby, Dampier, West-Indische Spieghel, Jacob Colom, and
other seventeenth-century authorities, give uniformly to the city, or to the
city and province, but not to the country at large, the name as at present
written.

CHAPTER II.

JUAN DE GRIJALVA EXPLORES THE WESTERN SIDE OF THE

MEXICAN GULF.

1518.

Velazquez Plans a New Expedition — Gives the Command to his
Nephew, Juan de Grijalva — Who Embarks at Santiago and Strikes
the Continent at Cozumel Island — Coasts Southward to Ascension
Bay — Then Turns and Doubles Cape Catoche — Naming of New
Spain — Fight at Champoton — Arrival at Laguna de Terminos —
Alaminos, the Pilot, is Satisfied that Yucatan is an Island —
They Coast westward and Discover the Rivers *San Pedro y San
Pablo and Tabasco — Notable Interview at this Place between
the Europeans and the Americans— The Culhua Country — They
Pass La Rambla, Tonala, the Rio Goazacoalco, the Mountain of
San Martin, the Rivers of Alvarado and Banderas, and Come to
the Islands of Sacrificios and San Juan de Ulua.

As Diego Velazquez talked with Cordoba's men,
and with the captives, Melchor and Julian, and ex-
amined the articles obtained from the natives, their
superior kind and workmanship, and the gold and
images taken from the temple at Catoche by Father
Gonzalez, all grew significant of yet greater things
beyond. The hardships attending the expedition were
light to him who did not share them, and the late
commander being now dead, the governor found him-
self free to act as best suited him.

He determined at once on a new expedition. There
was a young man who seemed admirably fitted for
the purpose, Juan de Grijalva, a gentleman of the
governor's own town of Cuellar, nephew of Velaz-
quez, though some deny the fact; he was twenty-
eight years of age, handsome, chivalrous, courteous,

(15)

16 GRIJALVA EXPLORES THE MEXICAN GULF.

and as honest as he was brave. He had been with
the governor for some time, and the wonder was how
so bad a master should have so good a man. There
was no lack of volunteers, two hundred and forty1
coming forward at once; among them several who
afterward became famous. Two caravels were added
to the two brought back by Cordoba, making in all,
refitted and equipped, four vessels, the San Sebastian,
the Trinidad, the Santiago, and the Santa Maria de
los Remedios. The pilots and many of the men from
the former expedition were engaged, and some natives
of Cuba were taken as servants. Grijalva, as com-
mander of the armada, directed one vessel, and Pe-
dro de Alvarado, Alonso Davila, and Francisco de
Montejo,2 were appointed captains of the others.
Grijalva's instructions were not to settle, but only to
discover and trade.3 License was obtained from the
Jeronimite Fathers, who stipulated that Francisco de
Penalosa should accompany the expedition as veedor.
As priest, attended one Juan Diaz,* and Diego de
Godoy went as notary.

1 Solisand Hen-era say 250; GomaraandGalvano, 200; Peter Martyr, 300, etc.

2 Torquemada, i. 358, asserts that Montejo furnished his own vessel, and
that Alonso Hernandez Puertocarrero, Alonso Davila, Diego de Ordaz, and
others, went at their own cost.

3 As upon this point, that is to say, the orders and their fulfilment, turned
the destiny, not only of Grijalva, but of the conquest, there has been much
controversy over it. 'Si Iuan de Grijalua supiera conocer aquella buena ve-
tura, y poblara alii como los de su compania le rogauan, fuera otro Cortes, mas
no era para el tanto bien, ni lleuaua comission de poblar.' Gomara, Hist, bid.,
57-8. Partisans of Cortes regard Grijalva with disdain, while no one seems
greatly to care for Velazquez. Bernal Diaz was of opinion that the matter of
founding a colony was left to Grijalva's discretion; but Las Casas, who had
much better opportunities for knowing, being intimate with the governor, and
at special pains to ascertain the truth of the matter, states clearly that Gri-
jalva's instructions were positive, that he should not settle but only trade.
' Bartolorne de las Casas, autor de mucha fe, y que con particular cuydado lo
quiso saber, y era gran amigo, y muy intimo de Diego Velazquez, dize que fue
la instruccion que espressamente no poblasse, sino q solamente rescatasse."
Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. i. So hold Torquemada, Solis, and all careful
writers on the subject.

4 Or as he calls himself, ' capellano maggior ' of the armada. Long before
the soldier, Bernal Diaz, published his 'True History,' Juan Diaz had given
to the world an account of the voyage, Itinerario de la isola de luchatan, fol-
lowing the Itinerario de Ludovico de Varthema Bolognese nella Egitto, etc., in a
volume printed at Venice in 1520. Juan Diaz disputes the honor -with
Bartolorne de Olmedo of having first said mass in the city of Mexico.

COZUMEL ISLAND. 17

Embarking from Santiago de Cuba the 8th of
April, 1518, and leaving Cape San Antonio on Satur-
day,5 the first of May,, they fell to the south of their
intended course, and on Monday sighted the island
of Cozumel,6 which they named Santa Cruz,7 " be-
cause," says Galvano, " they came to it the third of
May." After passing round the northern point on
the sixth8 in search of anchorage, the commander

5 Here again Prescott falls into error in attempting to follow a manuscript
copy of Juan Diaz, without due heed to the standard chroniclers. Mr Pres-
cott writes, Mex., i. 224, 'The fleet left the port of St Jago de Cuba, May
1, 1518,' and refers to the Itinerario of Juan Diaz in proof of his statement.
But Juan Diaz makes no such statement. ' Sabbato il primo giorno del mese
de Mazo,' he says, Itinerario, in Irazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 281, 'de questo
sopradito anno parti il dicto capitaneo de larmata de lisola Fernandina.'
Saturday, the 1st day of May, the armada left the island of Fernandina, or
Cuba. The writer does not intimate that they left the port of Santiago on
that day, which, as a matter of fact, they did not, but the extreme western
point of the island, Cape San Antonio. This Prescott might further have
learned from Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. i., 'Despachado pues Iuan de Grijalua
de todo punto, salio del puerto de Satiago de Cuba, a ocho de Abril deste aiio
de 1518;' from Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 6, who states that all met and at-
tended mass at Matanzas, the 5th of April, just prior to Sailing; ' Y despues
de auer oido Missa con gran deuocion, en cinco dias del mes de Abril de mil y
quinientos y diez y ochoanos dimos vela;' from Solis, Conq.Mex., i. 25, 'tar-
daron fmalmente en hacerse a la mar hasta los ocho de Abril ;' from Robertson,
Hist. Am., i. 241, 'He sailed from St Jago de Cuba on the 8th of April,' etc.
Ternaux-Compans perpetrates two gross blunders in the first four lines "of
his translation of this Itinerario of Juan Diaz. First he writes March for May,
' equivocando, ' as Icazbalceta says, 'la palabra mazo del original con marzo,i
and, secondly, he brings the fleet to Cozumel Island on the 4th, when his author
writes the 3d, which is enough, without the palpable absurdity of making
Monday the 4th day of a month wherein the previous Saturday was the 1 st.
Oviedo states, i. 503, that ' salieron del puerto de la cibdad de Sanctiago a los
veynte e cinco dias del mes de enero ; ' that they were at Matanzas the 1 2th of
February, at Habana the 7th of April; that they left Matanzas finally the
20th of April, and San Antonio the 1st of May, in all which, except the last
statement, he is somewhat confused.

6 Like a good soldier, Bernal Diaz makes the time fit the occasion. 'A este
pueblo,' he says, Hist. Verdad., 7, 'pusimos por nombre Santa Cruz; pore]
quatro, 6 cinco diaz antes de Santa Cruz le vimos.' The native name of the
island was Acusamil — Landa, Rel. de Yuc. , 20, writes it Cuzmil; Cogolludo, Hist.
Yucathan, 10, Cuzamil — Swallow's Island, which was finally corrupted into
the Cozumel of the Spaniards. Mercator, indeed, writes Acusamil, in 1569,
although Colon, Ribero, and Hood had previously given cocumel, cozumel, and
Cosumel, respectively. Vaz Dourado comes out, in 1571, with quoqumell, since
which time the name has been generally written as at present.

7 Some of the authorities apply the name Santa Cruz to a port; others to a
town found there; but it was unquestionably the island to which they gave
this name. ' A questa isola de Cocumel che ahora se adimanda Santa Croce. '
Diaz, Itinerario, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 287. ' Se le puso nombre a esta
Isla Sancta Cruz, a la qual los indios llaman Cocumel.' Oviedo, i. 504.

8 This, according to Diaz ; Oviedo says they landed on Wednesday, the 5th,
and again on the 6th ; and Bernal Diaz affirms that the landing took place on
the south side of the island.

Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 2

18

GRIJALVA EXPLORES THE MEXICAN GULF.

landed with a hundred men, and ascending a high
tower took possession of the country; after which,
mass was said. And Las Casas questions if it wTas
quite right for Juan Diaz to hold this solemn service
in a place where sacrifices were wont to be made to
Satan; for even between the two great and forma]
exercises of the Spaniards, an old Indian priest with
his attendants had entered and had blown incense
before the idols, as if to rouse his gods to vindicate
their might before these opposing worshippers. To

the point wTas given the name San Felipe y Santiago,
and to a town standing near, that of San Juan ante
Portam Latinam. Then they entered the town, and
found there houses of stone, and paved streets, in the
eyes of Juan Diaz not unlike the towns of Spanish
construction. Meanwhile, a small party penetrated
one or two leagues into the interior, and observed
other towns and cultivated lands.

While crossing to the Yucatan coast the following
day, they descried in the distance three towns, and,
as "they descended toward the south, a city "so large
that Seville could not show to better advantage."

THE NAME NEW SPAIN. 19

Next they came to a great opening in the shore, to
which, after Alaminos had examined it in a boat, they
gave the name of Bahia de la Ascension, from the
day of discovery. Unable to find a pass in this di-
rection round the supposed island of Yucatan, they
turned back, passed Cozumel, and, rounding the penin-
sula, arrived at Campeche the 25th, rescuing on their
way a woman from Jamaica.

Everywhere they beheld the same evidences of
high culture seen by Cordoba, the tower-temples and
crosses of the Mayas rising from gracefully outlined
promontories, and glistening white from behind le-
gended hills, leading them every moment to antici-
pate the discovery of some magnificent city, such as
in our day has been revealed to an admiring poster-
ity; for while the East buries her ancient cities in
dust, the West none the less effectually hides hers
in foliage. And of the monuments to the greatness
of the past, and of the profitless millions here en-
gendered, who shall speak ? And why do men call
nature considerate or kind? Does she not create
only to destroy, and bestow blessings and cursings
with the same merciless indifference? Surpassingly
lovely, she is at once siren, nurse, and sanguinary
beldam. This barren border of the peninsula rested
under a canopy of clear or curtained sky, and glared
in mingled gloom and brightness beside the fickle
gulf; and from the irregular plains of the interior
came the heated, perfumed air, telling here of tree-
less table-lands, of languid vegetation, and there of
forests and evergreen groves. " It is like Spain,"
cried one. And so they called the country Nueva
Espana,9 which name, at first applied only to the

9 It was the crosses, which the Spaniards here regarded of miraculous origin,
more than any physical feature which after all gave the name to these shores.
Cortes established it for all the region under Aztec sway, and under the vice-
roys it was applied to all the Spanish possessions north of Guatemala, includ-
ing the undefined territories of California and New Mexico. Humboldt, Essai
Pol., i. 6-7, and others, have even shown an inclination to embrace thereun-
der Central America, but for this there is not sufficient authority. See Me-

20 GRIJALVA EXPLORES THE MEXICAN GULF.

peninsula of Yucatan, finally spread over the whole
of the territory afterward known as Mexico.

At Campeche, or more probably at Champoton,10
occurred a notable affray. The fleet anchored toward
sunset, half a league from shore. The natives imme-
diately put on a warlike front, bent on terrible intimi-
dations, which they continued in the form of shouts
and drum-beating during the entire night. So great
was their necessity for water that the Spaniards did
not wait for the morning, but amidst the arrows,
stones, and spears of the natives, they landed the ar-
tillery and one hundred men before daybreak, another
hundred quickly following. But for their cotton
armor the invaders would have suffered severely
during this operation. Having reached the shore,
however, the guns were planted, and the natives

dina, Chron. de San Diego deMex., 227; Lopez Vaz, inPurchas, His Pilgrimes,
iv. 1432, and Gottfriedt, New?, Welt, 74; also Torquemada, from Herrera, and
several standard authors. New Spain was for a long time divided into the
three kingdoms of New Spain, New Galicia, and New Leon, each composed
of several provinces. Under the administration of Galvez, this division gave
way to intendencias, among them Mexico and a few provinces, and New Spain
came to be limited in the north by the Provincias Internas, though including
for a time at least the Californias. With the independence the name New
Spain was replaced by Mexico, less because this term applied to the leading
province and to the capital, than because the name was hallowed by associa-
tion with the traditions of the people, whose blood as well as sympathies con-
tained far more of the aboriginal element than of the imported. On Colon's
map the name is given in capital letters, Nova Spaiia. Under Nveva Espafia
Ribero writes dixose asi por queay aquy muchas cosas que ay en espafia ay ya
mucho trigo qan lleuado de aca entanta cantidad q lo pueden ea cargar para
otras partes ay aquy mucho oro de nacimieuto. Robert Thorne, in HalduyVs
Voy., carries Hispania Noua, east and west through Central America, while
Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 455, places La Nova Spagna in large letters across the
continent.

10 It is remarkable, as I have often observed, how two eye-witnesses can
sometimes tell such diametrically opposite stories ; not only in regard to time
and minor incidents, but to place and prominent events. In this instance Diaz
the priest is no less positive and minute in placing the affair at Campeche,
than is Diaz the soldier, at Champoton. The second-rate authorities, follow-
ing these two writers who were present, are divided, by far the greater num-
ber, Herrera among the rest, accepting the statement of Bernal Diaz. Oviedo,
who was a resident of the Indies at the time, describes the battle as occurring
at Campeche. Perhaps one reason why the soldier-scribe has more adherents
than the priest, is because the existence of the narrative of the latter was not
so well known. Las Casas affirms, Hist. Ind., iv. 425, that the pilot unin-
tentionally passed Lazaro's port, or Campeche, and landed and fought at
Champoton. ' Llegaron, pues, al dicho pueblo (que, como dije, creo. que fu6
Champoton, y no el de Lazaro).'

THE CITIES AND THE TEMPLES. 21

charged and driven back with the loss of three Span-
iards slain and sixty wounded, the commander-in-
chief, ever foremost in the fight, being three times
struck and losing two teeth. Two hundred were killed
and wounded among the natives. The town was
found deserted. Presently three ancient Americans
appeared, who were kindly entreated, and despatched
with presents to the fugitives, but they never re-
turned. Two nights were spent ashore, the tower
and sacred edifices adjacent being used as barracks.

Embarking, soon a large opening in the coast was
discovered, and entered by Grijalva, the chaplain
says, the last day of May. Puerto Deseado11 the
commander called his anchorage, being the desired
spot in which might be repaired the leaky ships.
The Spaniards thought themselves at first at the
mouth of a river, but on further examination, it ap-
peared to them more like a sea. Whereupon the
pilot Alaminos, who, notwithstanding evidence to
the contrary, notwithstanding three days' explorings,
left this salt-sheet still landlocked, never ceased in-
sisting that Yucatan was an island, and he now
gravely assured his commander that the great open-
ing opposite Amatique Bay and Golfo Dulce, or if
that were too far, then opposite Chetumal or Ascen-
sion, confirmed his suppositions, and settled the
matter in his mind that this was the termination of
the islands; hence the names Boca de Terminos, and
Laguna de Terminos,12 which followed. The temples

11 Puerto Escondido. On the maps of Colon and Hood it is placed as one
of the eastern entrances of the Laguna de Terminos, the former writing p.
deseado, and the latter P. desiado; Gomara places the Laguna de Terminos
between Puerto Deseado and Rio Grijalva. On Ribero's map, north of Escon-
dido, is la ger, Vaz Dourado marking in the same locality jj:. seq° amgratriste,
Dampier gives Boca Eschondido, and Jefferys, Boca Escondida.

12 Velazquez had instructed his captain to sail round the island of Yucatan.
Cortes, in 1519, ordered Escobar to survey this sheet, which was found to be
a bay and shallow. Still the pilots and chart-makers wrote it down an island.
It is worthy of remark that in the earliest drawings, like Colon's, in 1527, the
maker appears undecided, but Ribero, two years later, boldly severs the
peninsula from the continent with a strait. See Goldschmidt's Cartog. Pac.
Coast, MS., i. 412-14. The earliest cartographers all write terminos, Ribero
marking a small stream flowing into the lagoon, R:. de x pianos. Here also

22 GRIJALVA EXPLORES THE MEXICAN GULF.

here seen were supposed by the Spaniards to be
places where merchants and hunters made their sacri-
fices. A greyhound, eager in the pursuit of game,
neglected to return in time and was left behind;
when the Spaniards came with Cortes they found the
animal well-fed and happy, but excessively glad to
see them. Before departing, Grijalva again declared
for Spain, "as if," growls Las Casas, "the thousand
possessions already taken were not enough." Indeed,
this fierce charging on a continent, so often repeated,
hurling upon the inhabitants a new religion and a new
king, was about as effective as Caligula's advance
on Britain, when, preparatory to crossing, he drew
up his troops in battle array, on the seaboard, and
gave orders to collect shells, the spoils of conquered
ocean.

Proceeding the 8th of June, and creeping stealth-
ily along the coast,13 dropping anchor at night and
weighing it with the dawn, they came to a river which
they called San Pedro y San Pablo, and then to a
larger one, the native name of which was Tabasco,14
after the cacique of the city, but which the Spaniards
called Grijalva, in honor of their commander.

The face of nature here changed. The low, gray
hills of the peninsula gave place to elevations of en-
livening green, made lustrous by large and frequent

is the town and point of Jicalango. Ogilby calls the lagoon Lago de Xica-
lango, east of which is the name Nra Sra de la Vitoria- Dampier places south
of Laguna Termina the town Chukabul; Jefferys writes in large letters, a little
south of Laguna de Xicalango or Terminos, the words Quehaches Indtos Braoos.
Kohl thinks Puerto Escondido may be the Puerto Deseado of Grijalva men-
tioned by Gomara.

13 Of 'la isola riccha chiamata Ualor,' as the chaplain calls it, Diaz, Itlne-
rariOj in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 295, 'descoprir una altra terra che se dice
Mulua.' Alaminos believed New Spain to be another island distinct from
Yucatan. The natives called it Colua, says Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 428.

11 On the chart of Cortes, 1520, it is called R:. de Guzalua, and placed west
instead of east of Rio Santa Ana. Ribero writes, R:. de grisalua; Vaz Dourado,
Rn. de grigalua; Hood, R. de Grisalua; Mercator's Atlas, 1574, has a town,
Tausco ; Ogilby, Dampier, and Jefferys employ the name Tabasco. Kohl
ascribes the name of the river San Pedro y San Pablo to Grijalva. Colon has
R:. de 8. pablo; Ribero, R. de s:. Pab<>; Munich Atlas, No. iv., rio de s. p.;
Baptista Agnese, rio de S. paulo; Hood, R. de S. Pablo; Ogilby, S. Paulo:
Dampier, St. Peter, St. Paul, etc. As there are plenty of streams in that vicinity
Herrera gives one to Grijalva and still leaves the chieftain, Tabasco, his own.

TABASCO. 23

streams. Boldly in the front stood the heights at
present known as San Gabriel; beyond continued the
flat, monotonous foreground of a gorgeous picture, as
yet but dimly visible save in the ardent imaginings
of the discoverers.

The two smaller vessels only could enter this
river of Tabasco, which, though broad, was shallow-
mouthed; and this they did very cautiously, advanc-
ing a short distance up the stream, and landing at
a grove of palm-trees, half a league from the chief
town. Upon the six thousand15 natives who here
threatened them, they made ready to fire; but by
peaceful overtures the sylvan multitude were brought
to hear of Spain's great king, of his mighty preten-
sions, and of the Spaniards' inordinate love of gold.
The green beads the natives thought to be stone
made of their chalchiuite, which they prized so
highly, and for which they eagerly exchanged food.
Having a lord of their own they knew not why these
rovers should wish to impose upon them a new
master; for the rest they were fully prepared, if
necessary, to defend themselves. During this inter-
view, at which the interpreters, Melchor and Julian,
assisted, the word Culhua,16 meaning Mexico, was
often mentioned in answer to demands for gold, from

15 It is Las Casas who testifies to G,000 ; Bernal Diaz enumerates 50 canoes ;
Herrera speaks of three Xiquipiles of 8,000 men each, standing ready in that
vicinity to oppose the Spaniards, waiting only for the word to be given.

16Not 'Culba, Culba, Mexico, Mexico,' as Bernal Diaz has it. The na-
tives pronounced the word Culhua only ; but this author, finding that Culhua
referred to Mexico, puts the word Mexico into the mouth of Tabasco and his
followers. Long before the Aztecs, a Toltec tribe called the Acolhuas, or
Culhuas, had settled in the valley of Mexico. The name is more ancient
than that of Toltec, and the Mexican civilization might perhaps as appro-
priately be called Culhua as Nahua. The name is interpreted 'crooked'
from coloa, bend; also 'grandfather' from colli. Colhuacan might therefore
signify Land of our Ancestors. Under Toltec dominion a tripartite confed-
eracy had existed in the valley of Anahuac, and when the Aztecs became the
ruling nation, this alliance was reestablished. It was composed of the Acol-
hua, Aztec, and Tepanec kingdoms, the Aztec king assuming the title Culhua
Tecuhtli, chief of the Culhuas. It is evident that the Culhuas had become
known throughout this region by their conquests, and by their culture, supe-
rior as it was to that of neighboring tribes. The upstart Aztecs were only
too proud to identify themselves with so renowned a people. The name
Culhua was retained among the surrounding tribes, and applied before
Grijalva to the Mexican country, where gold was indeed abundant.

24 GRIJALVA EXPLORES THE MEXICAN GULF.

which the Spaniards inferred that toward, the west
they would find their hearts' desire. Then thoy re-
turned to their ships.

In great state, unarmed, and without sign of fear,
Tabasco next day visited Grijalva on board his vessel.
He had already sent roasted fish, fowl, maize bread,
and fruit, and now he brought gold and feather-work.
Out of a chest borne by his attendants was taken a
suit of armor, of wood overlaid with gold, which Ta-
basco placed upon Grijalva, and on his head a golden
helmet, giving him likewise masks and breast-plates
of gold and mosaic, and targets, collars, bracelets, and
beads, all of beaten gold, three thousand pesos in value.
With the generous grace and courtesy innate in him,
Grijalva took off' a crimson velvet coat and cap which
he had on when Tabasco entered, also a pair of new
red shoes, and in these brilliant habiliments arrayed
the chieftain, to his infinite delight.

The Spaniards departed from Tabasco with further
assurances of friendship, and two days later sighted the
town of Ahualulco, which they named La Rambla,
because the natives with tortoise-shell shields were
observed huriwing hither and thither upon the shore.
Afterward they discovered the river Tonala, which
was subsequently examined and named San Antonio;17
then the Goazacoalco,18 which they could not enter
owing to unfavorable vdnds; and presently the great
snowy mountains of New Spain, and a nearer range,
to which they gave the name San Martin,19 in justice

17 'Das grosse Fest des heiligen Antonius von Padua fallt auf den 13 Juni,
and dies giebt uns also eine Gelegenheit eines der Dat'en der Reise des Gri-
jalva, deren uns die Berichterstatter, wie immer, nur wenige geben, genau
f estzusetzen. ' Kohl, Beiden dltesten Karten, 105. Cortds, in his chart of the
Gulf of Mexico, 1520, calls it Santo Anton; Fernando Colon, 1527, B. de la
Balsa, with the&iame G. de s. anion to the gulf; Eibero, 1529, r: de Sat on;
Globe of Orontius, 1531, C. S. ctto; Vaz Dourado, 1571, rio de S. ana; Hood,
1592, R. de S. Antonio, etc. For Santa Ana Dampier in 1699 lays down St.
Anns, and Jefferys in 1776, B. St. Ann.

18 Cortes calls it Bio de totuqualquo; Colon, B. de gasacalcos; Ribero, B. de
guasacalco; Orontius, B. de qualq0; Vaz Dourado, B.° de de (juaqaqa; Hood,
B. de Guaca ; Mercator, Quacaqualco; De Laet, Ogilby, B. de Guazacoalco;
Jefferys, B. Guazacalo; Dampier, B. Guazacoalco or Guashigwalp.

19 Colon gives it, Sierras de San mrti; Vaz Dourado, seras de S. martin;

THE RIO DE BANDERAS. 25

to the soldier who first saw it. Overcome by his
ardor, Pedro de Alvarado pressed forward his faster-
sailing ship, and entered before the others a river
called by the natives Papaloapan, but named by his
soldiers after the discoverer;20 for which breach of
discipline the captain received the censure of his com-
mander. The next stream to which they came was
called Rio de Banderas,21 because the natives appeared
in large numbers, carrying white flags on their lances.
With these white flags the natives beckoned the
strangers to land; whereupon twenty soldiers were
sent ashore under Francisco de Montejo, and a favor-
able reception being accorded them, the commander
approached with his ships and landed. The utmost
deference was paid the guests, for, as will hereafter
more fully appear, the king of kings, Lord Monte-
zuma, having in his capital intelligence of the strange
visitors upon his eastern seaboard, ordered them to
be reverentially entertained. In the cool shade was
spread on mats an abundance of provisions, while
fumes of burning incense consecrated the spot and
made redolent the air. The governor of this prov-
ince was present with two subordinate rulers, and
learning what best the Spaniards loved, he sent out
and gathered them gold trinkets to the value of fif-
teen thousand pesos. So valuable an acquisition im-
pelled Grijalva to claim once more for Charles, one of
the natives, subsequently christened Francisco, acting
as interpreter. After a stay of six days the fleet
sailed, passing a small island, white with sand, which

Hood, Sierras de St- min; Ogilby, Sierras de S. Martin; Dampier, St. Martin's
High Land, and St. Martin's Point. This soldier, San Martin, was a native
of Habana.

20 Herrera makes the Indian name Papaloava ; Bernal Diaz, Papalohuna,
Cortes, 1520, and Orontius, 1531, give n. d alvarado; Colon, 1527, R: del
comendador aluarado ; Ribero, 1529, /?.*. de Aluarado ; Vaz Dourado, 1571,
R°. de Alluorado, etc. ' Die Karte von 1527 hat den Rio del comendador Alva-
rado etwas weiter westlich, jenseits des Rio de banderas, welches keineswegs
mit den Berichten des Bernal Diaz libereinstimmt. ' Kohl, Beiden altesten
KaHen, 100.

21 Some of the early maps place this stream incorrectly east of the Papa-
loapan; where Ribero writes P. delyada, first east from R: de uanderds, Vaz
Dourado writes p:. de hiqada.

26 GRIJALVA EXPLORES THE MEXICAN GULF.

Grijalva called Isla Blanca, and then the Isla Verde,
gleaming green with foliage amidst the green waters,
four leagues from the continent; coming presently to
a third island, a league and a half from the mainland,
which afforded good anchorage. This, according to
Oviedo, was on the 18th of June. On landing the
Spaniards found two stone temples, within which lay
five human bodies, with bowels opened and limbs cut
off; and all about were human heads on poles, while
at the top of one of the edifices, ascended by stone
steps, was the likeness of a lion in marble, with a
L~11,?TV head, showing the tongue cut out, and oppo-
site to it a stone idol and blood-fount. Here was
evidently a sacrifice to some pagan deity; and touch-
ing it is to witness the horror with which these
men of Spain regarded such shocking spectacles,
while viewing complacently their own atrocious
cruelties.

Crossing from Isla de Sacrificios, as they called this
blood-bespattered place, the Spaniards landed on the
adjoining mainland, and making for themselves shel-
ter with boughs and sails began trading for gold ; but
the natives being timid and returns inconsiderable,
Grijalva proceeded to another island, less than a
league from the mainland and provided with water.
Here was a harbor sheltered from the dread yet
grateful north winds, which in winter rush in with
passionate energy, driving away the dreadful summer
vomito and tumbling huge surges on the strand,
though now they formed but a wanton breeze by day,
which slept on waves burnished by the radiant sun
or silvered by the moon. Here they landed and
erected huts upon the sand.22 To the Spaniards all
nature along this seaboard seemed dyed with the blood

22 The Chaplain Diaz affirms that ten days were passed on the mainland,
where Indians dressed in mantles brought them food, and where they melted
their gold into bars ; and that on the San Juan Island they appointed one of
the natives cacique, christening him Ovando. ' El capitaneo li disse che non
volevano se non oro et loro resposseno che lo portariano laltro giorno portorono
oro fondido in verghe et lo capitaneo li disse che portasseno molto d quello.'
Itinerario, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 299.

THE NAME SAN JUAN DE ULUA. 27

of human sacrifices. And here, beside evidences of
heathen abominations in the forms of a great temple,
idols, priests, and the bodies of two recently sacri-
ficed boys, they had gnats and mosquitoes to annoy
them, all which led them to consider the terror of
their voyage and the advisability of return. Of the
Indian, Francisco, Grijalva asked the significance of
the detestable rite of ripping open living human bodies
and offering bloody hearts to hungry gods; and the
heathen answered, because the people of Culhua, or
Ulua, as he pronounced the name, would have it so.
From this circumstance, together with the facts that
the name of the commander was Juan, and that it
was now about the time of the anniversary of the feast
of John the Baptist, the island was named San Juan
de Ulua,23 while the continent in that vicinity was
called Santa Maria de las Nieves.

23 To distinguish it, Herrera says, from San Juan de Puerto Rico. On the
chart of Cortes, 1520, the B:. de Sant Juan is laid down, but no other names
are given except that of Sacrificios Island, which is placed some distance out
and called Ys della creficio. On Orontius' globe, 1531, three islands are
called Insula Sacrifici. Colon lays down R: de s. Juhan; R. salado; R: de s.
x poaae (christobal) ; villa rica, and ye°: de sacreficios. Eibero designates R:.
de s.Jua; R:. de cdpual; uilla rica, and y:.0- de sacficios. Vaz Dourado writes
R.° de Sao (santo) Jodo (Juan); llaueracrus (la vera cruz), and uilla liquet
(villa rica). Hood gives R. de medelin; S. Jon delua; Laueracruz; Sen Jual;
Villa Rica; and marks the point south of Vera Cruz P. de antonisardo. Mer-
cator gives Villa Rica; Ogilby, S. Juan de Luz, and north of it Villarica. On
another of his maps we find S. Juan de Lua; Pta de Ant0 Sardo, I. y Fuerca
de la vera Cruz neuva, La Vera Cruz, R. Medelin, and Y&s de Sacrificios. See
further Cartography North Am., MS., i. 531. Las Casas confounds the islands
Sacrificios and Ulua, calling them one. The Spaniards supposed the conti-
nent thereabout, far into the interior, was known to the natives as Culhua ;
hence we find Velazquez, in his instructions to Cortds, Mendoza, Col. Doc,
xii. 227, speaking of 'una tierra grande, que parte della se llama Ulua, que
puso por nombre Santa Maria de las Nieves. ' See also Oviedo, i. 539.

CHAPTER III.

RETURN OF GRIJALVA. A NEW EXPEDITION ORGANIZED.

1518.

Refusal of Grijalva to Settle — Alvarado Sent back to Cuba — Grijalva
Continues his Discovery — After Reaching the Province of Panuco
he Turns back — Touching at the Rio Goazacoalco, Tonala, the
Laguna de Terminos, and Champoton, the Expedition Returns to
Cuba — Grijalva Traduced and Discharged — A New Expedition
Planned — Velazquez Sends to Santo Domingo and Spain — Charac-
ters of Velazquez and Grijalva Contrasted — Candidates for the
Captaincy of the New Expedition — The Alcalde of Santiago Suc-
cessful— His Standing at that Time.

At various places during this expedition, notably
where is now Vera Cruz, and at the River Tabasco,
both in coming and returning, Grijalva's men begged
permission to settle and subdue the country. In
their desire to remain they pictured to themselves all
the pleasures of the abandoned crew of Ulysses, in a
land as happy as that of which Horace sang, where
Ceres decked untilled fields with sheaves and Bacchus
revelled under purple-clustered vines. And they were
angry with their commander for not breaking the in-
structions which forbade his colonizing. Pedro de
Alvarado was particularly chafed by the restraint,
though he kept his temper until he obtained permis-
sion to return to Cuba with one of the vessels1 which
had become unseaworthy, so as to report to the gov-
ernor the progress of the discovery, and obtain re-
cruits and fresh supplies, with permission to found a
colony. Beside some fifty sick persons, all the gold,
cotton, and other articles obtained from the natives

1 Herrera says it was the San Sebastian; Oviedo, the Trinidad.

(28)

ALVARADO RETURNS TO CUBA. 29

thus far were placed in Alvarado's ship, which sailed
the 24th of June. The remainder of the expedition
continued its now north-westward course past Nautla,2
which the Spaniards called Almeria, and with the
mountains of Tuxpan3 in full view, advanced as far
as Cabo Rojo, some say as far as the Rio de Pa-
nuco.4 The entrance to the large lagoon now known
as the Bahia de Tanguijo, was mistaken for a river
and named Rio de Canoas. On anchoring here the
ships of the Spaniards were fiercely attacked by the
occupants of twelve canoes,5 which came out from a
large city compared by the worthy chaplain to
Seville in size and magnificence, in common with
other towns along this seaboard; and as if this were
not strange enough, the same authority goes on to

2 Town and river given both by Cortes and Orontius. Colon writes R: de
almeria ; Ribero almera; Vaz Dourado, allm,eira; Hood, A Imeria; nos. vi. and
vii., Munich Atlas, rio tie almeria, and Mercator, Almeria. Ogilby places
north of Lhanos de Almeria a large gnlf labelled R. de S P° y S Paulo, and
south of it Toluia, and Tore Branco. Dampier lays down Almeria I. opposite
Tispe and Haniago Isle on the mainland. Laet gives Naothlan 6 Almeria, and
Lhanos de Almeria.

3 ' Vimos las sierras de Tusta, y mas adelante de a hi a otros dos dias vi-
mos otros sierras muy altas, q agora se llama las sierras de Tuspa;' so called,
Bernal Diaz says, Hist. Verdad., 10, from the towns lying at their base. The
Rio de Tuxpan is supposed to be the San Pedro y San Pablo of early days.
' Da das Peter-und Pauls-Fest auf den 29 Juni. '

4 Kohl thinks Grijalva did not pass Cabo Rojo, the C:. roxo of Vaz
Dourado, and Hood, and I am inclined to agree with him. Bernal Diaz says,
Hist. Verdad, 10, ' Yestoes ya en la Provincia de Panuco: e yendo pornuestra
nauegacio llegamos a vn rio grande, que le pusimos por nobre Rio de Canoas. '
The nomenclature of this stream is quite regular in the several times and
places. Cortes gives Rio Panuco loaton ; Colon, R: panuco; Ribero and Vaz
Dourado, panuco; Orontius, R. panico; Hood, Panuco; Baptista Agnese, panu-
cho, and rio panucho ; no. vi. Munich Atlas the same ; Ptolemy, 1530, in Mini-
ster, Panuco; Mercator, river and town Panuco, and next town south Chila.
And so on with Hondius, Ogilby, Dampier, and the rest. See Gold schm'n It's
(Jo Hog. Pac. Coast, MS. , i. 578. Upon the hypothesis that the San Pedro y San
Pablo and the Tuxpan were two streams, the latter may have been the Rio de
Canoas of Grijalva and the Panuco discovered by Montejo and Alaminos the
year following, as Kohl surmises, but not otherwise. Herrera says the expe-
dition did not pass Cabo Rojo; Bernal Diaz speaks of a wide projecting cape,
which does not exist beyond the Panuco River. Yet both affirm that the
province of Panuco was reached, and we well know that little would be said
to strangers of an aboriginal province by its inhabitants before its great town,
or its great river, was approached. Hence the general impression that Gri-
jalva on this occasion coasted as far as Tampico, and that the Panuco was his
Rio de Canoas. It is my opinion that the entrance to the Bahia de Tanguijo,
mistaken for a river, was the Rio de Canoas of Grijalva, and that Cabo Rojo
was his ultimate point of discovery.

J Some say sixteen.

SO RETURN OF GRIJALVA— A NEW EXPEDITION.

relate a miracle which happened here because Grijalva
refused the soldiers leave to sack the place; how a
star, poised above the fleet after sunset, shot toward
the town and hung over it invitingly, as if Jehovah
signified his pleasure that the Christians should seize
the city.6

After beating back the canoes the Spaniards
proceeded, but found their course impeded by the
currents off Cabo Rojo; from which circumstance,
together with the hostility of the natives, the rapidity
with which the season was advancing:, and the condi-
tion of the ships, they determined to return. Turn-
ing toward the southward, therefore, they were carried
past the River Goazacoalco by boisterous winds, and
entered Tonala to careen and repair a leaky vessel.7
Again the men blasphemed and held the commander
in derision because he would not settle. After sev-
eral failures in starting they continued the voyage,
encountered bad weather, touched at Deseado for
water, engaged in a parting fight with the natives
of Champoton, sailed again, and the fifth reached
San Lazaro, where they were led into ambush while
searching for water, and attacked. After helping
themselves to maize they embarked, followed the
shore past Rio de Lagartos, the Comi of the natives,
whence they sailed for Cuba, and arrived at Matanzas
about the first of November.8

6 In questo giorno sul tardi vedessemo miracolo ben grande el qual fu che
apparve una stella incima la nave dapoi el tramontar del sole et partisse sem-
pre buttando razi lino che se pose sopra quel vilagio over populo grande et
lasso uno razo ne laiere che duro piu de tre hore grande et anchora vedessimo
altri signal ben chiari dove comprendessemo che dio volea per suo servitio po-
pulassemo la dicta terra. Jtinerario, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 302.

7 Bernal Diaz claims to have planted here the first orange-seeds sown in
New Spain. It was at the base of a temple, on whose summit he had enjoyed
a refreshing sleep, above the clouds of mosquitoes, and through gratitude he
sowed these seed, which he had brought from Cuba. He tells, likewise, of
obtaining here by barter 4,000 pesos, which, with the 16,000 pesos Alvarado
carried home, made 20,000 pesos secured during the voyage. Among the
treasures were some copper hatchets, which the Spaniards took to be an infe-
rior kind of gold. Las Casas gives a detailed description of the treasures
obtained by this expedition, among which was an emerald worth 2,000 ducats,
from the mainland opposite Isla de Sacrificios.

bThis, following Oviedo, who in 1523 visited Velazquez, and was told

ILL-TREATMENT OF GRIJALVA. 31

When Grijalva cast anchor in the bay of Ma-
tanzas his heart beat high with promise.- He had
returned successful from a brilliant discovery, in
which had begun that pronounced mastery of life
which is the dream of every chivalrous mind. There
had been nothing in the least irrational in his policy,
or fickle or factious in his conduct. He had used
diligence and discretion, had been true to his com-
panions, and faithful to his king and to his chief.
Surely his uncle would praise him, his governor
would reward him, and his king would intrust him
with new commissions. So he deserved; so he had
every reason to expect, and hence it was with pride
and pleasure that he once more set foot on Isla Fer-
nandina.

But, unfortunately, this most virtuous cavalier was
now destined to reap the too common reward of hon-
est service in the cause of a vicious master. Scarcely
had Grijalva landed, when a letter from the governor
was placed in his hand, ordering him to repair with
his ships at once to Santiago, and at the same time
to notify his soldiers that opportunity would be
quickly given all who desired to embark in a fresh
adventure to New Spain, and that meanwhile they
might rest themselves at the governor's farms in that
vicinity. Then, too, he first learned how Velazquez,
ever fickle and distrustful as are all timid and un-
scrupulous men, becoming nervous concerning the
fleet, had sent Cristobal de Olid in a small vessel
with seven soldiers to search and report; and that on
reaching the coast of Yucatan a storm had obliged
the explorer to part with his anchor and return to
Cuba.9 Before the return of Olid, Alvarado had

these things. Other authors give widely different accounts of Grijalva's
return, most of them taking him at once from Tonala to Matanzas, but
allowing forty days for the voyage. Oviedo dates Grijalva's arrival at the
River Goazacoalco July 9; at Deseado, August 17 ; at Champoton, September
1 ; San Lazaro, September 5, and Matanzas, October 8, which is too early,
according to the date of Cortes' instructions.

9 Oviedo says that Olid went to Cozumel and took possession of the island,
thinking he had discovered it; then coasting north and westward to a port,

32 RETURN OF GRIJALVA— A NEW EXPEDITION.

arrived with the gold and good tidings from the
armada, which gave the governor unbounded joy.
Grijalva had yet to learn, however, how Alvarado,
not forgetting the censure bestowed on him for dis-
obedience, had not failed to color the conduct of his
commander to suit his own ends. Grijalva's repeated
refusals to colonize were paraded as tho gross mis-
takes of a stubborn and spiritless man; the coolness
and bravery displayed at Champoton were made to
appear as reckless imprudence; and as the governor
thought of the danger to which his adventure had
there been subjected, he became alarmed. " Had I
lost all," he muttered, "it would have been a 'just
penalty for sending such a fool." And now both
Ddvila and Montejo poured fresh poison into the ear
of the governor respecting his nephew, in revenge
for similar fancied injuries; so that when Grijalva
reported himself to Velazquez at Santiago, he was
told to go his way, since the governor had no further
use for him.

Indeed, this line of action had been for some
time determined on. Immediately upon the arrival
of Alvarado, a new expedition had been planned, in
which Grijalva was not to participate. The latter
was hurt, almost to death. He had conferred a
great benefit on this Tiberius of an uncle; but as
affection is heightened by the conferring of benefits,
so it is often lessened by the acceptance of them.
Not long after, Juan de Salcedo was sent to Santo
Domingo for permission to colonize New Spain, and
Benito Martin, chaplain and man of business, was
despatched to Spain10 with a full account of the dis-

Laguna de TeYminos, and finding no traces of Grijalva, and having lost his
anchors, he returned to Matanzas eight days before Grijalva; but in this
statement he is sustained neither by his contemporaries nor by his own col-
lateral statements. Velazquez' instructions to Cortes are dated the 23d of
October, at which time neither Olid nor Grijalva had returned, since Cortes is
told to search for them ; both arrived, however, before he sailed.

lu It was in May, 1519, according to Oviedo, that Benito Martin — some
call him Martinez — sailed for Spain, Grijalva having arrived at Santiago late
in the October previous. By reference to a Velazquez memorial, in iv. 233-4,
Col. Doc. Died. , we find that before this, upon the strength of Cordoba's dis-

CHARACTER OF VELAZQUEZ AND GRIJALVA. 33

co very , and with gold for the bishop of Burgos. Haste
seemed necessary- to Velazquez lest some one might
anticipate and rob him of the honors and emoluments
won through Grijalva's efforts. Nor were forgotten
the Licentiate Zapata and the Secretary Conchillos;
and so happily were distributed the Indian villages of
Cuba among these conscientious men of Spain, that
Velazquez gained all his requests, with the title of
adelantado of Cuba added.

How different the quality of these two men, Velaz-
quez and Grijalva, and both so widely different from
the phoenix now about to rise from their ashes ! The
character of the governor was like a candle flame, hot
without and hollow within. Almost as much as gold
lie loved glory, the brass and tinsel of it, but lacked
both the ability and the courage to achieve noble dis-
tinction. As easily worked upon by designing men
as Othello, there was in him none of the nobility of
the Moor; and, possessing no great integrity himself,
he was very ready to suspect treachery in others.

Grijalva, on the other hand, was the Lysander of
New World discovery; of a modest though manly
spirit, obedient to customs and superior authority,
preferring honor and duty to self and pleasure, native
to generous action, the very faults brought out by his
enemies shine brilliant as virtues. He was as chival-
rous as any Spaniard that ever drew steel on naked
savage, as brave and talented as any. But he lacked

covery, the king, on the 13th of November, 1518, at Saragossa, made Velazquez
adelantado of what he had discovered, or might discover. Thus far he claimed
a3 having found, at his own cost, Cozumel and Yucatan, the Santa Maria de
los Remedios of the Spaniards, which was not true. Indeed, these memorials
of the descendants of conquerors are, as a rule, widely different from the
facts ; instance this one again, which gives Olid seventy men instead of seven.
As a matter of course, the honor of the discovery is claimed wholly for the
governor of Cuba, to the prejudice of others who ventured more than he.
See Carta del Ayunt. de Vera Cruz, in Col. Doc. Ined., i. 418-9. Instance
further a Memorial del negocio de D. Antonio Velazquez de Basan, in Pacheco
and Cardenas, Col. Doe., x. 80-6, in which Grijalva is given five ships and a
year and a half, and Olid three ships and seventy men. In the Instruction
r/ue did el adelantado Diego Velazquez d Herman Cortes, in Col. Doc. Ined., xii.
226-40, the little boat of Olid has grown into a caravel with 80 or 90 men.
Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 3

34 RETURN OF GRIJALVA— A NEW EXPEDITION.

the unscrupulous positiveness inseparable here from
permanent success. He was resolute in overcoming
difficulties, and he was strong and shrewd enough in
the prosecution of any high enterprise, particularly
so long as fortune favored him; but he was no match
for the subtle-minded of his own nation, who over-
whelmed him in their show of learning, backed by
imposing forms. All contemporary writers speak
well of him; likewise all the chroniclers, except Go-
mara, who permits chivalry no place save in his pet
and patron, Cortes. The soldier Bernal Diaz pro-
nounces him a most worthy officer. The historians
Oviedo and Herrera call him a comely man, thor-
oughly loyal, and never backward at fighting. Yet
we are told that some censured him, while others
cursed him outright for his conscientiousness, be-
cause he did not break orders and seize opportu-
nity. So ready were they to engage in the fallacious
argument that it was right to do wrong if good
might come of it. To disobey Velazquez, they said,
was to break no divine law; forgetting that the gov-
ernor derived his authority from the king, and the
king from the Almighty. Of a truth, when force
alone is the standard of right, then honesty is not
the best policy. For a time he carried himself with
a brave front, conscious of his integrity, yet we may
say he was laid low forever by the blow misfortune
here gave him.11 Meanwhile patience, good gov-

11 Las Casas saw him at Santo Domingo in 1523. He was reduced to
penury. Proceeding thence to Panama, he was sent by Pedrarias to Nicaragua,
where he was killed. So perished the best and morally bravest of cavaliers,
while unscrupulous tricksters nourished. Prior to hisdeparture from Cuba,
however, and notwithstanding the vile treatment of the governor, at Velaz-
quez' request, Grijalva wrote a narrative of his expedition, which was lost by
Oviedo in its transmission to the king. It is embodied, however, in sub-
stance, in Oviedo, i. 502-37. One of the most original and complete accounts
of Grijalva's expedition extant is that by the priest Juan Diaz, Itiuerario
de Larmata del Re Catho'ico in India verso la Isola de luchathan del anno
M. D. X VIII, alia qual fn Presidente £ Cajpitan Generale loan de Grisalra;
el qual e facto per el capellano maggior de dicta Armata a sua Altezza,
published in Italian, at Venice, in 1520, in French by Ternaux-Compans, in
1S38, the former being copied and quoted in manuscript by Prescott. The
issue at Venice was as the second part of the Itinerario de Lvdovico de varihema
Boiogneat nello Egitto, nella Soria, etc. , and was there begun, Qui comincia lo

VALE GRIJALVA. 35

ernor! For soon enough will arise an agent capable
of playing shrewd tricks to your ample contentment.

Itinerario de Lisola de Iuchatan nouamente ritrouata per il signor Gioan de
Gri*alue, etc. By far the best edition is that given with a Spanish transla-
tion by Icazbalceta, in his Col. Doc, i. 2S1-308, printed in Mexico in 1858.
Next is the account by Bernal Diaz, who, like the chaplain, accompanied the
expedition, thus giving us narratives by eye-witnesses at once from ecclesi-
astical and secular stand-points. The statements of Gomara, Hist. Ind., 56-8,
and HUt. Mex., 9-11, must be taken with allowance. Worse still are the me-
morials of the relatives of Velazquez to sovereign majesty, such as that found
in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, x. 80-6, which are little better than tissues
of misstatements and exaggerations. Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 24-40, gives a fair,
full, and graphic statement of particulars. The Instruction que did el ade-
lantado Diego Velazquez d Her nan Cortes, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc,
xii. 226-51, also important, as furnishing original collateral light. Las Casas,
Hist. Ind., iv. 16, 421-4, though full, is specially inaccurate and weak, not
only in his facts, but in his deductions. Nor is Peter Martyr, dec. iv.
cap. iii., any stronger. Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 4-6, De Rebus Gestis Ferdi-
nandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 341-6, and Landa, Pel. de Yuc,
21, are mediocre; and Herrera, dec. ii. lib iii. cap. i. and ix., is quite full
and very valuable. Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 8-16, gives a fair resume^
but a far better one is Torquemada's, i. 351-7. Prescott's account, Mex.,
i. 224-9, is meagre and imperfect, though his deductions are much more
sound than those of Robertson's Hist. Am., i. 240-3. One of the most super-
ficial of the modern narratives of this expedition is given by Zamacois, Hist.
Mej. , ii. 236-52. Those by Morelet, Voy. dans I'Am. Cent., i. 179-85, and Fan-
court's Hist. Yuc, 9-18, are valuable. A collection of extracts from several
letters to Charles V., referring to Yucatan, and forming 'an account of a
recently discovered island, describing its locality, the customs and habits of its
inhabitants, ' was printed at Nuremberg, by Frederick Peypus, in 1520, un-
der title beginning Ein auszug ettlicher sendbrieff dem alter durchleiichtigisten.
Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., i. 51-65, ii. 21, and Ramirez, in his Mexican
edition of Prescott, i. 132 and 135, beside narratives, give portraits of Ve-
lazquez, C6rdoba, and Grijalva. Sahagun, Hist. Conq. 13-9, and Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 27-50, are most valuable from an aboriginal
stand-point. Alaman, in his Disert., i. 49-91, treats of both C6rdoba'sand Gri-
jalva's voyages. Among the many allusions to these two expeditions of no
special significance are those found in Ogilby's Am., 76-8; Purchas, His Pil-
grimeSj v. 858; Oveido, Sommario, in Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 182-9; Soc Mex.
<r> <■"!/., Boletin, iii. 242-3; Robertson's Visit Mex., i. 143; Voy., Cur. and Ent.,
471-9; World Displayed, i. 166-79; Voy., A New Col., i. 189-98; Sammlung
oiler Reisebe.sch., xiii. 254-64; Laharpe, Abrege, ix. 219-31; Kerr's Voy., ii.
70-1, and iii. 416-53; Klemm, Allgemeine Cidturgeschichte, 219; Cordua, Scheeps-
Togt, 3-18, and 35-89, in Aa, Naankeurige Versa.meling, Montauus, Nieutce
Weereld, 72-5; Gottfried, Reysen, iii. ; Folsom, in Cortes' Despatches, 6-8; Howitt's
Hist. U. S., i. 8-9; Lardner's Hist. Discov., ii. 43-4; Span. Conq. in Am., ii.
3-9; Vctancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii., 106-9; Larenaudicre, Mex. et Gnat.,
53-4; Calle, Mem. y Not., 81-2; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 14-15 j Hassrf, Mex.
Gnat., 6; Holmes' An. Am,., i. 35-7; Galvano's Discov., 130-2; Corradir Descub.
de la Am., ii. 7-19; Da/ton's Conq. Mex. and Pern, 47-9; Span. Emp. in Am.,
27-8; Snowden's Am., 77-9; Raynal, Hist. Phil., iii. 246-7; Description de Am . ,
MS., 112-13; Gordon's Hist. Am., 112-13; Ma/te-Brun, Yucatan, 23-4; Wil-
son's Conq. Mex., 291; Castellanos, Varones (lustres de Indicts, 71; Peter Mar-
tyr, dec. iv., cap. i.-v., Dvfey, Resume, i. 97-103; Manor's Hist., xxiv. 65-6;
Gregory's Hist. Mex., 19-20; Norman's Rambles, 95; Wilson's Mex. and Reg.,
18; Cotton's Jour. Geog., No. vi. 84; Newe Zeittung von Jucatan, 1, etc.; Mon-
glave, Resume, 41-6; March y Laborcs, Marina Espanola, i. 463-4; Cortesii,
von dem Neuen Hisp., pt. ii. 2-5; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 16; Armin, Alte

36 RETURN OF GRIJALVA— A NEW EXPEDITION.

Before the return of Grijalva, interest in the new
expedition had already raised itself into a whirl of
excitement; and as volunteers pressed forward, the
captaincy became an apple of discord among aspirants.
Chief among these were Vasco Porcallo a near rela-
tive of the count of Feria, Antonio Velazquez/2 and
Bernardino Velazquez, the last two kinsmen of the
governor. Another was Baltasar Bermudez,13 from
Velazquez' own town, and his intimate friend. None
of these suited. Then followed for the governor nights
of troubled dreams and days of irritable indecision.
It was a peculiar personage Velazquez wanted. He
must be, in Mexico, courageous, wise, and prudent ; in
Cuba, obedient, teachable. He must be able to com-
mand men, to brave the proudest barbarian, and so
fired by enthusiasm in the field as cheerfully to endure
hardships and risk life; his work successfully accom-
plished, he must return humbly to Santiago, and lay
his trophies at the feet of his master. Grijalva was
most nearly such a man; but he lacked that subtle
second sense which should tell him when it was the
governor's pleasure to have his orders disobeyed. Por-
callo was competent, but Velazquez was afraid of him.
He was scarcely farther from the throne than himself;
and in reporting any important conquest to the king
would prove the greater of the two. The relatives
present were worse, if anything, than Grijalva; be-
sides, they had no means, and to this position the suc-
cessful aspirant must bring money as well as courage
and discretion. Bermudez might be eligible, but for
his services, in braving the dangers, and bringing the
results of the expedition to Velazquez, he had the

Mex., 77-8; Touron, Hist. Gen. Am., iii. 58-78; Bussierre, V Empire Mex.,
193-9; Sandoval, Hist. Carlos V., i. 161-2; Cortes, Hist. Mex., 30-110; Campe,
Hint. Desrub. Am., ii. 7-19; Cortes, Aven. y Conq., 12-13; Stephens' Incid. of
Travel in Yuc., ii. 366-9; Drake's Voy., 161-3; Hart's Tabasco, 4-5; La Cruz,
v. 541-4; Nouvelles An. des Voy., xcvii. 30--1, and clxiv. 101; and Manzi, Conq.
di Mess., 1-3.

12 Called Borrego, says Torquemada, i. 361. Bernal Diaz gives Bon-ego as
the second surname.

13 Bernal Diaz says Augustin Bermudez.

RISE OF HERNAX CORTES. 37

temerity to demand three thousand ducats. The
proposition was not for a moment to be entertained;
the job must be accomplished for less money.

Watchful eyes saw the governor's dilemma, and
artful tongues wagged opportunely. Near to him in
their daily vocations were two men, both small in
stature, but large of head, and broad in experience and
sagacity. One was the governor's secretary, Andres
de Duero, and the other the royal contador, Amador
de Lares. Both possessed rare attainments; they
were skilled in every artifice, and could make their
master see white or black; while Lares could not
write, he had not failed to profit by a twenty -two
years' career in Italy, during which time he rose to
the honorable distinction of chief butler to the Gran
Capitan, and he seldom found it difficult to move the
unstable Velazquez to his purposes, although they
were not always the purest and best.14 Following the
example of the governor, these two worthies were
not averse to improving their fortunes by securing, at
little risk or expense, an interest in the New Spain
conquest; and so they gave heed when the alcalde of
Santiago softly insinuated that he was the man for
the emergency, and that if they would help him to
the command they should share the profits.15

The alcalde of Santiago bore a fair reputation, con-
sidering the time and place; for comparatively few
names in the New World were then wholly free from
taint. In the prime of manhood, his age being thirty-
three, of full medium stature, well proportioned and
muscular, with full breast, broad shoulders, square full
forehead, small straight spare compact body and well

14 Las Casas regarded him as a schemer, and often warned Velazquez
against ' Veintidos afios de Italia.' Hist. lad., iv. 447. He calls him like-
wise ' Burgales' and ' homhre astutisimo.'

15 'Que partirian,' says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 13, ' entre todos tres
la ganancia del oro, y plata, y joyas, de la parte que le cupiesse a Cortes,'
and also, growls Las Casas, ubi supra — knowledge of the facts as yet being
but rumor — what Cort6s could steal from the king and the governor was sub-
ject to division, beside what he would rob from the natives.

38 RETURN OF GRIJALVA— A NEW EXPEDITION.

turned limbs, though somewhat bow-legged, he pre-
sented a pleasing rather than imposing front. His
portraits show fine antique features, bearing a some-
what sad expression, which was increased by the
grave tenderness of the dark oval eyes. The full
though thin beard, cut short, counteracted to some
extent the effect of the small ash-colored face, and
served to cover a deep scar on the lower lip, the
memento of a duel fought in behalf of a certain frail
fair one.

He was an exceedingly popular alcalde; there was
nothing staid or sombre in his method of administer-
ing justice. The law was less to him than expedi-
ency, and his standard of right was easily shifted,
according to circumstances. In wit and vivacity he
was a Mercutio. Astute of intellect, discreet, of a
cheerful, even jovial disposition, with brilliant intui-
tions and effervescent animal spirits, he knew how to
please, how to treat every man as best he liked to be
treated. A cavalier of the Ojeda and Balboa type,
he was superior to either. He would not, like the
former, woo danger for the mere pleasure of it, nor,
like the latter, tamely trust his forfeited head to any
governor. Life was of value to him; yet adventure
was the rhythm of it, and the greater the peril the
greater the harmony secured. An hidalgo of respect-
able antecedents, whatever he might have been, or
might be, he now played the part of magistrate to
perfection. As a matter of course, he was in entire
sympathy with the religious views of the day, as well
as with the leading men among the clergy. Indeed
the friars ever praised him, believing him to be a
zealous and conscientious man; he made it a point
that they should. The moral ideal of the Japanese
is politeness. Politeness is virtue. They do not
say that lying and stealing are wrong, but impo-
lite. While the alcalde if pressed must confess
himself an optimist, believing that whatever is, is
best, yet in practice that best he would better, and

CORTES OBTAINS THE APPOINTMENT. 39

whatsoever his strength permitted, it was right for
him to do. He was a sort of Mephistopheles, decked
in manners and guided by knowledge. Besides the
world, he knew books, and how to make somewhat of
them. Earnestly devoted to the service of the church,
many of his acts yet met with its most unqualified
condemnation. Possessed of vehement aspirations, his
ambition was of the aggressive kind; not like that of
Velazquez, mercenary and timid. Like Tigellinus
Sophonius, it was to his pleasing person and unscru-
pulous character that the alcalde owed his rise from
poverty and obscurity; and now, like Phaethon, if
for one day he might drive the governor's sun-chariot
across the heavens, it would be his own fault if he
were not a made man. This much at this time we
may say of Hernan16 Cortes, for such was the al-
calde's name; which is more than he could say for
himself, not knowing himself as we kn6w him, and
more than his associates could say of him. Here-
after as his character develops we shall become further
acquainted with him. It is as difficult to detect the
full-grown plant in a seed as in a stone, and yet the
seed will become a great tree, while the stone remains
a stone.

And so, with the aid of his loving friends Duero
and Lares, whose deft advice worked successfully on
the plastic mind of Velazquez, and because he pos-
sessed some money and many friends, as well as
courage and wisdom, the alcalde of Santiago was
proclaimed captain-general of the expedition.17 And

16 Hernan, Hernando, Fernan, Fernando, Ferdinando. The names are one.
With no special preference, I employ the first, used by the best writers.
Among the early authorities, Solis, the Spanish translator of De Rebus Geatis
Ferdinandi Cortesii, and many others, write Hernan; Pizarro y Orellana,
Varones Ilvstres, Fernan; Bernal Diaz and Oviedo, Hernando; Gomara, Fer-
nando. In accordance with the Spanish usage of adding the mother's surname,
he is sometimes, though rarely, called Cortes y Pizarro. For portrait and
signature I refer the reader to Alaman, Divert., i. app. i. 15-16 ; portrait as an
old man; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 6-8; PrescoWs Mex., iii. 1; Id., (ed.
Mex., 1846, iii. 210-11); Arrnin Alte Mex., 82, plate from the painting in the
Concepcion Hospital at Mexico ; March y Labores, Marina Espailola, i. 466.
17 In making out the commission Duero stretched every point in favor of
his friend, naming him captain-general of lands discovered and to be dis-

40 RETURN OF GRIJALVA— A NEW EXPEDITION.

now, while the heathen wail let the Spaniards rejoice.
Yes. Noble Castilian! cry aloud! for gold shall fill
the coffers of your king as they were never filled
before, and great shall be the glory of your kingdom;
and if the sight of the blood your captains shall draw
from the hapless savages, even more freely than gold
is drawn, does not spoil your appetite for the game,
then whet your swords for the grand pacification.

covered, as well as of the fleet. Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 47; for the greater the
share of Cortes, the greater Duero's share. C4omara says, Hist. Mex., 12,
1 Hablo a Fernado Cortes para q armassean ambos a medias, porq tenia dos mil
Castellanos de oro,' etc.; but 2000 castellanos alone would not purchase a haif
interest in this undertaking. Las Casas, loc. cit. , states that Velazquez, for
reasons that will appear in the next chapter, was very cautious in intercourse
with Cortes until his scruples were overcome by advisers.

CHAPTER IV.

THE HERO OF THE CONQUEST.

Birthplace of Hernan Cortes — His Coming Compensatory for the Devil-
sent Luther — Parentage — Hernan a Sickly Child — Saint Peter
his Patron — He is Sent to Salamanca — Returns Home — Thinks of
Cordoba and Italy — And of Ovando and the Indies — Chooses the
Latter — Narrow Escape during a Love Intrigue — Ovando Sails
without Him — Cortes Goes to Valencia — Is there III — Returns
Home — Finally Sails for the Indies— His Reception at Santo
Domingo — He Fights Indians under Velazquez, and is Given an
Encomienda — Goes to Cuba with Velazquez; — Makes Love to Cata-
lina suarez — but declines to marry — velazquez insists — cortes
Rebels — Seizures, Imprisonments, Escapes, and Reconciliation.

Let us now look into the life of this Cuban maofis-
trate, so suddenly raised to prominence.

Medellin, a small town of Estremadura, Spain, was
the birthplace of Hernan Cortes, and 1485 the year
in which he was born — miraculously born, as Men-
dieta and others believe, and perhaps by way of com-
pensation for the appearing about this time of Martin
Luther.1 The shade of Montezuma, peradventure,

1 Indeed, to make the miracle perfect in all its details, a little warping of
the facts is perhaps allowable. So when the zealous chroniclers bring into
the world the same year, the same day, even the self-same hour, these two
great champions for the souls of men, we should not be too critical, though
in truth there were two years difference in their ages. ' Y asi, no carece de
misterio que el mismo ano que Lutero nacio en Islebio,' that is to say Eisleben,
' villa de Sajonia, nacio Hernando Cortes en Medellin, villa de Espafia; aquel
para turbar el mundo y meter debajo de la bandera del demonio a muchos de
los iieles que de padres y abueios y muchos tiempos atras eran cat61icos, y este
para traer al gremio de la Iglesia infinite multitud de gentes que porahos sin
cuento habian estado debajo del poder de Satanas envueitos en vicios y ciegos
con la idolatria.' Mendieta, Hist. Ed ex., 174-5. Pizarro y Orellana will not
be outdone by any one in zeal or mendacity. ' Nacio este llustre Varon el
dia mismo que aquella bestia infernal, el Perhdo Heresiarea Lutero, salio
al mundo. ' Varones llvstres, 06. Bernal Diaz is the first authority on the ques-
tion of age. 'En el ano que passamos con Cort6s dende Cuba,' he writes

(41)

42 THE HERO OF THE CONQUEST.

might deny that his was the advent of a new Messiah,
though the deluded monarch, at the first, sorrowfully
hailed him as such. The father, Martin Cortes y
Monroy, was of that poor but prolific class who filled
Spain toward the close of the Moorish wars, and
who, although nothing in particular, were neverthe-
less permitted to call themselves hidalgos, sons of
something. Some give him the title of escudero,
others place him still higher in the scale of fighting
men. The mother, Catalina Pizarro y Altamirano,
likewise, with poverty, claimed noble blood.2

Hernan was a sickly child, and probably would
have died had not his good nurse, Maria de Estevan,

Hist. Verdad., 238, 'a la Nueva Espafia, fue el de quinientos y diez y nueue
aiios, y entonces solia dezir estando en conversacion de todos nosotros los com-
paileros que con 6\ passamos, que auia treynta y quatro aiios, y veynte y ocho
que auian passado hasta que murio, que son sesenta y dos aiios. ' While agree-
ing with Bernal Diaz in the date of Cortes' death, December 2, 1547, Gomara
says he was then sixty-three. From his false premise Mendieta elaborates a
comparison between Luther and Cortes, dwelling with pious pathos on the
holocaust of human victims offered up at the consecration of the great Aztec
temple at Mexico, which deed, he coolly states, was committed on the day
Cortes was born. For the facts, see Bancroft's Native Races, v. 5, 439-40.
Without taking the trouble to test Mendieta's statement, Torquemada, i. 340-1,
carries the miraculous still further. Following the heaven-descended Cortes
in his piratical raid on Mexico, he sees the hand of God in the finding of
Aguilar, who, like Aaron, was to be the mouthpiece of his chief, in the alli-
ances with native states, and in the great victories and hair-breadth escapes
of the conqueror, fighting under the banner of the cross.

2 According to the Testimonio de Hidalguia de Cortes, in Col. Doc. Incd.,
iv. 23S-9, the names of the mother's parents were Diego Altamirano and Leonor
Sanchez Pizarro, which would reverse her surnames, and make the son a Cortes
y Altamirano. But Gomara, De Rebus Gestls Ferdinandi Cortesii, and other
authorities, do not accept this form. This important document, however, the
Testimonio, establishes the fact that both parents were hidalgos, 'gozando
de los oficios que gozan los hijosdalgo en . . . Medellin.' Some historians strain
themselves to make Cortes the scion of a Roman family, or even of a king of
Lombardy and Tuscany, whose descendants entered Spain during Gothic
rule. Those who have tastes in that direction may consult Siculus, Viris
II lust., 141; Anodes de Ararjon, iii. xiv. ; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres,
67. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 11, who claimed acquaintance with the family,
slurs their pretensions to high origin. 'Ambos hijosdalgo sin raca' is the
qualification in Sandoval, Hist. Carlos V., i. 160. No doubt the parents of
Cortes were respectable and amiable people, but to attempt to make of them
other than they were is folly. ' Catharinia namque probitate, pudicitia. et in
conjugem amore, nulli retatis suae feminae cessit. ' De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi
Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 310-11. This document refers to Martin
Cortes as 'levis armaturae equitum quinquaginta dux fuerit,' on which evi-
dence Prescott makes the man a captain when he is only a lieutenant, which
yet more clearly appears by Gomara, who states, Hist. Mex., 4, that he was
a ' teniente de vna compaiiia de Ginetes.'

EARLY LIFE OF CORTES. 43

secured in his behalf Saint Peter, thenceforth his
patron.3 With his mother's milk he drank courage4
and intelligence, and he was schooled in the virtues
and the vices of the day. In his youth he was head-
strong, but chivalrous, and he revelled in his supe-
riority over other boys. The brain-ferment, chronic
throughout his life, set in at an early day. He was
keenly sensitive to disgrace. As he developed some-
what of archness and duplicity, he was deemed best
fitted for the profession of the law. At the age of
fourteen, accordingly, with such preparation as the
slender means of the father would allow, he was sent
to Salamanca, whose university, though past the
zenith of its fame, was still the leading seat of learn-
ing for conservative Spain. Two years of restraint
and intellectual drudgery, during which time he lived
with his father's brother-in-law, Nunez de Valera,
sufficed to send him home surfeited with' learning, to
the great disappointment of his family.5 A frolicsome
and somewhat turbulent disposition, more marked
since his college career than previously, made his re-
turn all the more unwelcome. Not that his studies,

3 The nurse was a ' vezina de Oliua,' and her method of choosing a patron
was characteristic of the times. ' La deuocion fue echar en suertes los doze
apostoles, y darle por auogado el postrero q ssliesse, y salio san Pedro. En
cuyo nobre se dixeron ciertas missas y oraciones, con las quales plugo a Dios
q sanasse.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 4.

4 And Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 66-69, indulges in a lengthy
dissertation upon the effect of mothers' milk on heroes. ' Criole a sus pechos
Dona Catalina Pizarro su madre : y a la generosidad deste lacticinio atribuye
Marineo e SicuJo su gran valor, y virtud. '

5 Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 67, states that he was supported at
college by Monroy and Rodriguez. It is possible that his proud spirit chafed
under this dependence, or that he felt too deeply his position as a poor student
among the wealthy youth there congregated; or that this aid was withdrawn
owing to the turbulent character here developed by the young man. These
views find support in Gomara, Hist. Mex., 4: ' Boluiose a Medellin, harto o
arrepentido de estudiar, o quica falto de dineros. ' While admitting the want
both of money and inclination for study, Torquemada, i. 345, states that a
quartan fever came on as he was preparing for the study of law, and was the
chief cause of his leaving the college. Las Casas, Hist. Intl., iv. 11, gives him
the honors of a bachiller, and as having studied law, both of which statements
are unlikely, considering his short course. 'Aprendiendo gramatica' implies a
course of study in Latin and Greek, as well as rhetoric, which it required
three years to complete. Plan de Estudios de la, Universidad de Salamanca,
quoted by Folsom, in Cortes'' Despatches, 10. According to Peralta, ' asento
con un escribano, . . . . y aprendio a escrebir, ' etc. in Valladolid. Not. Hist. , 56.

44 THE HERO OF THE CONQUEST.

despite his aversion to them, had been wholly ne-
glected; he could boast a smatter of Latin, which
indeed proved of advantage afterward, giving him in-
fluence over many of those with whom he associated.
He had also acquired some knowledge of rhetoric, as
is manifest in his letters and occasional verses.6 At
present, however, his intellectual talents were em-
ployed only in scribbling rhymes in aid of amorous
intrigues, which were now his chief pursuit. Hence
when arms possessed his fancy the parents did not
repine, but were only too glad for him to enter ser-
vice, as he seemed inclined, under the Gran Capitan,
who was just then alluring to his standard the chiv-
alry of Spain by brilliant achievements in Italy.
There was, however, the glitter of gold in the Indies,
and the appointment of Nicolas de Ovando,7 as gov-
ernor, turned the youth's vacillating mind in that
direction.

Cortes had concluded to accompany the new gov-
ernor, when one night, just before the sailing of the
fleet, an accident intervened. While engaged in one
of his intrigues he had occasion to climb a courtyard
wall to gain the lady's apartment. The wall crum-
bling beneath his weight threw him to the ground,
and the noise brought to the door of an adjoining
house a blustering Benedick, who, perceiving the sit-
uation of the gallant, and suspecting his own newly
made wife, drew the sword with bloody intent. At
the prayer of the suspected wife's mother, however,
the husband suspended vengeance. Before the scape-
grace recovered from a fever brought on by the
bruises received in this fall, the fleet of Ovando had
sailed.

6 Verses which were tolerably good, and even procured him some fame.
Anales, 220. ' Quando hablaua con Letrados, y hombres Latinos, respondia a
lo que le dezian en Latin.' Bernal Diaz, H'ist. VerdacL, 238. The combined
qualities of scholar and general have called up a not inappropriate comparison
between Cortes and Caesar. See Helps Span. Conq., and other authorities.

7 Some claim him for a relative of Cortes. See Pizarro y Oretlana, Varones
Ilvstres, 70; Soils, Hist. 3Iex., i. 45; De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in
Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 312.

CORTES SAILS FOR THE NEW WORLD. 45

After this, Cortes thought again of Italy, and went
to Valencia to place himself under Cordoba, but once
more illness overtook him, this time accompanied by
destitution, and he returned to Medellin somewhat
sobered.8 Thus another year was idled away; but
notwithstanding his follies, the youthful cavalier, who
was now nineteen, displayed many fine qualities. As
he approached manhood his health improved, and form
and features became more pleasing. Though proud in
his bearing, and of quick perceptions, and high-spirited
in temper, he sought to school his tongue, and to
practise discretion in the use of his sword. Native to
him were generosity and amiability. The qualities of
his heart were noble ; the vices were those of his time
and station. Yet he lacked the moral fibre which
should be interwoven with the good impulses of every
rich, sensitive nature, and this want could not be
made up by repeating prayers and singing psalms,
wherein Gomara describes him as efficient.

The pinching economy to which Cortes was reduced
made his present frequent visions of the Indies appear
only the brighter; and when, in 1504, a fleet of five
ships was announced to sail for Espafiola, he deter-
mined to delay no longer. With little else than his
father's blessing he proceeded to Seville, and took
passage with Alonso Quintero, master of one of the
vessels, who fancied himself shrewder than other men,
and shrewder than he was. Thinking to overreach
his brother captains in whose company he sailed, and
to secure at Espafiola the first market for his merchan-
dise, he stole forth one night from the Canary Isles,
where the squadron had touched for supplies. A gale
dismasted his vessel on reaching the open sea, and
sent him back to port. The others agreed to await
his repairs, which generosity Quintero repaid by seek-
ing a second time to take advantage of them by going

8 ' Anduvo se a la flor del berro, aun q no sin trabajos y necessidades
cercade vn afio.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 5. 'Squandered his means at Valencia
with bad companions, ' is the term used in Sandoval, Hist. Carlos, i. 161.

iQ THE HERO OF THE CONQUEST.

before, and his treachery was a second time punished
by the winds, aided, indeed, by the pilot, who was at
enmity with the captain, and who threw the ship from
her course during the night so that the reckoning was
lost. The usual sufferings are related; and, in answer
to prayer, we are told of a miraculous interposition.
On Good Friday, when all hope had been abandoned,
there was seen poised above the ship a dove, which
presently dropped down and rested on the mast.9 How-
ever this might have been, we are credibly informed
that the wind subsided and the ship proceeded on her
voyage. Finally, on reaching his destination, Quintero
found the other ships snugly riding at anchor, their
cargoes having been profitably disposed of several
days before.

The governor being absent, his secretary, Medina,
received Cortes kindly, and pointed him the common
highway to fortune. "Register yourself a citizen," he
said. " Promise not to leave the island for five years,
and you shall have lands and Indians; after the ex-
piration of your time you may go where you choose."
Cortes answered: "I want gold, not work; and neither
in this island nor in any other place will I promise to
remain so long." He thought better of it, however,
and on the return of Ovanclo he presented himself,
and was induced to settle. Not lonsc after an Indian
revolt called Diego Velazquez, lieutenant of Ovando,
into the field, and Cortes hastened to join the expedi-
tion. The coolness and ability displayed in this short
campaign won for him the admiration and esteem
alike of chief and comrades.10 His reward was an en-
comienda of Indians in the Daiguao country, together
with the nota^ship of the new town of Azua. For
the next six years he was occupied in husbandry and

9 Torquemada, i. 346, sees in the bird a messenger from God to conduct
safely his chosen instrument for converting the natives of the New World.
Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 69-70, recognizes the Holy Ghost, who
assumed this form, and comments on similar appearances elsewhere. How
goodly a thing is faith !

10 He assisted in the pacification of Higne, Bauruco, Daiguao, Iutagna,
Jaragua, and Amguayagua. CorUs, Memorial, in Col. Doc. hied., iv. 220.

THE SNARES OF WOMAN. 47

in official pursuits, varied by military exploits and love
intrigues which kept his sword from rusting and gave
him wounds which he carried through life. An ab-
scess under the right knee, a most lucky affliction,
alone prevented his joining the ill-fated expedition of
Nicuesa to Veragua.11

On assuming the direction of New World affairs as
governor, in place of Ovando, Diego Colon in 1511
fitted out an expedition against Cuba, and gave the
command to Velazquez, who appointed Cortes his
adviser and executive officer,12 a position which the
latter gladly accepted, deprived as he was of his patron
Ovando, and heartily tired of the monotony of Es-
panola. Still hidden beneath a careless exterior were
the deeper qualities of his nature, and there were yet
six other years, and more of ordinary business and
pleasure, before the appearance of earnest thought or
great self-reliance.13 Meanwhile Spanish 'women were
not numerous in the Indies, and rivalry for their
favors was great. Cortes had escaped with light

11 The author of De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii directs this expedition
to Cuba, after delaying it three months in the hope of securing the services
of Cortes, in both of which statements he is in error. Icazbalceta, Col. Doc. ,
i. 318-19.

12 'Socium et ministrum consiliorum omnium adsumit.' De Rebus Gestis
Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Iccvzbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 320. So highly did Velazquez
esteem the qualities of his friend, ' diu multumque Cortesium rogat, ut secum
eat: maria ac montes pollicetur, si operam ad id bellum polliceatur. ' /(/.,
319. Las Casas, who knew Cortes at a later time, makes him one of the two
secretaries of Velazquez, the other being Andres de Duero ; and this would
coincide with the above. Las Casas is too inconsistent to be very reliable.
On the same page he refers to Cortes as a prudent, reticent man, and also as
a prater not to be trusted with secrets; useful to Velazquez only for his
knowledge of Latin. Hist. Ind., iv. 10-11. Herrera, dec. i., lib. ix., cap. viii.,
follows Las Casas. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 6, calls him 'oficial del tesorero
Miguel de Passamote, para tener cueta co los quintos y hazienda del rey, y
aun el mesmo Diego Velazquez se lo rogo, por ser habil y diligente. ' Gomara
may have had his reasons for not connecting him too closely with his later
enemy, but he admits on this and on the following page that Velazquez in-
trusted him with business affairs of his own, which he was afterward charged
with having divulged. Among these duties was superintending the con-
struction of a mint and hospital. The position of clerk to a treasurer would
of course be inferior to that of secretary to the chief of the expedition ; yet
if the treasurer was as illiterate as Contador Lares, his clerk would rank
rather as deputy.

13 ' Era muy resabido y recatado,' says Las Casas, 'puesto que no
mostraba saber tanto, ni ser de tanta habilidad como despues lo mostro en
cosas arduas.'

43 THE HERO OF THE CONQUEST.

punishment many gallantries, but he had not been
settled long in Cuba before he found a more serious
case upon his hands.

Among those who had settled in Cuba was a family
from Granada, Suarez by name, consisting of a widow,
her son Juan, and three daughters, remarkable for their
beauty. They had come with the vireyna Maria de
Toledo, and Gomara is so ungallant as to say that their
object was to secure rich husbands.14 Scores of hearts
are laid at their feet, but the marriage obligation is
evaded by the more promising men of the colony, for
the Suarez family has a somewhat clouded reputation.
In one of them Velazquez takes a tender interest;
some say he marries her.15 Cortes fancies another;
Catalina is her name; he trifles with her affections,
obtains her favors, promises her marriage, and then
seeks to evade the issue. The brother petitions the
virtuous governor, who cannot see the sister of his
love thus wronged. Velazquez orders Cortes to marry
Catalina. The cavalier refuses. Enmity arises be-
tween the two men, and without difficulty Cortes is
persuaded by certain disaffected to join a cabal against
the governor. Nocturnal meetings are held at the
house of Cortes; and when it is determined to lay
their fancied grievances before the authorities at Santo

u The deceased head of the family bore the name of Diego Suarez Pa-
checo, the mother that of Maria de Marcaida, also wrongly written Mercaida.
The son, Juan Suarez, the partner of Cortes in the Cuban encomienda, after-
ward settled in Mexico. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 12-13. See also Proceso
de Marcayda, in Cortes, Residencia, ii. 333. Peralta, the son of Juan, gives
the family a genealogy of high order. Not. Hist. , 57. ' Suarez .... gente pobre. '
Las Casus, Hist, bid., iv. 13. ' Doha Catalina Suarez Pacheco (the daughter),
doncella noble y recatada. ' Solis, Hist. Mex. , i. 46, and Pizarro y Orellana,
Varones Ilvstres, 70, also write Suarez, Herrera and Gomara, Xuarez. The lat-
ter says three or four daughters, Hist. Mex., 7, but it seems that there were
four children in all. Those who write the more common form of Suarez are
more explicit, and deserve at least equal credit with Gomara.

15 Velazquez was married not long after his arrival in Cuba to the daughter
of Contador Cuellar. The bride died within the same week. Herrera, dec.
i. lib. ix. cap. ix. ' Velazquez fauorecia la por amor de otra su hermana, q
tenia ruin fama, y aun el era demasiado mugeril.' Gomara, Hist. Mex.,
7. Delaporte, Reisen, x. 141-2, assumes that Cortes won the love of her whom
Velazquez wished to possess ; while Gordon, Arte. Mex., ii. 32, supposes that
the bride had been the object of Velazquez' gallantry ; hence the trouble.
Folsom, on the other hand, marries one of the Suarez sisters to Velazquez,
and calls him the brother-in-law of Cortes. Cortes, Despatches, 9, 11-12.

IMPRISONMENTS AND ESCAPES. 49

Domingo, Cortes is chosen bearer of the complaints.16
As he is about to embark on his perilous mission, to
traverse in an open boat eighteen leagues of open
ocean, the governor hears of it, seizes the envoy, and
sends him in chains to the fortress. His partisans
are likewise imprisoned, and active in preferring
charges against them are Bermudez, the two Velaz-
quez, Villegas, and Juan Suarez. Friends intercede
and prevent immediate hanging.17 Cortes resolves on
escape. With some difficulty he extricates himself
from his fetters, seizes the sword of the sleeping
guard, forces the window, and dropping to the ground
takes refuge in the church.18 Velazquez, enraged at
the escape, yet not daring to violate the privilege of
sanctuary, resorts to artifice. Introducing some sol-
diers into the chapel through a small door in the
rear, the blushing Catalina is stationed at a distance
before the sacred edifice as a decoy. The lover sees
her; the dear girl wishes to speak with him, but
her maidenly modesty forbids her nearer approach.
Cortes rushes forward to clasp her in his arms, only
to be seized from behind, and placed under a strong
guard in the hold of a vessel bound for Espafiola,
where, in company with the other conspirators, he is
to undergo trial.19

1C Gomara, Hist. Mex., 7, insists that Velazquez had no motive for
anger except the refusal of Cortes to marry. The meeting of conspirators
at his house gave plausibility to the charges of his enemies. By others
it is even stated that at these meetings Cortes defended the governor
against the charges of the conspirators and overruled their plots. De Rebus
Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbafceta, Col. Doc, i. 325-6. The prepon-
derance of evidence, however, is against this supposition.

17 ' Estando para se embarcar en una canoa de indios con sus papeles, fue
Diego Velazquez avisado y hozolo prender y quisola ahorcar.' Las Casus, Hist.
Ind. , iv. 1 1 . He was cast in the fort prison, lest the army should proclaim him
general. ' Timebat ne si quis,' etc. J Je Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in
lcazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 325 and 326-7.

1B In De, Reims Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in lcazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 326-7,
it is related that Cort6s broke the ropes holding him by means of a stick, and
filed the padlock of the chains. Seizing a bludgeon he advanced on the sleep-
ing jailer, resolved to break his head if he moved. But Cristobal de Lagos
either slept or pretended not to hear the noise as Cortes seized the sword
and shield at his head. Swinging open a small window, Cortes slid down
and hurried to the sanctuary, giving on the way a word of cheer and advice
"^o the conspirators who were held within the prison.

1JB ' Cortes .... tuuo por cierto q lo embiaria a santo Domingo o a Espana. '
Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 4

50 THE HERO OF THE COXQUEST.

Sympathy for Cortes increases with his misfortunes,
and aid is furnished for a second escape. The shackles
are removed, and exchanging clothes with an attend-
ant, he mounts the upper deck,20 strolls carelessly about
watching his opportunity until he gains the skiff; then
cutting loose the boat of another vessel near by, to pre-
vent pursuit, he pulls lustily toward Baracoa. The
boat becomes unmanageable, he plunges into the water,
swims ashore, and once more gains the sanctuary.21

Cortes was sensible enough now to perceive that
he had involved himself more deeply than a trifling
love affair would justify, and that possibly he might
best rid himself of the charming Catalina by marry-
ing her. Once determined on this course, he called
to him the brother, Juan Suarez, and informed him of
his doleful resolve. Meanwhile the constant impor-
tunities of powerful friends, and the need of Cortes'
services in an Indian outbreak, induced Velazquez to
make overtures of reconciliation; but Cortes met him

Gomara, Hist. Mcx., 7. There would have been no reasons for his fears on
this score, if he possessed papers implicating Velazquez, as Gomara states.
Another version is that the alcaldes imposed a heavy sentence on Cortes,
after his capture, and that Velazquez, on being appealed to by Duero and
others, was noble-minded enough to grant a pardon. He discharged him from
his service, however, and had him placed on board a ship for Espaiiola.
Torquemada, i. 348. Herrera says that Catalina lived near the church, and
while Cortes was making love to her an alguacil named Juan Escudero, whom
Cortes afterward hanged in Mexico, came up behind him and pinioned his
arms, while the soldiers rushed to his assistance. Dec. i. lib. ix. cap. ix. ; Cortes,
Residential, i. 63, etc. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 11; De Rebus Gestis Fer-
dinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, i. 327-8, give minutely the mode of capture.

20 Broke the pump and crawled through, ' Organum pneumaticum,' etc.
He Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 329.

21 The current of the Macaguanigua River did not allow him to enter it,
and elsewhere the breakers would upset the boat. Stripping himself, he tied
to his head certain documents against Velazquez, held by him as notary of the
ayuntamiento and clerk of the treasurer, and thereupon swam ashore. He
entered his house, consulted with Juan Suarez, and reentered the temple,
armed. Gomara, Hist. Ilex., 7. De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in
Icazbalceta, vi. 329-30, refers to a friend of Cortes chained in the same ship's
hold, and states that Cortes rowed ashore. On the way to the house of
Suarez he narrowly escapes a patrol. Having secured arms, he proceeds to
cheer Ins captive partisans, and then enters the sanctuary. At dawn the cap-
tain of the vessel from which Cortes escaped comes also to the temple, to secure
himself against Velazquez' wrath, no doubt, but is refused admission into
the sacristy by his fellow-refugee, who suspects the man, and fears that the
provisions may not outlast the siege. In Herrera, dec. i. lib. ix. cap. viii.,
Cortes drifts about on a log and is finally cast ashore.

LOVING ENEMIES. 51

in a haughty spirit, and surrounding the church with
a guard he went his way to the wars. Notwith-
standing the cavalier had made up his mind to drink
the marriage-draught, he would none of the governor
in it; or if he must, the reconciliation should be ac-
complished after his own fashion. No sooner had the
governor departed than Cortes directed Juan Suarez,
with lance and cross-bow, to await him at a certain
place. Escaping the guard during the night, Cortes
joined Suarez, and proceeded to the plantation where
Velazquez was quartered. The governor, who was
engaged in looking over some books of accounts, was
not a little startled when Cortes knocked at the open
door and entered. "Is it murder the man means with
arms in his hands, and at this hour?" was his thought,
as he gave the visitor a nervous welcome. " Command
that no one come near me!" exclaimed Cortes, "else I
will put this pike through him. And now, if my ex-
cellent and brave captain, Senor Velazquez, has aught
against me, let him speak. I am here to answer."
So sweet was the mutual forgiveness that followed,
that in the morning the two gentlemen were found
occupying the same bed.22 Not long after Cortes

22 So the story was current at the time, and I doubt not it contains some
degree of truth, notwithstanding Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 11-12, scouts it as
a pure fabrication. He knew both men ; Velazquez as a proud chief, exacting
the deepest reverence from those around him, and making them tremble at
his frown ; while Cortes was in those days so lowly and humble as to be glad
to curry favor with the meanest servants of the governor. The good bishop
is evidently prejudiced. In De Rebus Oestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta,
Col. Doc, i. 332-4, the facts are a little elaborated and contradictory, as
usual. Cortes escapes the guard round the church, and reaches the farm.
' Halloh, sefiores ! ' he shouts, ' Cortes is at the door, and salutes Sefior
Velazquez, his excellent and gallant captain.' Velazquez is astonished, yet
pleased, at the arrival of one whom he always had regarded as a friend and
beloved brother. He orders supper and bed to be prepared; but Cortes
insists that none shall approach, or he will lance them. He demands to
know what complaints there are against him. He abhors the suspicion of
being a traitor, and will clear himself. ' Receive me, ' he concludes, ' in your
favor with the same good faith that I return to it.' 'Now I believe,'
answers Velazquez, ' that you regard as highly my name and fame as your
own loyalty. ' They shake hands, and Cort6s now enters the house to
fully explain the misunderstanding. After supper they retire to one bed.
In the morning the messenger, Diego Orellana, arrives to announce Cortes'
flight, and finds them lying side by side. Cortes will not proceed with
the expedition just then; but after arranging his affairs he joins, to the
delight of the general, who follows his advice implicitly, as he had done

52 THE HERO OF THE CONQUEST.

married Catalina, and jointly with his brother-in-law
received an encomienda of Manicarao Indians. Like
a brave .avalier he put the best face possible on the
inevitable, and vowed he was as pleased with his bride
as if she had been a duchess.23 Velazquez stood
godfather to a child born to them, and thenceforth
addressed Cortes by the intimate term compadre,2*
investing him afterward with the staff of alcalde at
Santiago de Cuba.25 For a time, however, he re-
mained at Baracoa, where the preceding events oc-
curred, and beside mining he was one of the first upon
the island to engage in stock raising. Thus by diligence
and judicious investments he was enabled to rise from
poverty, as well as from profligacy, and to stand ready
to embrace the golden opportunity fortune was now
about to offer him.

The soft white snow gently dropped upon the
mountain top is forged by alternate thawings and
freezings into hard, rasping glaciers.

in former campaigns. After their victorious return Cortes enjoys greater
honors than ever. Peralta, who also gives the story at length, states that
Cortes surprised Velazquez asleep. At the request of the governor he gave
himself up to the jailer in order to be formally released. Nat. Hist., 58-62.
Still Peralta is a little confused.

23 She was received by Cortes in Mexico, after the conquest, with great
distinction ; but died in about three months after her arrival.

'2iLas Casas, who, as usual, will have a fling at Cortes, writes: 'Tuvo
Cortes un hijo 6 hija, no se si en su mujer, y suplico a Diego Velazquez
que tuviese por bien de se lo sacar de la pila en el baptismo y ser su com-
padre, lo que Diego Velazquez acept6, por honralle.' Hist. Ind., iv. 13.
Among Cortes' children a natural daughter by a Cuban Indian is mentioned,
Be mat Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 238, but it is not likely that Cortes would ask
the governor to stand godfather to a natural child. The same writer makes
Velazquez the groomsman or sponsor at the marriage. ' Fue su padrino,
quando Cortes se veld con Dona Catalina; ' ib., 13; Vetancovrt, Teatro Mex.,
pt. iii. 109. Although compadre is not unfrequently used as a mere term of
friendship, it is not likely to have been applied by a marriage padrino ;
hence the title of co-father indicates that it originated at the font.

25 An office granted only to men of note and to leading conquistadores.
Solis, Hist. Mex. , i. 46. It conveyed the title of 'muy virtuoso senor, ' the gov-
ernor being called 'muymagnifico senor,' PacAeco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xii.
225, and permitted the holder to walk side by side with the governor. Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xii. ' Auia sido dos vezes Alcalde en la Villa de Satiago de
Boroco, adode era vezino : porque en aquestas tierras setiene por mucha honra. '
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 13. He does not refer to him as alcalde at Santi-
ago de Cuba, where the fleet is fitting out, as he clearly states. Gomara, Hist.
Mex. , 4, mentions merely that he was here before the quarrel with Velazquez.
Some writers assume that Santiago de Cuba is the same as Santiago de Baracoa,
but Herrera, he. cit. , and others, observe the distinction.

CHAPTEK V.

SAILING OF THE EXPEDITION.

1518-1519.

The Quality of Leader Desired — Instructions Issued to Hernan Cor-
tes, Commander-in-Chief — The Character of Cortes Undergoes a
Change — Cost of the Expedition — By whom Borne — Places Estab-
lished for Enlistment — The Banner — Cortes Puts on the Great
Man — More of his Character — The Scene at Santiago Harbor —
The Governor's Jester — Dark Suspicions of Velazquez — Departure
from Santiago — Cortes at Trinidad — Fresh Recruits — Verdugo
Receives Orders to Depose Cortes — The Fleet Proceeds to San
Cristobal, or The Habana — Review at Guaguanico — Speech of
Cortes — Organization into Companies — Departure from Cuba.

With relations so lovingly established, and with a.
personal knowledge of the military genius of Cortes,
and the strength and versatility of his character, it
would seem that here would be the first instant choice
of the governor for the command of the important
expedition now in preparation. But the quality of
the man required did not altogether hinge on merit.
As we have seen, Velazquez required for his purpose
an anomalous creation. He must be able but humble;
able to command men, and able likewise to obey his
chief; honest to Velazquez, but false, if necessary,
to all the world else. It was not an Alexander or an
Alcibiades that was wanted; not so much a man as a
thing: "Piper, non homo," as Petronius Arbiter said;
pungent as pepper, and not a human being.

Be this as it may, the sordid friendship of Lares
and Duero prevailed with the governor, and on the 23d
of October, 1518, his instructions to Hernan Cortes,
commander-in-chief of the expedition, were drawn up

(53)

54 SAILING OF THE EXPEDITION.

before the notary, Alonso cle Escalante, in accordance
with the permission granted by the authorities at Santo
Domingo, which limited the enterprise to exploration;
the privilege to colonize depending on royal favor for
which Velazquez must sue in Spain.1

One would think that after these twenty-five years
of experience there could be found no ecclesiastic or
ruler so childish as to expect morality or humanity
from the wolves of Spain let loose among the naked
and defenceless of America. And yet we find the
friars of Espahola, in pursuance of the devout and
high-minded views expressed by Velazquez, subscrib-
ing to instructions which enjoin Cortes to observe
a conduct befitting a Christian soldier, as if there
were any reasonable hope of his doing so. He must
prohibit blasphemy, licentiousness, and gambling
among his men, and on no account molest the natives,
but gently inform them of the glory of God, and of
the Catholic king. Possession must be taken in Ve-
lazquez' name and the secrets of the country ascer-
tained. Search must be made for Grijalva and Olid,
and for the Christian captives supposed to be in
Yucatan. We might again mark the double-dealing
of the governor, who discharges Grijalva for not
having settled contrary to his instructions, while
charging the new commander not to seize the coun-
try, yet expecting him to do so.2 The instructions

1 ' Fray Luys de Figueroa, fray Alonso de santo Domingo, y fray Bernaldino
Macenedo, q eran los gouernadores, dieron la licencia para Fernando Cortes
como capitan y armador co Diego Velazquez.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 12. The
Fathers no doubt required to know the name of the commander. ' His litteris
Cortesius confirmatus, ' is the statement inDe Rebus Gestis Ferd'mandi Coriesii,
in Icazhakc+a, Col. Doc, i. 344, in reference to their prermit. This authority
intimates that Salcedo, at a later date probably, obtained license from the
Fathers for warfare in Yucatan and for the settlement of the mainland, but
this is not confirmed anywhere. Id. , 350.

- Evidently Velazquez desired his captains to disobey instructions and
colonize. He could not officially authorize them to do so, not having as
yet received permission from Spain. Xeither Velazquez nor Cortes had
any intention in this instance of confining this enterprise to trade, or protect-
ing the natives, or imposing morality upon the men. It was well understood
by all that licentiousness and plunder were to be the reward for perils to
be undergone. 'Atque etiam quod Grijalvae praBtenta, causa auxilii ferendi
quod Alvaradus postulabat, ire licebat,'is the pointed observation in De Rebus
Geslis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 343-4. Bernal Diaz,

EVOLUTION OF THE GREAT MAN. 55

consist of thirty clauses, and the document reflects no
credit on the scrivener.3

Man and his character are subject to environment.
Neither is finished until decay has well set in.
Long before the receipt of his commission the ado-
lescent Cortes was a creation of the past; even the
adult Cortes was a different being before and after
his appointment. His action now was the expression
of new intuitions. Always under the influence of
turbulent emotions, his ambition had suddenly be-
come more aggressive. In pure impulses, in refined
feelings, in noble instincts, he was essentially defective.
He harbored no ideal of duty, such as we have seen
in the mind of Grijalva. His code of ethics was
neither broad nor catholic. And notwithstanding his
great respect for religion, so great indeed as to excite
suspicion that he cared very little for it; notwith-
standing his outward piety, and his devotion to the
church, the lighter immoralities fitted him with an
ease and grace that hampered his movements not in
the least. Yet for all this the alcalde of Santiago
suddenly became a great man, not in name only, but
actually ; wellnigh revolutionizing the society of which
he himself was the product. To him, and to others, his
commission was a match applied to explosive material,
letting loose the latent force. The leaders of the first
gulf-shore expeditions, Cordoba, Grijalva, and Cortes,
present themselves before us in relatively increasing
proportions. Cordoba, the first, was least, though a

Hist. Verdad., 13, refers to promises of Indian repartimientos in the new-
regions as an inducement for volunteers. Cortes' statement at Vera Cruz, that
he had no order to settle, means nothing in view of the motives then actuating
him. Secret agreements between governors and lieutenants for defrauding the
crown and promoting their own aims were only too common; and this is
overlooked by those who trust merely to the instructions for arguments on
this point.

3 The full text of the instructions is to be found in Pacheco and Cardenas,
Col. Doc, xii. 225-46; Col. Doc. Incd., i. 385, 406; Alaman, Disert, i. App. ii.
1-27, with notes, reproduced in Zamacios, Hist. Mej. , ii. 791-815. The Munoz
copy, given in Prescott's Mex., iii. 434-9, preserved the original spelling
in the preamble, but the clauses are abbreviated, though Prescott does not
appear to be aware of it.

56 SAILING OF THE EXPEDITION.

most gentlemanly and kind-hearted pirate. Grijalva,
though second to Cortes in talents and fame, was far
before him in honesty. During the preparations
which quickly followed the appointment of Cortes,
the inherent qualities of the man developed to a
degree alarming alike to friends and enemies, and
astonishing to himself. He found his nature a strong
one, with magnetic attractions, and an affinity with
danger. He found himself possessed of that higher
courage of the mind which begets self-confidence,
breeds the hero, and ends in the achievement of the
uttermost. And genius was there; he began to feel
it and to know it: the genius of ambition and ego-
tism, whose central figure was himself, an all-
prevailing sentiment, before which right, religion,
humanity, and even life itself, must be subservient.
His rapidly evolving will was becoming ponderous,
overwhelming. Fame was becoming to him what
ambition was to Columbus; only he possessed his
idea instead of being possessed by it. Sufficiently
educated for the purposes of statecraft, opportunity
alone was needed to enable him to turn every weapon
to the furtherance of his own designs. Without
attempting to pry into the occult, he now began to
see things with a large and liberal eye. Life was
assuming tremendous realities, which bridled impulse ;
}Tet it was an ordeal he believed he could face. While
in sophistry he found himself equal to Euripides, he
began to put on bombast such as ^Eschylus could not
have scorned, and to display an energy as sublime as
that of Archilochus; yet all this time his good sense
was supplemented by graceful courtesy. All who wor-
ship the bright wit and intellectual versatility that
flatter ambition and yield unscrupulous success may
henceforth bow the knee to Hernan Cortes.

No sooner was his commission sealed than Cortes set
himself about the task of collecting his many require-
ments. His own few thousand pesos of ready money

PREPARATION. 57

were quickly spent; then he mortgaged his estates,
and borrowed to the uttermost from his friends.
Velazquez was free with everything except his sub-
stance; free with his advice and ostentation, free
with the ships of others, and willing to sell to the
expedition the products of his farm at exorbitant
prices. Nevertheless the investment to the gov-
ernor, as well as to Cortes, was large, the former
furnishing some ships of his own and some money, the
whole cost of vessels and outfit being about twenty
thousand ducats.4

4 The ownership of the expedition has been a moot question, some authors
regarding it as pertaining chiefly to Velazquez, while others accord it wholly
to Cortes and his friends. According to Gomara, after receiving the vessel
brought by Alvarado, and another provided by Velazquez, CortCs, aided by
his friends, bought two large and two small vessels before leaving Santiago;
and at least two more were bought after this with bills forced upon the owners.
The rest of the fleet appears to have been made up from the transport spoken
of and from Grijalva's vessels. The latter is to be regarded as Velazquez' con-
tribution, for in the testimony before the royal council in Spain, Montejo, the
trusted friend of the commander, declares that on delivering them over to
the governor he received the order to join Cortes, with the vessels, of course.
His statements, and those of the captain Puertocarrero, confirmed by the let-
ter of the ayuntamiento of Villa Rica to the emperor, agree that, from their
own observations and the accounts given by others, CortCs must have con-
tributed not only seven vessels, but expended over 5000 castellanos on the
outfit, beside procuring goods and provisions, while Velazquez furnished only
one third, chiefly in clothes, provisions, wines, and other effects, which he
sold through an agent to the company, the witnesses included, at exorbitant
prices. Montejo had heard that Velazquez contributed three vessels, but
whether these were exclusive of Grijalva's fleet is not clear. He is also sup-
posed to have lent Cortes 2000 castellanos, and to have given twelve or thir-
teen hundred loads of bread, and 300tocinos, beside 1800 castellanos in goods,
to be sold to the party at high prices. Every other supply Avas furnished by
Cortes, who maintained the whole force without touching the ship's stores,
while remaining in Cuba, no doubt. Col. Doc. hied., i. 487-90. Puertocarrero
adds that CorteV liberality to men in advancing means and outfits was gen-
erally admitted. He himself had received a horse from the commander. He
gives a list of the outrageously high prices charged by Velazquez for his sup-
plies. Id., 491-5. Another member of the expedition states that Cortes
furnished seven vessels, and Velazquez three, two more belonging to the lat-
ter joining the fleet afterward. Cortes paid for all the outfit. Extract ap-
pended to Carta del Ayunt. de V. Cruz, in Col. Doc. lned., i. 419-20: ' Casi
las dos partes. . . .a su (Cortes) costa, asi en navios como en bastimentos de
mar.' ' Todo el concierto de la dicha armada se hizo a voluntad de dicho Diego
Velazquez, aunque ni puso ni gasto el mas de la tercia parte de ella. . . .La
mayor parte de la dicha tercia parte .... rue" emplear sus dineros en vinos y
en ropas y en otras cosas de poco valor para nos lo vender aca (V. Cruz) en
mucha mas cantidad de lo que a el le cost6.' Carta de la Justlcia de Vera-
cruz, 10 de julio, 1519, in Cortes, Cartas, 8; Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc,
xiv. 37. Claiming to have no ready money of his own, Velazquez took for the
expedition 1000 castellanos from the estate of Narvaez in his charge. Comara,
Hist. Mex., 12-13. ' Salio de la Isla de Cuba... con quince navi6s suyos.'

58 SAILING OF THE EXPEDITION.

Establishing places of enlistment throughout the
island, Cortes roused to action his many friends, both
in person and by letter. At principal settlements the
expedition was proclaimed about the streets, in the
king's name, by the beating of drums and the voice
of the crier. One third of the proceeds of the ad-
venture was promised the soldiers and subalterns,

Cortes, Memorial, 1542, in Cortes, Escritos Sueltos, 310. Peter Martyr assumes
that Cuban colonists furnished the iieet with the governor's consent, and
elected Cortes commander. Dec. iv. cap. vi. Solis, Hist. Mex., i. Gl, considers
that Velazquez held only a minor share in the expedition. Montejo stated
in a general way that he spent all his fortune on joining the expedition. Cen.
Am., 1554-55, 127-30, in Squiers MS. In De Rebus Gestis Ferdlnandi
Cortesil it is asserted that Cortes expended 6000 pesos of his own, and 6000
ducats borrowed money, beside what Velazquez lent him; his expenditures
being in all 15,000 pesos. Velazquez gave not one real, but merely sold
goods at exorbitant figures, or made advances at a high interest, even the
vessels provided by him being transferred to the commander under an ex-
pensive charter. ' Sunt preterea niulti Hispanr viri boni qui et nunc vivunt,
et qui cum ea classis de qua agimus, apparabatur, aderant. Hi in hujus
causae defensione, cujus apud Consilium Kegium Indicum Cortesius est accu-
satus, testes jurati asserant Velazquium nihil omnino ex propria facilitate in
Cortesii classem impendisse.' This would indicate that Montejo and Puer-
tocarrcro's testimony was confirmed by many others. The agent, Juan Diaz,
who attended to the sale of the goods and the collection of the advances, fell
in the retreat from Mexico, and his money was lost. Icazbalceta, Col. Doc.,
i. 345-9. This testimony by members of the expedition merits the foremost
attention in the question, particularly since the fewer statements on the other
side are based wholly on supposition. It is somewhat qualified, however,
by the consideration that both Montejo and Puertocarrero were stanch
friends of Cortes, and that the letter of the ayuntamiento was prepared in
his presence. It must also be borne in mind that a goodly proportion of the
share attributed to him consisted of vessels and effects obtained upon his
credit as captain-general of the fleet, and also in a semi-piratical manner. The
statements in Cortes, Memorial, and in De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Gort<sii,
indicate, beside, a hardly warranted attempt to regard Velazquez' contribu-
tion chiefly as a loan to the commander or to the party, his vessels being
spoken of as chartered. Another proportion belonged to wealthy volun-
teers. On the whole, however, it may be concluded that CortCs could lay
claim to a larger share in the expedition than Velazquez; but the latter pos-
sessed the title of being not only the discoverer, through his captains, of the
regions to be conquered, but the projector of the expedition. Oviedo, while
believing that the fleet belonged with more right to ,the governor, feels no
pity for the treatment he received, in view of his own conduct to Diego Colon.
Complacently he cites the proverb: ' Matards ymatarte han: y matardn quien te
matare.' As you do unto others, so shall be done unto you. Oviedo asserts
that he has seen testimony showing that Cortes and his men did not sail at
their own expense, but from his own statement it appears that the instruc-
tions of Velazquez, wherein he speaks of the expedition as sent in his name,
is the chief feature in this so-called testimony; i. 538-9. Las Casas naturally
sides with Velazquez, and estimates that he expended over 20,000 caste-
llanos ; he had no need for, nor would he have stooped to a partnership, at
least with a man like Cortes. Hist. lud., iv. 448. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii.
cap. xi., copies this, and Torquemada, i. 359, reverses this figure in favor
of Cortes.

CORTES PUTS ON OSTENTATION. 59

two thirds going to the outfitters.5 A banner of black
taffeta was embroidered with the royal arms in gold,
and blue and white flames surrounding a red cross,
and round the border it bore the inscription, "Amici
sequamur crucem, si nos habuerimus fidem in hoc
signo vincemus." Friends, let us follow the cross,
and if we have faith under this sign we shall conquer.6
Assuming a dress and bearing more fitting a mili-
tary commander, Cortes threw open his doors, and by
judiciously combining the frank joviality of a soldier
with the liberal hospitality of a man of wealth, he
rapidly drew to his adventure all the available men
of the island. There were not lacking those to sneer
at this assumption of preeminence, which flaunted it
so bravely with plume and medal, with martial music
and retinue, saying, here was a lord without lands.7
But they little knew the strength and firmness of
him who, having once put on the great "man, would
lay the livery down but with his life. This soldierly
display, always taking to the Castilian fancy, could
scarcely be called affectation, for the genius which
commands success was present, and the firmness of
resolve was covered with such pleasing affability as
to render its presence scarcely suspected. With his

5 Testimonio de Puertocarrero, in Col. Doc. Ined., i. 491. ' Mado dar
pregones, y tocar susatambores, y trompetas en nombre de su Magestad, y
en su Real nombre por Diego Velazquez para que qualesquier personas que
quisiessen ir en su compaiiia a las tierras nuevamente descubiertas a, los con-
quistar y doblar, les darian sus partes del oro plata, y joyas que se huviesse,
y encomiendas de Indios despues de pacificada.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad.,
13. Mark here the promise of encomiendas to the volunteers. The word
1 doblar ' doubtless meant to explore or to sail round the new islands. Bernal
Diaz does not fail to observe that the royal license had not yet arrived to
warrant these proclamations.

6 See Landa, Bel. de Yuc. , 23 ; Tapia, Rel. , in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc. , ii. 554 ;
Fancourt, Hist. Yuc, 27, leaves out the middle sentence; Gomara, Hist.
Mex.,15; Torquemada, i. 364, and others give only the Spanish translation.
Prescott says the flag was of velvet, and attributes the sign to the labarum
of Constantine, which, to say the least, is somewhat far-fetched. Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 13, places the motto upon ' estandartes, y vanderas labradas de
oro co las armas Reales, y una Cruz de cada parte, juntamente con las armas
de nuestro Rey.'

7 ' Se puso vn penacho de plumas con su medalla deoro.' Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 13. ' Tomo casa. Hizo Mesa. Y comenco a yr con armas, y mucha
compaiiia. De que muchos murmurauan, diziendo que tenia estado sin seiiorio. '
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 13.

60 SAILING OF THE EXPEDITION.

fine soldierly qualities were financial and executive
ability, and fair common sense, a rare combination in
a Spanish cavalier. While loving adventure he did
not altogether hate ideas. His world now spread
itself before him, as divided into two unequal classes,
those that use others, and those that are used by
others, and he resolved himself forever into the
former category. Like Diogenes, though enslaved a/t
Crete, Cortes felt that if he could do one thing better
than another it was to command men. Coupled with
this egotism was the sensible intuition that the mas-
tery of others begins with self-mastery. Indeed his
command over himself, as well as over others, was
most remarkable. " By my conscience!" was a favor-
ite oath, which implies not brutal passion. At times
a swelling vein in the forehead, and another in the
throat, indicated rising anger, manifested also by a
peculiarity of throwing off his cloak; but the voice
would remain decorous, and the words seldom passed
beyond a " Mai pese a vos !" May it bear heavily upon
vou. To the insolent soldier, whom we shall often
find overstepping the bounds of prudence, he would
merely say, "Be silent!" or "Go, in God's name, and
be more careful if you would escape punishment."
Equally composed in argument, he wielded his per-
suasive powers to their best advantage. Rio de Ave-
nida, the Rushing River, was at one time a nickname,
and later he affected long hair and lawsuits. At the
gaming-table, to which he was greatly addicted, he
won or lost with equal sang-froid, ever ready with a
witticism to smooth the varying course of fortune.
Though he did not hesitate as gay Lothario to invade
the family of another, most unreasonably he was very
jealous lest his own family should be invaded. While
liberal to friend or mistress, and ready to sacrifice
almost anything to gain an object, he was not always
regarded as over-generous by his men, too many of
whom were of that class, however, that nothing would
satisfy. Although a fair eater, he drank but little,

FRANCISQUILLO THE FOOL. 61

and confined himself to simple diet. This moderation
also extended to dress, which, before his elevation,
was not only neat but tasteful in its rich simplicity,
ornamented with few but choice jewels, and with little
diversity. A love of pomp, however, developed with
his rising fortunes, more particularly in the way of
showy residences and a large retinue, which accorded
well with the courtly manners native to the Spaniard
claiming noble blood. Cervantes says that in the
army even the niggardly become prodigal.

Cortes found the way of throwing into his cause
not only himself, but others, in some respects as able
as himself. His liberal measures and enthusiasm
became infectious, and brought to enrolment wealthy
volunteers, who furnished not only their own outfit,
but helped to provide others.8 Within a short time
there joined over three hundred men, among them
some hiodi in the service and confidence of the
governor — instance, Francisco de Morla his chamber-
lain, Martin Ramos de Lares a Basque, Pedro Escu-
dero, Juan Ruano, Escobar, and Diego de Ordaz
mayordomo of Velazquez, and instructed by him to
watch proceedings and secretly report.

The harbor of Santiago at this time presented a
busy scene. There were the hurrying to and fro of
laborers and recruits, the clang of carpenters' ham-
mers upon ships undergoing repairs, the collecting of
goods, and the loading of vessels. Every day the
landing was enlivened by the presence of the governor,
often arm-in-arm with his most dutiful and compliant
captain-general, surrounded by gayly dressed attend-
ants and followed by half the town. On one of these
visits of inspection, while engaged in friendly conversa-
tion respecting the progress of affairs, the Governor's
jester, Francisquillo, who was present, as usual, per-

8 Cortes himself was very liberal in advancing money or necessaries. Puer-
tocarre.ro, loc. cit. This cavalier received a horse which Cortes bought at
Trinidad with gold fringes taken from his mantle. Bemal Diaz, Hist. Ver-
dacl., 14. 'Dio a muchos soldados . . . dineros con obligacio de man comun.'
Ooniara, Hist. Mex., 12.

62 SAILING OF THE EXPEDITION.

forming his antics before his master, cried out, "Ah,
friend Diego!" Then to Cortes, "And how fares our
brave captain, he of Medellin and Estremadura? Be
careful, good master, or we shall soon have to beat
the bush for this same Cortes." Velazquez laughed
heartily, and turning to his companion exclaimed,
"Compadre, do you hear this fool?" "What, senor?"
replied Cortes, pretending preoccupation. "He says
you will run away with our fleet," replied Velazquez.
" Pay no attention to the knave, your worship; I am
very sure these infamous pleasantries never emanated
from his mad brain/' rejoined Cortes, deeply chagrined.
And ere the laugh died away on the lips of the
governor his timid breast was chilled by fearful fore-
bodings. What if it were true, thought Velazquez,
and this fellow, whom I have lifted from his low
estate, should declare for himself on reaching New
Spain? Then he called to mind his late quarrel with
Cortes, and the courage, energy, and determination
displayed by the latter throughout. The governor
trembled when he thought of it. About him were
enough of the disappointed only too ready to fan these
suspicions into a flame.9

I regret having to spoil a good story ; but the truth
is, the drama reported by Bartolome Las Casas, and
reiterated by Herrera and Prescott, was never per-
formed. It tells how Cortes put to sea, Prescott
asserts the very night after the jester's warning; and
that in the morning, when the governor, early roused
from his bed, rushed down to the landing with all the
town at his heels, Cortes returned part way in an
armed boat and bandied words with him. Beside
being improbable, almost impossible, this version is

9 Las Casas, Hist, hid., iv. 450-1; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi. Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 13, relates the incident as having occurred on the way to
Sunday mass. The fool, whom he calls Cervantes, was walking in front of his
master and Cortes, uttering nonsense in prose and rhyme; finally he said in a
louder voice, ' By my faith, master Diego, a nice captain have you chosen:
one who will run away with the fleet, I warrant, for he has courage and
enterprise.' Duero, who walked close by, sought to check his tongue by
striking at him and by shouting, ' Silence, fool ! Don't be knavish as well,

THE GOVERNOR'S SUSPICIONS. 63

not sustained by the best authorities.10 The fact
is, some time elapsed, after the suspicions of the gov-
ernor had first been aroused, before the sailing of
the fleet, during which interval Grijalva with his ships
returned.

Gomara states that Velazquez sought to break with
Cortes and send only Grijalva's vessels, with another
commander; but to this Lares and Duero, whose ad-
vice was asked by the governor, made strong objection,
saying that Cortes and his friends had spent too much
money now to abandon the enterprise, which was very
true; for like the appetite of Angaston which came
with eating, the more Cortes tasted the sweets of
popularity and power, the more stomach he had for
the business. And the more the suspicions of the
governor grew, the greater were the captain-general's
assurances of devotion, and the firmer became the
determination of Cortes and his followers 'to prosecute
this adventure, in which they had staked their all.11

for we know that this pretended jest is not of thyself.' But the jester
persisted in calling out, ' Hail to my master Diego and his valiant captain !
I swear to thee, my master, that rather than see thee grievously regret
this foolish step I would hie me with Cortes to those rich lands.' It
was supposed that Velazquez' relatives had induced the man to make these
remarks.

10 Prescott states that Las Casas was on the island at the time. In this
he is mistaken. On the other hand, Bernal Diaz was an eye-witness, and
tells a very different story. But the tale of the soldier is not so striking
as that of the priest, who writes from the statements of Velazquez' friends,
colored by time and distance. The final words which passed between the
governor and Cortes, according to Las Casas, in effect were these : ' Com-
padre, is this the way you are going ? A nice manner, truly, of taking
leave ! ' To which Cortes makes answer, ' Pardon me, sir ; there are things
which must be carried out before they are considered. I wait your wor-
ship's orders. ' Hist, hid., iv. 451-2; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xii.

11 Testimonio de Montejo, in Col. Doc. hied., i. 437. 'No le pudo estoruar
la yda porq todos le siguian: los q alii estaua, como los c\ venian con Grijalua.
Ca si lo tentara con rigor vuiera rebuelta en la ciudad, y aun muertes.
Y como no era parte dissimulo. ' Cortes even announced that he was going
on his own account, and that the soldiers had nothing to do with Velazquez.
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 13. But this is highly improbable. According to De
Jiebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, Cort6s spread insinuations against Velazquez'
greed and selfishness, commented upon his own liberality and upon the rich
prospects before them, and thus gained the voice of his followers, so that
the former dared not attempt any overt acts. ' Lorica ab eo tempore sub
veste munitus, stipatusque armatis militibus, quos spe sibi fidos amicos f ecerat. '
Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 346-9; Cortes, Memorial, 1542, in Cortes, Escritos
fiueltos, 310. Las Casas repeats his condemnation of Gomara, as a man who

64 SAILING OF THE EXPEDITION.

Warned by Lares and Duero of every plot, Cortes
hurried preparations, sending friends to forage, and
shipping store-s with the utmost despatch, meanwhile
giving secret orders for all to be ready to embark at
a moment's notice. Finally, the hour having come,
on the evening of the 17th of November, with a few
trusty adherents, Cortes presented himself before the
governor, and politely took his leave. It fell suddenly
on Velazquez, in whose eyes all movements relating
to the expedition had of late become the manoeuvres
of men conspired to overreach him. But having
neither the excuse nor the ability to stop the expedi-
tion he let the officers depart.

By playing with the devil one soon learns to
play the devil. From the governor's house Cortes
hastened to the public meat depository, seized and
added to his stores the town's next week's supply,
and left the keeper, Fernando Alfonso, a gold chain,
all he had remaining wherewith to make payment.12
It was a dull, dry, gray November morning, the
18th, very early, after mass had been said, when the
squadron, consisting of six vessels, sailed out of
Santiago harbor amidst the vivas of the populace
and the inward cursings of the governor.13 But of
little avail was Velazquez' remorse ; for Cortes carried

wrote only what he was told by his master. He scouts the idea of the
powerful Velazquez either needing CorteV pecuniary aid or not being able
to dispose of his fleet as he wished. A humble squire, indeed, to raise his
voice against the great Velazquez, who could have taken his bread and life
at any moment ! Hist. hid. , iv. 448-9.

12 In his memorial to the emperor in 1542, CortCs relates this enforced
transaction quite at length. Learning that his stock of the week had been
seized, Hernan Dalonso seeks Cortes and complains, with tears in his eyes,
whereupon he receives the gold chain, ' de unos abrojos.' Cortes, Escritos Suel-
tos, 310-11; Col. Doc. hied., iv. 221.

n Bernal Diaz asserts that Duero and Lares were present at the parting,
and that Velazquez and CortCs several times embraced each other and vowed
eternal friendship. ' Habuit Cortesius ciim e Sancti Jacobi urbe et portu
solvit, naves sex ; alia, nam septem habuit, in portu, ut sarciretur reficereturque,
relicta. ' De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in I cazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 348.
This authority believes that one of the reasons for Cortes' hurried departure
was a fear that Grijalva's vessels might turn up; but they had already arrived,
as we have seen. The seventh vessel, a caravel, joined Cortes at Trinidad,
with nine horses and eighty volunteers, under Francisco de Salceclo. Id., 354.
' Partio se de Santiago Barucoa. . . .en seys nauios. ' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 13.

CORTES AT TRINIDAD. C5

no ^Eolian wind-bags to drive him back from his
destination.

Despatching one of the vessels to Jamaica14 for
provisions, Cortes touched at Macaca for further sup-
plies, and thence steered for Trinidad, where he was
received with demonstrations of enthusiasm by the
alcalde mayor, Francisco Verdugo brother-in-law of
Velazquez, and by other hidalgos, who placed their
houses at his disposal. Raising his standard before
his quarters, he proclaimed the expedition and invited
volunteers, as he had done at Santiago. Soon his
force was augmented by over one hundred of Gri-
jalva's men. Here also joined several captains and
hidalgos, afterward famous in New Spain adventure.
There were the five brothers Alvarado, Alonso de
Avila, Gonzalo Mejia afterward treasurer at Mexico,
Cristobal de Olid, Alonzo Hernandez Puertocarrero
cousin of the count of Medellin, Gonzalo de Sando-
val who became so great a friend of Cortes, Juan
Velazquez de Leon a relative of the governor, and
others.15 From the plantations of Santi Espiritu and
elsewhere came many. This Cortes beheld with proud
satisfaction, and welcomed these important acquisitions
with martial music and peals of artillery.

In seeking supplies Cortes paid little heed to rights
of property, so long as he obtained what he needed;
he was subsequently not a little proud of his success.
"By my faith," he boasts in Spain in 1542, "but I did
play the corsair genteelly." Among the arbitrary
purchases was that of a vessel from Jamaica laden
with provisions for the mines, for which the owner

14 Pedro Juarez Gallinato de Porra was sent with a caravel under orders
to take the cargo of supplies to Cabo Corrientes or Punta de San tan ton, and
there await the fleet. Gomara, Uist. Mex., 13. In De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi
Cortesii, loc. cit., the captain is called Pedro Gonzalez de Trujillo. He brings
b")00 tocinas (salt pork), and 2000 loads cassava. ' Mil cargas de pan cazavi,
y dos mil tocinos y muchos fasoles y aves y otras cosas.' Cortes, Memorial,
l.")42, in id., Escritos Sueltos, 311.

13 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 14, mentions several more names, with occa-
sional remarks on wealth and standing. Puertocarrero is also written Puerto
Carrero, and in the modern form of Portocarrero. Torquemada and Oviedo,
passim.

Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 5

66 SAILING OF THE EXPEDITION.

might accept promisson7 notes or nothing.16 Another
vessel from the same place, on the same mission,
Cortes sent Ordaz to seize and convey to Cape San
Antonio, or perhaps to San Cristobal where we after-
ward find him, there to await the fleet. This captain,
it will be remembered, was the spy of Velazquez, and
to him, therefore, rather than to another, was given
this mission, to prevent his watching proceedings at
Trinidad. The commander of the seized vessel was
Juan Nunez Sedeno, who wras induced to join the
expedition.17 Meanwhile in the breast of Velazquez
was stirred afresh the poison of jealousy by an astrol-
oger, one Juan Millan, employed by the enemies of
Cortes to work on the fears of the governor. The
result was the arrival at Trinidad, in hot haste, of
two messengers from the governor, wTith orders for
Verdugo to detain the fleet, the command of which
had been transferred to Vasco Porcallo. Moreover,
all the retainers of Velazquez wTere called upon to
aid in deposing Cortes. It was no difficult matter,
however, for Cortes to persuade Verdugo of two
things: first, that there were no grounds for Velaz-
quez' fears, and secondly, if there were, force would
now avail him nothing. So strong wTas Cortes in his
position that he could easily la}7 the town in ashes
should its authorities attempt to interfere in his pur-
poses. Taking one of the messengers, Pedro Lasso,
into his service, by the other Cortes wrote Velazquez,

16 This appears to be the same vessel referred to by Gomara as Alonso
Guillen's, bought at Trinidad, though nothing is of course said about the mode
of payment. Hist. Mex. , 13. Prescott mistakes in making Sedeno the master
of this vessel.

17 Ordaz proceeded on his mission in the caravel El Guerho, and returned
to Trinidad in the vessel of Sedeno, who received two thousand and more cas-
tellanos in gold fringes, the only treasure on hand. Cortes, Memorial, 1542, in
id., Escritos Saeltos, 312. ' Quatro mil arrouas de pan, mil y quinientos
tocinos y muchas gallinas.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 14. Bernal Diaz intimates
that Sedeno came into port of his own accord, and was induced to sell ships
and cargo. Hist. Vcrdad., 14. He was reputed the richest man in the party.
lb.; Las Casas, Hist, hid., ii. 455-6; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xii. 'De
una hacienda de V. M. compro al mayordomo de ella quinientas 6 tantas
cargas (pan)'. Cortes, Memorial, 1542, loc. cit. The Probanza por Lejalde, in
Jrazba/reta, Col. Doe., i. 411, contains interesting testimony as to what goods
were obtained, and how.

AT THE HABANA. 67

in language most respectful, begging him to believe
that he would always be true to his God, his king,
and his dear friend and governor. In like notes the
robin and the screech-owl muffle their voices when
danger is near, so as to conceal the distance, and make
themselves seem far away. Thus passed twelve days,
according to Bernal Diaz, at Trinidad, when one of
the vessels was despatched to the north side of the
island for supplies, and the fleet departed for San
Cristobal, then Habana,18 while Pedro de Alvarado,
with fifty soldiers and all the horses, proceeded thither
overland, adding to their number at the plantations
on the way.

One night during the voyage to San Cristobal, the
flag-ship was separated from the other vessels and
stranded on a reef near Isla de Pinos. With skill and
promptness Cortes transferred the contents in small
boats to the shore, set free the lightened vessel, and,
reloading, joined his captains at San Cristobal. This
accident delayed him seven days, during which time
there was no small stir among his men at San Cristo-
bal as to who should command the fleet in case its
captain-general failed to appear. Conspicuous among
these questioners was Ordaz, who claimed precedence
as Velazquez' representative. But the arrival of the
commander put an end to the controversy and spread
unbounded joy throughout the armada. Landing, he
accepted the hospitality of Pedro Barba, lieutenant of
Velazquez. Among those who joined him here were
Francisco Montejo, the future conqueror of Yucatan,
and Diego de Soto, who in Mexico became the
mayordomo of Cortes. Again the commander rid
himself of Ordaz by sending him with a vessel to the
plantations near Cape San Antonio, there to await

18 The Habana was then situated on the south side of the island, not on
the north side, where the appellation now obtains. Prescott and others fall
into numerous blunders by supposing the Habana of to-day to be identical
with the Habana of three hundred years ago, sending a whole fleet far out of
its way for no other purpose than to collect provisions, which, one vessel would
accomplish as well.

63 SAILING OF THE EXPEDITION.

the fleet. The artillery was landed and cleaned; the
cross-bows were tested and the firelocks polished.
Cotton armor was secured. More provisions being
required, Quesada, the Episcopal tithe-collector, con-
tributed his stock.

Warranted, as he thought, by his success and pros-
pects, and well aware of the effect on the Spanish
mind of some degree of ostentation and military dis-
play, Cortes put on the paraphernalia of still greater
leadership, and appointed a chamberlain, a chief but-
ler, and a mayordomo, in the persons of Rodrigo
Rangel, Guzman, and Juan de C&ceres, which pomp
he ever after maintained.19 Gaspar de Garnica now
arrived with letters from Velazquez to Barba, Ordaz,
Leon, and others, ordering and entreating them to
stop the fleet, arrest Cortes, and send him a prisoner
to Santiago. It was of no avail, however. Soldiers,
officers, even Barba himself, were enthusiastic for
Cortes, who once more wrote the governor, in terms
as courteous as they were costless, and shortly after-
ward, on the 10th of February, 1519, the fleet again
set sail.20 Guaguanico, on the north side of Cape

19 'Comenco Cortes a poner casa, y a tratarse como sefior: y el primer
Maestresala q tuvo, fue vn Guzma que luego se murio, 6 mataron Indies. ' A
different man from the later mayordomo, Crist6bal de Guzman, who captured
Quauhtemotzin during the siege of Mexico. ' Caceres .... fue despues de
ganado Mexico, liombre rico.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 15-16.

20 Bernal Diaz says that Barba was one of the most devoted to Cortes.
See, also, Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii., cap. xiii. Solis details at length a public
gathering, in which the members of the expedition became highly excited
over Velazquez' efforts to stop Cortes, and threatened to destroy the town.
He adds that a rumor of Velazquez' coming in person to enforce his order
created another excitement. Hist. Mex., i. 63-6; Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. 8,
follows him; also Prescott. According to Las Casas, Velazquez sends a letter
to Cortes, asking him to wait for an important communication, which he will
bring in person or send by messenger. At the same time come letters for
Ordaz and others, requesting them to seize the commander. Ordaz accord-
ingly invites him to a banquet on board his vessel, with the intent of carry-
ing him off to Santiago ; but Cortes perceives the snare and retires under pre-
tence of indisposition. The good bishop observes that he never knew
Velazquez evince so little sagacity as on this occasion ; nor did Ordaz behave
any better. Hist. Ind., iv. 456-7. Gomara has the same account, but adds
that the messenger from Velazquez came in a caravel, together with Alvarado,
Olid, Avila, Montejo, and others of Grijalva's party, who had just arrived from
an interview with the governor. Hist. Mex., 14. He is evidently mixed.
Torquemada, who quotes both versions from Herrera and Gomara, places the
occurrence at Trinidad, and considers that CortCs was capable of and right

EQUIPMENT. 69

San Antonio, was the place appointed for muster
and apportionment.21 Meanwhile Pedro Alvarado
was sent forward with sixty soldiers in the San
Sebastian to bring Ordaz to the rendezvous, but
driven by a gale beyond his goal and near to Yuca-
tan, he thought it useless to return, and so proceeded
to Cozumel Island, where he arrived two days before
the others. The expedition consisted of twelve ves-
sels, the flag -ship or capitana of one hundred tons,
three others of from sixty to eighty tons, and the
rest small brigantines and open craft, including a
transport commanded by Gines Nortes. The soldiers
numbered live hundred and eight, and the sailors one
hundred and nine, including officers and pilots. The
priests present were Juan Diaz and Bartolome de
Olmedo, of the Order of Mercy. Under Juan Beni-
tez and Pedro de Guzman were thirty-two cross-
bowmen; thirteen men only carried firelocks, the rest
being armed with swords and spears. The artillery
consisted of ten bronzed guns and four falconets, and
was in charge of Francisco de Orozco, aided by Mesa
Usagre, Arbenga, and others. About two hundred
Cuban Indians, together with some native women
and negro slaves, were brought for service, despite
the prohibitory clause in the instructions. Sixteen
horses receive the minute description and glowing
encomium of the soldier Diaz, and play an important
part in the coming campaign. The supplies included
some five thousand tocinos, or pieces of salt pork, six
thousand loads of maize and yucca, fowl, vegetables,

in foiling Velazquez. Bernal Diaz scouts Gomara's story, which is repeated
in De Rehus Gcslls Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 355-6.
Peralta claims that his father, Suarez, pursued and slew the Indian courier
sent with orders for Luis de Medina, then with the fleet, to assume the
command. He thereupon brought the papers to Cortes and warned him to
sail away. Nat. Hist. , 62-4. Peralta evidently upholds all his father told him.
21 So affirms Tapia, one of the party. Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc,
ii. 555; and this is the view of most writers. Bernal Diaz states that the re-
view was held at Cozumel, which may also have been the case; but he was
not present at San Antonio. A review must have been held before the fleet set
out on its voyage, in order that captains might be appointed and receive ap-
portionments of men and supplies. Zamacois, Hist. Mcj., ii. 292-3, assumes
that, owing to Alvarado's absence, the muster was reserved for Cozumel.

70 SAILING OF THE EXPEDITION.

groceries, and other provisions. For barter were
beads, bells, mirrors, needles, ribbons, knives, hatchets,
cotton goods, and other articles.22

The force was divided into eleven companies, each
under a captain having control on sea and land. The
names of the captains were Alonso Hernandez Puer-
tocarrero, Alonso de Avila, Diego de Ordaz, Fran-
cisco de Montejo, Francisco de Morla, Escobar, Juan
de Escalante, Juan Velazquez de Leon, Cristobal de
Olid, Pedro de Alvarado, and Cortes, with Anton de
Alaminos as chief pilot.23

From this list it will be seen that those but lately
regarded as of the Velazquez party received their full
share in the command. This cannot be attributed so
much to the captain-general's sense of fairness, which
forbade him to take advantage of interests voluntarily
intrusted to his care, as to a studied policy whereby
he hoped to win for his purposes certain men of in-

22 'Tomo [Cortes] fiada de Diego Sanz tendero, vna tieda de bohoneria en
sietecietos pesos de oro.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 12, 14-15. This was at San-
tiago. This author, who, together with Diaz, forms the main authority for
the above list, mentions only eleven vessels, but does not include Alvarado's.
He places the Spanish force at 550 men, but, by adding to this the sixty and
odd men absent with Alvarado from the review, the number would agree with
Beraal Diaz' figures. Thirteen vessels, two having joined at Habanaas trans-
ports; 530 infantry; twenty-four horses; 5000 loads of maize and cassava;
2000 tocinos. De Febus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i.
356. Twelve vessels and 500 men. Carta del Ayunt, de V. Cruz, in Col. Doc.
Incd. , i. 419-20. Fifteen vessels and 500 men, without any Indians or negroes,
says Cortes, in his Memorial, 1542, not venturing to admit that he had dis-
obeyed the royal order and his instructions in taking Cuban Indians. Cortes,
E-seritos Sueltos, 310 ; Col. Doc. Incd., iv. 220. Seven navios, three bergantines.
Ovledo, i. 539. Nine vessels, 550 Spaniards, two to three hundred Indians.
Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 446, 457. Eleven vessels of thirty to one hundred
tons, 663 Spaniards, including thirty men with firearms. Brasseur de Bour-
bourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 54; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucaihan, 19; Vetancvrt, Teatro
Ecles., pt. ii. 100-11; Fancourt's Hist. Yuc, 26-7; £amacois, Hist. Mcj., ii.
296. Thirteen vessels, 560 persons, thirteen horses. Tnjna, JRelncion, in Icaz-
balceta, Col. Doc, ii. 558; Prescott, Mex., i. 262, follows both Bernal Diaz
and Gomara, but without seeking to account for their differences, and thus
allows himself to exceed every other authentic estimate for the number of
the men.

23 Torquemada, i. 364; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 14, gives the same names,
except that Francisco de Salcedo stands in the place of Alvarado. Solis,
Hist. Mex., i. 66, mentions eleven, including Salcedo and Nortes; Las Casas,
Hist lad., iv. 453, names eight, as appointed by Velazquez. Zamacois, Hist
Mcj., ii. 287, leaves out Avila, which is certainly a mistake, based on Bernal
Diaz, who includes Gines Nortes, the captain merely of a transport. Salcedo
joined later, at Villa Rica.

SPEECH OF CORTES. 71

fluence, whom it would, for that matter, have been
dangerous to remove.

Before the review, Cortes addressed his soldiers in
a speech as shrewd and stirring as that of Marcius at
Corioli. Pointing to the thousands of unbaptized, he
awakened their religious zeal ; dwelling on the grandeur
of the undertaking, he stimulated their ambition; re-
ferring to the vast wealth these lands contained, he
excited their cupidity. Greater and richer lands than
all the Spanish kingdoms, he called them, and in-
habited by strange races, only awaiting submission to
their invincible arms. Their whole fortune was in-
vested in the fleet that carried them; but who would
regret so trifling an expenditure when compared with
the glorious results to follow ? They were setting out
upon a career of conquest in the name of their God,
who had always befriended the Spanish nation; and
in the name of their emperor, for whom- they would
achieve greater deeds than any ever performed. Riches
lay spread before them; but like good and brave men
they must look with him to the higher and nobler
reward of glory. " Nevertheless," he archly added,
"be true to me, as am I to you, and ere long I will
load you with wealth such as you have never dreamed
of. I will not say it is to be won without hardships;
but who of you are afraid? We are few, but we are
brave. Let us therefore on with the work so well
begun, joyously and confidently to the end !" 24 There
is no passion so artful as avarice in hiding itself under
some virtue. Sometimes it is progress, sometimes
patriotism, but its warmest cloak has ever been religion.
There is a double profit to the devotee whose religion
gratifies his avarice, and whose avarice is made a part
of his religion.

On the morning of February 1 8th mass was said, the

24 Such is in substance the speech prepared by Gomara, Hist. Mex., 15-16,
well suited for the enterprise, yet not exactly in accord with the pretended
mission of peaceful trade and exploration. Torquemada, i. 364-5, gives it
nearly in the same form, while Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 71-3, elaborates to suit
himself.

72 SAILING OF THE EXPEDITION.

campaign standard blessed, and Saint Peter invoked,
whereupon the prows were pointed toward the islands
of the west. All the vessels were to follow the flag-
ship, whose light should be their guide by night; in
case of separation they were to steer for Cape Catoche
and thence proceed to Cozumel.25

23 The date of departure is generally admitted to be February 18th, but in
Cortes, Memorial, 1542, is written ' tardo en esto [fitting out] desde dieciocho
dias del mes de Octubre . . . hasta dieciocho dias del mes de Enero, del ano de
diez y nueve que acab6 de salir de la dicha Isla de Cuba, del cabo de Corrientes. '
Cortes, Escritos Sueltos, 313. This is wrong, however, for the fleet could not
have left Santiago before the date of the instructions; yet it confirms the fact
that three months were spent, after leaving Santiago, before the fleet finally
left the island. Some of the authors indicate a portion of this time, showing
that eight days were spent at Macaco and twelve at Trinidad, leaving seventy-
two days for the brief passages along the south coast of Cuba and for the
stay at San Crist6bal.

De Rebus Gestis Ferdinavdi Cortesu, or, as the Spanish translator entitles it,
Vida de Hernan Cortes, giving the fullest but also the most partial account
of Cortes up to this time, is an anonj-mous manuscript in Latin, of eleven
folio leaves, deposited in the Simancas archives, whence Munoz obtained a
copy, published by Icazbalceta in his Coleccion de Documentos, i. 309-57. It
is in a clear hand, with corrections and marginals, evidently by the author.
Several points indicate that it formed part of De Orbe JSToro, a history of
America, written apparently in a series of biographies, to judge from the
reference made to a preceding part relating to Columbus, and to later parts
on the conquest of Mexico. Munoz expresses the opinion that the author
may be Calvet de Estrella, chronicler of the Indies, mentioned by Nic.
Antonio as the writer of the manuscripts De Rebus Gestis Vaccce Castri,
in the Colegio del Sacro Monte de Granada. This title induced him to name
the present document De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii. The supposition
is warranted by the style and by the evident date; for references indicate
that it was written during the lifetime of several companions of Cortes.
The fragment begins with the hero's birth and ends at his departure with the
fleet from Cuba. Although the facts related conform, as a rule, to Gomara's
version, a number of authorities have been consulted, some of them no longer
extant, chiefly with a view to extol the character and career of the hero, and
to elaborate incidents into tiresome prolixity.

CHAPTER VI.

THE VOYAGE.

1519.

Something of the Captains of Cortes — Alvarado — Montejo — Avila —
Olid — Sandoval — Leon — Ordaz — Morla — The Passage — The Fleet
Struck by a Squall — Arrival at Cozumel — Alvarado Censured —
Search for the Captive Christians — Arrival of Aguilar — His
Chaste Adventures — They Come to Tabasco River — Battles
there — Conquest of the Natives — Peace Made — Twenty Female
Slaves among the Presents — The Fleet Proceeds along the
Shore — Puertocarrero's Witticism — Arrival at San Juan de Ulua.

As the everlasting waves that bowl his ships along
are discoursing to Cortes of his destiny, let us make
the acquaintance of his captains, some of whom are.
to play parts in the Anahuac amphitheatre secondary
only to his own.

First, there was the fiery and impetuous Pedro de
Alvarado, a hero of the Achilles or Sir Lancelot
school, strong and symmetrical as a goddess-born;
haughty, choleric, sometimes stanch and generous;
passionate in his loves and hates, with the usual mix-
ture of license, loyalty, and zeal for the church. He
had not eyes to see, from where he stood in the war-
fare of his day, at once the decline of the fiercer bar-
barism and the dawn of a truer and gentler heroism.
Already we have discovered flashes of temper and
tendencies to treachery that display his character by
too sulphurous a flame; but we shall find in him much
to admire as conquistador and governor.

Alvarado was about the age of Cortes, Bajadoz
being his native place. There his father, Diego de
Alvarado, comendador de Lobon in the order of San-

(73)

74 THE VOYAGE.

tiago, and his mother, Sara de Contreras, struggled
with poverty to maintain the reputation of a good
family name. At the age of twenty-five Pedro came
over to Santo Domingo, and prompted by vanity
paraded himself in an old gown of his father's, whereon
was sewn the red cross of Santiago. At first he wore
this garment inside out, giving as a reason his reduced
circumstances which made him ashamed to publicly
own the rank of knight. On being reproved by the
admiral, he boldly affixed the insignia to his other
dresses, and thenceforth called and signed himself the
Comendador Alvarado.1 The title was never openly
questioned in the Indies, where men had little time
for inquiring into the affairs of others, and Alvarado
failed not with his plausible tongue and crafty nature
to use it for obtaining certain privileges and advance-
ment.

When Grijalva prepared his expedition he was
living as an encomendero, near Trinidad, in Cuba,
with five brothers.2 As captain under this chief he
gave evidence of an enterprising nature, combined
with an impatiency of restraint which ill fitted a
subordinate. The want of principle already shown
by his conduct at Santo Domingo was here made
apparent in the attempt to injure his commander with
Velazquez, in order to further his own ends. His now
prominent position as a well-to-do gentleman, and
the experience gathered under Grijalva, had made
him a welcome member of the present expedition.
He had also acquired the reputation of a good soldier
and horseman, with a bravery bordering on reckless-
ness, and was a great favorite with his men, among
whom he also ranked as an able drill master. With
an agile frame, he presented a most cheerful and
pleasing countenance, fair, some called it, with a ten-

1 ' Qustando en la cibdad de Sto Domingo vibiendo con el Almirante.

Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, pp. xi. 61; Juarros, Guat., i. 252.

2 ' Todos hermanos, que fue el Capitan Pedro de Aluarado, y Goncalo de
Aluarado, y Jorge de Aluarado, y Goncalo [Alonzo] y Gomez, e Juan de Alva-
rado el viejo, que era bastardo.' Benial Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 14.

ALVARADO, MOXTEJO, AND AVILA. 75

dency to ruddiness. Its attraction centred chiefly in
the eyes, and afterward obtained for him among the
Indians of Tlascala the appellation of Tonatiuh, the
Sun.3 His first glance thrown upon a combatant was
the flash which was to be followed by the thunder-
bolt. Vanity prompted a careful attention to dress,
but with a result approaching the showy rather than
the elegant. His manner, no less winning than the
face, made him a most agreeable companion, the more
so as he was a liberal fellow, particularly with respect
to women, and to pleasures generally. Beneath this
smiling exterior, however, lay hidden an insatiable
longing for power, and a blind worship of gold as
the purchaser of pleasure, and under their influ-
ence he became at times so insensible to feelings
of humanity as to place him outside the category of
greatness.4

Another of Grijalva's captains here present was
Francisco de Montejo, who came from Spain with
Pedrarias Davila in 1514. After enlisting men in
Espahola, and aiding in the conquest of Cenu, he came
to Cuba to wield the sword for Velazquez; but while
ranking as a brave officer and a good horseman, he
showed greater aptitude for business.

At the present time he was about thirty-five years
of age, of medium stature, and with a bright face,

3 See Native Races, iii. 109 and 183. ' Biondo.' Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii.
8. Elaborating this, Brasseur de Bourbourg says, 'Aux cheveux blonds et
colore de visage, ce qui lui fit donner par les Tlaxcalteques le surnom de
Tonatiuh.' Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 53. But the authority for calling him blonde
is not mentioned. It may rest on mere tradition. A Mexican picture gives
him dark beard and a yellow helmet or head-dress, the same colors being
given to the beard and head-dress of figures representing the Spanish troops,
liamirez is rather inclined to doubt the authenticity of the portrait so fre-
quently copied from Cortina's copper-plates, representing him as of dark
complexion, with long, meagre, pointed face, very high forehead, stubbed
hair, mustache, and imperial. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, pp. xi. xxii.
277-82, with plates. PrescoWs Mex. (Mex. 1844), i. 458; Id. (Gondra ed.),
iii. 220; ' Ca/rbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 340, C8G, with signature. A
wood-cut in Armin, Alte Mex., 222, presents a much younger man, with a
round, handsome face, curled hair, and full, curled beard. This corresponds
more to the description given in the text, but the authority is not indicated.
Zamacois, Hist. Mej., ii. 484, gives a full-length portrait corresponding to this.

4 Helps, Cortes, ii. 1G3, compares him to Murat, Cortes being the Napoleon.
Bi mat Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 15, 210, 245.

76 THE VOYAGE.

which indicated love for pleasure and generous lib-
erality.5

Alonso de Avila, the third of Grijalva's brave lieu-
tenants, had also a pleasant face and liberal disposition,
combined with good reasoning power, but was alto-
gether too loud-spoken and argumentative, and had
an overbearing manner that created many enemies.
He was about thirty-three years of age. Cristobal
de Olid, a year his junior, was a well formed, strong-
limbed man, with wide shoulders and a somewhat
fair complexion. Despite the peculiarity of a groove
in the lower lip, which gave it the appearance of being
split, the face was most attractive, and the powerful
voice helped to bear him out as a good talker. While
lacking in sincerity and depth of thought, and being
little fit for the council, he possessed qualities which,
in connection with great bravery and determination,
made him an admirable executive officer; but an
ambition to command began to assert itself, and di-
rected by evil influence it brought about his fall a few
years later. Bernal Diaz calls him a very Hector in
combat, and possessing, among other good qualities,
that of being liberal; on the whole an excellent man,
though unfit to be a leader.6 The youngest of the
captains, the most worshipful and the most lovable,
was Gonzalo de Sandoval, an hidalgo of only twenty-
two years, from Cortes' own town, the son of a fortress
commandant, but with merely a rudimentary educa-

h Montr jo, Memorial al Em])., 1545, in Cent. Amer., 1545-55, MS. 130.
'Fue uno de aquellos milites que passaron a estas partes., .mill 6 quinientos
y catorce, 6 aquel mesmo aiio . . . fu^sse de la Tierra-Firma. . . 6 passose a- la isla
deCuba.' Oviedo, iii. 217.

cSee Hist. Cent. Am., this series, i., 524-32. 'Era estremado varon, mas
no era para mandar, sino para ser madado, y era de edad de treinta y seis
aiios, natural de cerca de Baezad Linares .... Tenia otras buenas codiciones,
de ser franco.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 177. 'Era vn Hector en el esfu-
erco, para combatir persona por persona.' Id., 240. 'Natural que fue de
Vbeda 6 de Linares.' Id., 241. ' Da Baeza nell' Andaluzia. Era membruto,
ombroso, e doppio.' Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 8. 'D'une laideur extreme;
sa duplicite" et sa f ourberie le rendaient un homme peu sur, ' says Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 53, with his not unusual hasty elaboration.
Portrait in Prescott's Mex. (Mex. 1844), i. 421; also in Zamacois, Hist. Mej.,
iv. 254.

SANDOVAL, VELASQUEZ DE LEON, ORDAZ. 77

tion. Brave, intrepid, and with a good head, he was
equally determined in speech and in deportment, yet
with a faultless obedience and loyalty that won the
confidence and esteem of his chief. With a strict eye
to discipline, he possessed also a kind, humane dispo-
sition, which gained the love and respect of his men,
whose comfort he studied far more than his own.
Plain in dress, and modest in manner and aspiration,
he was free fron\ the greed which tainted so many
around him. A soldier in all qualities of the heart
and mind, he was also physically fitted for one. In
battle he was as wrathful and as beautiful as Apollo
when he slew the Python. The robust frame, with
its high chest and broad shoulders, supported a full
face adorned with short, curly, nut-brown hair. The
powerful voice, inclining at times to a lisp, was ex-
hibited more in the issue of brief command than in
conversation ; for Don Gonzalo was as energetic to act
as he was chary of words. The slightly bow-legged
limbs indicated an early training for the saddle.
Indeed, equestrian exercises were his delight, and his
horse Motilla, a chestnut with a white foot and a star
on the forehead, is described by Bernal Diaz as the
finest he ever saw. Sandoval stands before us not
only as an admirable man, but as an ideal officer, in
his combined qualities of juvenile ardor and prudence,
valor and humanity, modesty of disposition and purity
of heart. Cortes spoke of him after his death with
feelings of deepest regret, and represented him to the
emperor as one of the finest soldiers in the world, fit
to command armies.7

In Velazquez de Leon we find another admirable
officer, who possesses many traits in common with
Sandoval. He is described as about four years older
than that chivalrous youth, with a well formed, power-
ful frame, fine chest and shoulders, full face, set in a

7 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Vei'dad., 240, 246; Clavigero, StoriaMess., iii. 8; Por-
trait and signature in Carbajal JEspinosa, Hist. Mex. , ii. 254, 686. Portrait
in Zamacoin, Hist. Mcj., ii. 485, and in Armin, Alte Mex., 217.

78 THE VOYAGE.

somewhat curled and carefully tended beard. He
was open with the hand, ready with the sword, and
an expert horseman. He bore the reputation of
having killed a prominent and rich man in a duel in
Espanola, a deed which had obliged him to seek refuge
in Cuba with his relation Velazquez.

The most devoted adherent of Velazquez, although
not bound to him by ties of relationship, was his
ancient mayordomo mayor, Diego de Ordaz,8 a power-
ful man, of large stature, with full face, thin, dark
beard, and stuttering speech. As a leader of foot-
soldiers, for he did not ride, he gained the reputation
of possessing great daring, as well as a good head;
and among comrades he ranked as a liberal man and
a conversationalist. Of the other captains, Francisco
de Salcedo, reputed chief butler to the admiral of
Castile, bore the sobriquet of 'Dandy' from his spruce
manner;9 and Francisco de Morla is spoken of as a
valiant soldier and good horseman.10

On the way over the vessels were dispersed by a
squall, but were gathered by the flag-ship, some at
Catoche, and some at Port San Juan, on the north
end of Cozumel Island, where they all finally congre-
gated.11 Quite early in the adventure Cortes was

8 Also written Ordas. ' Natural de tierra de Campos.' Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 246. Portrait in Carbnjal Esphwsa, Hist. Mex., ii. 192.

9 ' Saucedo, natural de Medina de Rioseco; y porque era muy pulido, le
llama vamos, el galan.' Be mat Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 240. This captain joins
later.

10 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 240-7, gives a long list of notices of members
of the expedition, many of whom will receive attention during the course of
the narrative.

1 1 San Juan, Ante Portam Latinam. See also Carta de Ayunt. de Vera Cruz,
in ( 'ortcs, Cartas, 9. Several authors, following Gomara, it seems, refer to one
vessel as missing, but as this is identified with Escobar's, sent, according to
Bernal Diaz, on a special exploring expedition to Laguna de TOminos, the
view of the latter author is probably more correct. It is not likely that a
captain would have sailed so far beyond the rendezvous, and there waited for
weeks the chance arrival of the fleet. In Tapia, Relation, in Icazbalceta,
Col. Doc, ii. 557, are references yet more vague to a missing vessel. During
the gale Morla's vessel was struck by a wave, which unshipped her rudder.
His signal of distress caused the flag-ship to heave to till daybreak. The rud-
der was then discovered floating close by, and tying a rope to his body, Morla
leaped into the sea to aid in replacing it. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 16; LasCasas,
Hist, hid., iv. 458.

DISCIPLINE. 79

called on to spread before his unbridled associates
the quality of discipline they might expect. It seems
that Alvarado arrived at Cozumel Island two days
before the fleet, and had begun to carry matters
with rather a hisrh hand for a subordinate. He had
entered two towns, taken three persons captive, and
seized some property of the natives. "Is this the way
to win to our purpose barbarous peoples?" exclaimed
the indignant Cortes. For failing to bring the vessel
to the rendezvous at Cape San Antonio, Alvarado's
pilot was placed in chains. A little later, seven sailors
were flogged for theft and perjury. The captives
were soothed with presents and liberated, the stolen
articles restored, and with the aid of Melchor, the in-
terpreter, the fears of the natives were assuaged.

In answer to his inquiries regarding the captive
Christians, Cortes was informed that two days' journey
in the interior of Yucatan bearded men had been seen
by Cozumel traders, not long since, whereupon two
vessels were despatched to Catoche under Ordaz, who
was there to await, one week, the return of three
Indian messengers, sent with presents to redeem the
captives, and bearing a letter telling them where to
find their countrymen.12

While waiting events, Cortes landed the horses to
explore and forage, and employed the otherwise unoc-

12 The letter, as given in Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 17, and Gomara,
Hist. Max., 19, differs somewhat in tenor, and the former assigns eight days,
the latter six, as the time Ordaz was to wait. Gomara writes further that
the Indians were at first afraid to venture on such an errand into the interior,
but the large reward overcame their fears, and they were carried to the cape
in Escalante's vessel, escorted by Ordaz in two other craft manned by fifty
men. Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 20, thinks there could be no danger for
messengers. ' Escondieron [the letter] a vno entre los cabellos, que trahian
largos y trenzados, rebucltos, a la cabeca: y embi6 los dos nauios de menos
porte .... con veynte ballesteros, y escopeteros . . . . y que el menor boluiesse a
dar cuenta de lo que auian hecho. ' Jlerrera, dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. vi. ; Peter
Martyr, dec. iv. cap. vi. ' Envio un bergantin 6 cuatro bateles .... que esper-
arien cinco dias, e no mas.' Tapia, Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 556.
Las Casas, Hist, hid., iv. 459, states that the cacique of Cozumel, eager to
communicate freely with Cortes, sent messengers to the lord owning one of
the captives, and asked him to sell or lend the man. Cortes at first proposed
to rescue the captive with an armed force, but the cacique suggested a ransom
as more effective. Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 70; Landa, fiel. de Yuc., 24-6.

80 THE VOYAGE.

cupied men in military exercise. The islanders were
highly entertained, and thought the animals giant deer
and the ships water-houses. In return they gave the
strangers cause for wonderment not unmixed with
wrath; for this was a sacred island, in a heathen sense,
and thither, from distant parts, resorted pilgrims with
offerings for sanguinary shrines. And when one feast-
day the priests of Baal, within their temple, arose
before the people and called upon the gods of their
fathers, the excited Spaniards could not contain them-
selves; Cortes stood forth and preached his religion
to the indignant savages, but failing in the desired
effect, the Spaniards rushed upon the idols, hurled
them from their seats, and planted in their place the
emblem of their faith.13

In due time Ordaz returned without the lost
Christians, greatly to the disappointment of Cortes,
who desired them particularly for interpreters. The
fleet then set sail, but was obliged to return, owing
to the leaky condition of Escalante's vessel. While
engaged upon repairs one day, the Spaniards being
encamped upon the shore, a canoe was seen approach-
ing the harbor from the mainland. Andres de Tapia
and others hastened to the landing, where presently
the boat arrived, and four tawny undressed figures
stepped upon the shore. One was bearded, and his
form a little bent, and as he advanced before the
others there was eager questioning in the piercing
glance he threw about him. Presently he cried out
in ill-articulated speech, " Senores, sois cristianos ? "
On being assured that they were, he dropped upon

13 Two carpenters, Alonso Yafiez and Alvaro Lopez, claim the honor of
having raised the first cross for the church in New Spain. To this the natives
made no great objection, the cross having already with them a religious
significance; and surely the sanctified effigy of the benign Mary was a more
beautiful object to look upon than their idols. See Native Races, iii. 468-70. In
one of the temples ' auia vna cruz de cal tan alta como diez palmos.' Gomara,
Hist. If ex., 24. Las Casas objects to the compulsory mode of conversion used
by Cortes and his holy company, and devotes a long paragraph to depicting
the folly and evil thereof. Hist. Intl., iv. 4G0-2, 470. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Vcr-
dad., IS, describes the idolatrous rite, and Prescott, Mex., i. 239-71, speaks
of Cortes as a reformer.

THE LOST CHRISTIANS. 81

his knees, and with tears falling from uplifted eyes
thanked God for his deliverance. Tapia saw it at a
glance; this was one of the captives. Hastily step-
ping forward, he caught the uncouth object in his
arms, raised him from the ground with a tender em-
brace, and conducted him to camp.u But for the
beard it would have been difficult, from his outward
appearance, to believe him a European. Naturally
of a dark complexion, he was now bronzed by ex-
posure, and entirely naked except for a breech-cloth
and sandals. His crown was shorn, and the remain-
ing hair braided and coiled upon the head.15 In his
hand he carried a net containing, among other things,
a greasy prayer-book. On being presented to Cortes
he seemed dazed, scarcely knowing whether to call
himself savage or civilized. At best he could not
all at once throw himself out of the former and into
the latter category; for when his Indian' companions
squatted themselves before the captain-general, and
with the right hand, moistened by the lips, touched
the ground and then the region of the heart in token
of reverence, impelled by habit he found himself doing
the same. Cortes was touched. Lifting him up, he
threw over the naked Spaniard his own yellow mantle,

14 This is the substance of Tapia's own account. Relation, in Icazbalceta,
Col. Doc, ii. 556-7. Others differ somewhat in the number of Indians who
arrive in the canoe, in the mode of addressing Tapia, and other points. Ac-
cording to Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 19, some soldiers out hunting report
the approach of the canoe, whereupon Cortes sends Tapia to ascertain its ob-
ject. Seven Indians of Cozuniel land, and, on seeing the Spaniards advance,
are about to flee in alarm, but one of them reassures the rest, and calls out,
' Dios, y Santa Maria, y Sevilla.' While he is embraced by Tnpia, a soldier
rushes to announce the news to Cortes. According to Gomara, Hist. Max., 20,
it is meal-time and first Sunday in Lent when the news of a canoe with four
Indians is brought. The fleet had been prevented by a storm from sailing
on the previous day.

15 This was a common form of Maya hair-dress. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. ,
19, and some others describe him as shorn like a slave; but this man appears
to have risen from that condition. He gives him an extra pair of sandals,
hanging at the waist, a dilapidated mantle or cloth — called a net by Herrera —
wherein is tied a thumbed prayer-book, and upon the shoulder he places an
oar. This oar is brought into camp by almost every writer, regardless of the
fact that it did not belong to him and could no longer be of use. Gomara,
Jusf. Mex., 29, gives him bow and arrows. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 401,
remarks that in the prayer-book was kept an account of time, which marked
this day as a Wednesday, while it really was Sunday.

Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 0

82 THE VOYAGE.

lined with crimson. He asked his name, and the man
said he was Geronimo de Aguilar, ordained in minor
orders, a native of Ecija, and relative of the Licen-
ciado Marcos de Aguilar, known to Cortes in Es-
panola. He and Gonzalo Guerrero, a sailor and a
native of Palos, were the sole survivors of the ex-
pedition which, nearly eight years before, had left
Darien for Espanola, under Valdivia, whose ship-
wreck and horrible fate I have elsewhere detailed.16

If backward at the beginning in the use of his tongue,
Aguilar talked well enough when started, giving his
thrilling experiences in words which filled his lis-
teners with amazement. On escaping from the lord of
Maya, who had eaten Valdivia and the others with the
same relish that the Cyclops ate the companions of
Ulysses, the survivors threw themselves on the mercy
of a neighboring cacique called Ahkin Xooc. He with
his successor, Taxmar, enslaved them, and treated
them so severely that all died but himself and the
sailor, Guerrero. There is a law of relativity which
applies to happiness and misery, no less than to mental
and physical consciousness. By ways widely different
these two men had saved themselves; the former by
humility and chastity, the latter by boldness and
sensuality. Securing services under Nachan Kan,
cacique of Chetumal, the sailor adopted the dress and
manners of the people, rapidly rose in favor, became
the chief captain of his master, married a woman of
rank, and began to rear a dusky race; so that when
the messengers of Cortes arrived he declined to be
ransomed.17 Then blushing beneath. his tawny skin
the sanctified Aguilar went on to tell of his own
temptations and triumphs, in which he had been as
lonely as was Ethan Brand in hugging the unpardon-

16 See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 350, this series.

17 Aguilar intimated another reason why Guerrero remained, that he had
taken part in the fights against Cordoba and Grijalva at Potonchan, which
i.s very doubtful. Then it is said that his face was tattooed and his lips turned
down, and when Aguilar besought him to go the children clung to him, and
the wife first begged, and then threatened, to make Aguilar desist. Cbgolludo,
Hist. Yuccdhan, 23; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Vcrdad., 18-19; Torquemada, i. 370.

ADVENTURES OF AGUILAR. 83

able sin. So sublime had been his patience and his
piety under the drudgery at first put upon him, that he
too rose in the estimation of his master, who was led
to entrust him with more important matters. For in all
things pertaining to flesh and spirit he acted with so
much conscientiousness that Taxmar, a stranger to those
who loved virtue for its own sake, suspected the motives
that inspired his captives. To test his wonderful in-
tegrity, for he had noticed that Aguilar never raised
his eyes to look upon a woman, Taxmar once sent
him for fish to a distant station, giving him as sole
companion a beautiful girl, who had been instructed
to employ all her arts to cause the Christian to break
his vow of continency. Care had been taken that
there should be but one hammock between them, and
at night she bantered him to occupy it with her; but
stopping his ears to the voice of the siren, he threw
himself upon the cold, chaste sands, and passed the
night in peaceful dreams beneath the songs of heaven.18
Cortes smiled somewhat sceptically at this and like
recitals, wherein the sentiments expressed would have
done honor to Scipio Africanus; nevertheless, he was

18 This is in substance the adventures of Aguilar, as related at length in Her-
reixi, dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. vii.-viii., followed by Torquemada, i. 370-72, and Cogol-
ludo, Hist. Yucathan, 24-9, and prettily, though hastily, elaborated in Irving'*
Columbus, iii. 290-301, and other modern writers. On reaching Catoche and
finding Ordaz gone, he proceeded to Cozumel, in the hope of finding some of
the Spaniards. ' Era Aguilar estudiante quando passo a las Indias, y hombre
discreto, y por esto se puede creer qualquiera cosa del,' concludes Herrera,
as if suspecting that the version may be questioned. Prudence is shown in the
care with which he gradually accustomed himself to the change of food and
fmbitsonagain joining the Spaniards. Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. vi., relatesthat
Aguilar's mother became insane on hearing that her son had fallen among can-
nibals— who brought her the news it is hard to guess — and whenever she beheld
flesh roasting, loud became the laments for his sad fate. This is repeated in
G'omara, Hist. Mex., 22; Martinez, Hist. Nat. Nueva Esp., ii. xxiv. Her-
rera, who cannot avoid mixing in all the romance possible, makes him search
for means to cross the strait. He finds at last a leaky canoe half buried in the
sand, and in this frail skiff he and the Indian companion presented by his late
master managed to gain the island. Others give him Cortes' messengers for
companions. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 18, very reasonably permits him to
hire a canoe with six rowers, for he has beads to pay for it, and canoes would
not be wanting, since the island was a resort for pilgrims, particularly at this
very time. Mendieta, Hist. Ecfes., 175-76, fails not to recognize, in the com-
pulsory return of the fleet to Cozumel, and in the finding of Aguilar, the hand
of God; and Torquemada, i. 370, eagerly elaborates the miraculous features in
the appearance of this Aaron, who is to be the mouth-piece of his Moses.

84 THE VOYAGE.

exceedingly glad to secure this man, even though he
had been a little less chaste and brave and cunning"
than he represented himself to be. He found him
not only useful but willing, for this humble holy man
was a great fighter, as he had said, and was very
ready to lead the Spaniards against his late master,
though pledged to peace and friendliness.

Early in March19 the fleet again sailed, and after
taking shelter from a gale behind Punta de las Mu-
jeres for one or two days, passed round Catoche and
along the Yucatan coast, hugging the shore to note
its features, and sending forth a growl of revenge
on passing Potonchan. Boca de Terminos was now
reached, whither Escobar had been sent in advance
to explore, and within the entrance of a little harbor,
to which a boat's crew was guided by blazings, a
letter was found, hidden in a tree, from which cir-
cumstance the harbor was named Puerto Escondido.
The letter reported a good harbor, surrounded by
rich lands abounding in game; and soon after the
fleet met the exploring vessel, and learned of the im-
portant acquisition to the expedition in Grijalva's
lost dog.20 Off Rio de Tabasco the fleet came to
anchor, and the pilots knowing the bar to be low,
only the smaller vessels entered the river. Remem-
bering the friendly reception accorded Grijalva, the
Spaniards were surprised to find the banks lined with
hostile bands, forbidding them to land. Cortes there-
fore encamped at Punta de los Palmares, on an island
about half a league up the river from the mouth, and

19 Bernal Diaz says the 4th, which is rather close reckoning, according to
his own account, for two days are required to reach Cozumel from Cape San
Antonio, nine days are consumed by Ordaz in waiting for the captives, and
four days for repairing Escalante's leaky vessel. This alone brings us from
February 18th, the date of leavxng Cape San Antonio, to March 5th, without
counting a probable day or two for preparing, starting, and returning.

20 A greyhound bitch, really of great service to the hunters. Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 20, starts Escobar from Punta de las Mujeres. Vetanccrf,
Teatro 31ex., Pt. iii. 112. Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 29, while adopting on
hearsay the more general supposition that a missing vessel is found here, follows
Diaz in the account of the exploring vessel. Gomara, Hist. Mex. , 25-6, and
Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. xi. , evidently attributes the name Escondido to
the finding of the missing vessel.

BATTLE OF TABASCO. 85

not far from the capital of the ISTonohualcas, a large
town of adobe and stone buildings on the opposite
mainland, protected by a heavy stockade.21

In answer to a demand for water, the natives there-
about pointed to the river; as for food, they would
brin^ some on the morrow. Cortes did not like the
appearance of things; and when, during the night,
they began to remove their women and children from
the town, he saw that his work must begin here.
More men and arms were landed on the island, and
Avila was ordered to proceed to the mainland with
one hundred men, gain the rear of the town, and
attack at a given signal.22 In the morning a few
canoes arrived at the island with scanty provisions,
all that could be obtained, the natives said; and
further than this, the Spaniards must leave: if they
attempted to penetrate the interior, they would be
cut off to a man. Cortes answered that llis duty to
the great king he served required him to examine the
country and barter for supplies. Entering the vessels,
he ordered them to advance toward the town ; and in
the presence of the royal notary, Diego de Godo}^, he
made a final appeal for peace, as required by Spanish
law, casting upon the natives the blame for the
consequences of their refusal. The reply came in

21 Mille quingentorum passuum, ait Alaminus nauclerus, et domornm
quinque ac viginti millium .... egregie lapidibus et calce fabrefectae. ' Peter
Martyr, De Iimvlis, 14. 'A poco mas de media legua que subian por el,
(river) vieron vn gran pueblo con las casas de adoues y los tejados de paja, el
qual estaua cercado de madera, con bien gruessa pared y almenas, y troneras
para flechar. ' Halls and temples are also referred to : ' Mas no tiene vegente
y cinco mil casas.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 26-37. ' Punta de los Palmares
[v, here Grijalva also camped], que estava del pueblo de Tabasco otro media
legua.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 20. Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, 77,
follows Gomara and Martyr, in calling the pueblo Potonchan ; so does Helps,
Span. Conq., ii. 260-4, who frequently reveals the superficiality of his re-
searches. Brasseur de Bourbourg calls it Centla. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 58.
The stockade defences are described in detail in Soils, Hist. Mex., i. 93-4.

11 ' Mando poner en cada vn batel tres tiros.' Avila received one hundred
Soldiers, including ten cross-bowmen, and took a route leading across creeks
and marshes to the rear of the pueblo. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 20.
'Sefialo Cortes dos capitanes con cada cienticinquento Espafioles. Que fueron
Alonso di Auila, y Pedro de Aluarado. ' A ford was found half a league above
the camp. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 27; Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. vii., send3
one hundred and fifty men by different routes. The testimony favors the
supposition that Avila forded the river.

86 THE VOYAGE.

the form of yells, mingled with the noise of conchs,
trumpets, and drums, and a shower of arrows. The
Spaniards drove their prows forward into the mud.
The Indians crowded round in canoes to prevent their
landing. A well directed volley at once cleared the
way, and notified Avila to attack. Panic-stricken at
the strangeness and suddenness of it all, the natives
fell back, but rallied at the call of their leaders, and
poured a shower of arrows on the Spaniards as they
threw themselves into the water to wade ashore,
receiving them at the point of their lances as they
reached the bank. Tabasco's men were powerful and
brave. The charge of cowardice had been flung at
them by their neighbors for having been friendly with
the Spaniards on former occasions, and they were now
determined to vindicate their character for courage.
Once on solid ground the Spaniards rang their battle-
cry of "Sus, Santiago, & ellos!" Up, Santiago, and
at them! and drove the enemy within the stockade.
A breach was quickly made, and the defenders chased
some distance up the streets, where they made a stand,
shouting " La, la, calachoni ! " Strike at the chief ! At
this juncture Avila appeared. The natives saw the
day was lost to them, and they turned and fled.
The Spaniards did not pursue very far, but halted in
an open space, where three stately temples invited to
pillage, though little was found worth taking, except
some maize and fowl. During the action eighteen
Indians were killed and fourteen Spaniards wounded.23
In the formal taking of possession which followed, it
was noticed by those present that mention of the
name of Velazquez was significantly omitted.24

23 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. , 20, estimates that twelve thousand warriors
defended the town. He himself received a wound in the thigh. Gomara,
Hist. Mex., 29, leaves only four hundred in charge of the place. Peter
Martyr, dec. iv. cap. vii., allows the horses to share in the battle, and places
the warriors at four thousand. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 474, exaggerates,
of course, the Spanish excesses, but without giving definite statements.

2i 'Intetaba hacer lo que despues hizo,' says Vetancvrt, Teatro 3Iex., pt. iii.
112, in reference to the later effected independence of Velazquez. The mode
of taking possession is thus described : Advancing with drawn sword and
shield to a large ceiba-tree in the court-yard, Cortes struck it three times, and

BRAVERY OF THE NATIVES. 87

Next morning Alvarado and Francisco de Lu^c,
each with one hundred men, were sent by different
ways to reconnoitre and forage, with orders to return
before dark.25 Melchor, on being called to accompany
one of them, was missing. Presently his clothes
were discovered hanging on a tree, indicating that he
had gone over to the enemy. Lugo had advanced
not more than a league when, near a town called
Centla, he encountered a large body of warriors, who
attacked him fiercely and drove him back toward the
camp. Alvarado had meanwhile been turned by an
estuary from his course and in the direction of Lugo.
Hearing the noise of battle he hastens to the assist-
ance of Lugo, only to be likewise driven back by the
ever increasing hosts, and not until Cortes came to
the rescue with two guns did the enemy retire.26
The result, according to Bernal Diaz, was two of
Lugo's men killed and eleven wounded, while fifteen
Indians fell and three were captured.

Nor did the matter rest here. The captives told
Cortes that Tabasco, concerned at the arrival of so
large a fleet which augured hostile occupation, had
aroused the province, the assembled chiefs being also
urged by Melchor to manfully expel the invaders, as

announced that he took possession for the king, and would defend his right
against all comers. The soldiers thereupon shouted their approval, declaring
that they would sustain their captain in his challenge. Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 21. Zamacois compares this form with others used elsewhere.
Hist. Mrj., x. 988.

n The Carta del Ayunt. de Vera Cruz, in Cortes, Cartas, 15, refers to a
certain intercourse held with natives ; on the third day the exploring parties
start. This intercourse is spoken of by Gomara, Hist. Mex., 30, as the visit
of twenty leading men to promise food and presents, but really to spy. The
Spaniards were encouraged to enter the interior to barter food. Torquernada,
i. .,j>74 ; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 21. Alvarado, Avila, and Sandoval are
sent, each with eighty Spaniards and some Cuban carriers, to explore by three
routes, and to get supplies for payment only. Gornara, Hist. Mex., 31;
Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. xi. Three parties sent out. Tapia, lielacion,
in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 559. Four captains sent, with over two hundred
men. Carta Ayunt., loc. cit.

26 Gomara, Hist. Mex., 31, states that one of the captains took refuge in
a building in Centla town, and was there joined by the other two. All
three now retreat to camp, whither two fleet Cubans run for aid. Herrera,
Torquernada, and Brasseur de Bourbourg follow him. Before Cortes set out,
says Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 32, he had repelled an attack on his own
camp.

88 THE VOYAGE.

the people of Potonchan had done. To depart now
would leave a stain upon the generalship of Cortes in
the eyes of both Spaniards and Indians such as was
not to be thought of. There must be a battle fought
and won. To this end all the horses, cross-bows, fire-
locks, and guns were brought on shore. Thirteen of
the best horsemen27 were selected to form a cavalry
corps under the leadership of Cortes. The horses
were provided with poitrels having bells attached, and
the riders were to charge the thick of the enemy and
strike at the face. Ordaz was made chief of infantry
and artillery, the latter being in special charge of
Mesa.28 In order both to surprise the enemy and
secure good ground for the cavalry, Cortes resolved to
advance at once on Centla. It was annunciation
day, the 25th of March, when the army left camp and
stood before Centla, in the midst of broad maize and
cocoa fields, intersected by irrigation ditches. The
enemy were ready, their dark forms appearing in the
distance under an agitated sea of glistening iztli. The
cavalry now made a detour to gain their rear, while
the infantry marched straight on.29 Formidable as
was in truth the Spanish army, the unsophisticated
natives made light of it, and came gayly forward to
the combat in five squadrons, of eight thousand
warriors each,30 as Bernal Diaz says, " all in flowing
plumes, with faces painted in red, white, and black,
sounding drums and trumpets, and flourishing lances

-7 ' Senalo treze de acauallo,' who are named as Olid, Alvarado, Puertocar-
rero, Escalante, Montejo, Avila, Velazquez de Leon, Morla, Lares the good
horseman to distinguish him from another Lares, Gonzalo Dominguez, Moron
of PLzamo, and Pedro Gonzalez of Trujillo, Cortes 'being the thirteenth.
Bt rnalDiaz, Hist. Verdad., 22 ; Solis, Hist. Jle.c, i. 106, says fifteen horses, but
in the Carta del Ayunt. de V. Cruz, in Cortes, Cartas, 16, the number de-
creases to ten.

28 Gomara says the force mustered 500 men, 13 horses and 6 guns; Her-
rera, 400 men and 12 horses. The alferez was Antonio de Villaroel.

29 This was a favorite movement of CortCs, and as such Tapia and the Carta
del Ayunt. de V. Cruz accept it, while Bernal Diaz and most writers state
that the swampy ground required a circuit.

30 An estimate based probably upon the strength of the regular Aztec
Xiquipilli, with which the conquerors were soon to become acquainted. See
Native Races, ii. 425. Tapia even raises the number to six squadrons.- Rcla-
cion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 560.

THE HEAVENLY HORSEMAN. 89

and shields, two-handed swords, fire-hardened darts,
and slings, and every man protected by an armor of
quilted cotton." They would encircle these impudent
interlopers, and did they not fall fainting beneath their
brave yells and savage music, they would crush them
like flies. And by way of beginning, they sent forth
a cloud of arrows, stones, and charred darts, wounding
many and killing one, a soldier named Saldaha. The
Spaniards answered with their cross-bows and fire-
locks, and mowed the packed masses with their can-
non. The soft soil and ditches were less to the agile
Indian than to the heavily accoutred Spaniard.

It adds nothing to the honor of Spanish arms to
throw in at this juncture a miracle to terrify the
already half-paralyzed Indians, who might otherwise
prove too strong for their steel-clad assailants; but
the records compel me. While in the dire embrace
of heathen hordes, midst thrust and slash' and crash
of steel and stone, the enemy hewn down and driven
back only to give place to thrice the number, behold,
upon a gray -spotted steed, a heavenly horseman
appeared, and from a slight eminence overlooking the
bloody field he frowned confusion on the foe. The
heathen warriors were stricken powerless, enabling
the Spaniards to form anew; but when the horseman
vanished, the Indians rallied. Thrice, with the same
effect, the awful apparition came and went.31 Then

31 Cort6s, on coming up and being told of this, shouted, ' Onward, com-
panions! God is with us!' lidacioi/, in IcazbateHa, Col. Doc, ii. 559-GO.
Gomara, who fervently adopts the story, states that the rider was one of the
apostles, in the person of Morla. 'Todos dixeron, que vieron por tres vezes al
del cauallo rucio picado....y que era Santiago nuestro patron. Fernando
Cortes mas queriaquefuessesan Pedro, su especial auogado. . . .aim tambien los
Indios lo notaron . . . . De los prisioneros que se tomaro se supo esto. ' Hist.
Hex., 32-3. Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 72-3, gives arguments to
show that it could have been none other than Santiago, as the patron of Span-
iards. After a struggle with his pious fears, Bernal Diaz ventures to observe
that Gomara may be right, but ' I, unworthy sinner, was not graced to see
either of those glorious apostles.' Testimony was taken about the battle,
and had this occurred it would have been spoken of. ' I say that our vic-
tory was by the hand of our Lord Jesus Christ, for in that battle the Indians
were so numerous that they could have buried us with handfuls of earth.'
Hist. Verdad., 22-3. Las Casas scouts the story as a fabrication of Cortes,
written down by ' his servant Gomara,' in ' his false history. ' Jllst.Iud.,ivA77.

90 THE VOYAGE,

there were horsemen indeed, more real to the Span-
iards, but none the less spectral to the Indians. They
had been detained by the marshes intervening; and
now, with swords and helmets glittering, they rose
in the enemy's rear, and midst clang of arms and
shouts of Santiago y San Pedro, they threw them-
selves with terrible effect upon him. What could
the Indians do? Those that were not trampled or
cut to death turned and fled, and the Spaniards pos-
sessed the field. "And this was the first preaching
of the gospel in New Spain, by Cortes," remarks the
caustic Las Casas.32

The Spaniards drew up at a grove to return thanks
for this great victory. A large number of the enemy
were slain. Sixt}^ of their own number were wounded,
and two lay dead; eight horses had been scratched,
and their wounds were cauterized and anointed with
the fat of dead Indians.33 On returning to camp two

32 The bishop forgets the sermon before the idols cast down at Cozumel.

33 Two Spaniards fell, and over 800 Indians lay dead, so said their country-
men. Bernal, Diaz, Jlixt. Vcrdad., 22-3. Over 70 Spaniards were wounded,
and more than 300 Indians were slain in the pursuit alone. Over 100 men
fell sick from heat and bad water, but all recovered. Gomara, Hist. Mex. , 33.
Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. xi., allows no killed among the Spaniards, while
over 1000 Indians are laid low. Torqvemada, i, 375. Three Spaniards are
killed and GO wounded. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 113. The Ayunia
miento of Vera Cruz, in its letter to the Emperor, 10 July, 1519, for obvious
reasons lowers the figures to twenty wounded Spaniards, of whom none died,
and to 220 dead Indians, out of 40,000 engaged. Cortes, Cartas, 17. Finally
comes Las Casas with the other extreme of 30,000 souls, said to have been
cruelly slaughtered in this first great battle of Cortes. Hist. Ind., iv. 477.
Quite a list of misdeeds are here raked up, or invented rather, against
the Spaniards in the West-Indisclte Spieghel, Amsterdam, 1624, a curious little
quarto, designed for Dutch traders in America, and dedicated to their West
India Company. The author is called Athanasium Inga. ' Peruaen, uyt Cusco
gheboren, die dit alles, soo door onder vindinghe als door transpositie en overset
tinghe sijnder Voor-Ouderen, hier te Lande ons overghedraghen heeft,; says
Wachter, in the preface. The volume opens with a lengthy description of the
Antilles, but the remaining text is wholly devoted to the Spanish colonies on the
main, mingled without order, and interspersed with special chapters on navi-
gation and coast routes for the benefit of traders. Beside the usual descrip-
tion of physical and political geography, with particular reference to natural
resources and aboriginal customs, several voyages are described, mainly to
point out sailing directions and the progress of discovery, while the conquest
period is told with some minuteness, but garbled with the idea of exposing
the avarice and cruelty of the hated Spaniards. This is also the object of
nearly all the neatly engraved copper- plates. The map extends Hudson
Bay very close to the Pacific coast, where a faintly outlined strait is visible
some distance above California Island. The part relating to Mexico, includ-

CORTES INSTRUCTS THE NATIVES. 91

of five captives, leading men, were sent with presents
to the cacique to represent the danger of further hos-
tility, and to propose a council of peace. Tabasco was
very ready to lay down arms, and he sent a propitia-
tory offering of fowl, fried fish, and maize bread by
messengers with blackened faces and dressed in rags.
Cortes answered with a reprimand, "Tell your master,
if he desires peace he must sue for it, and not send
slaves." Tabasco hastened to comply, and sent imme-
diately to Cortes an embassy of forty chiefs, richly
clad and walking in stately procession, followed by a
file of slaves bearing presents. Low bowing before
the bearded assembly, and swinging before them the
censer in token of reverence, the ambassador implored
pardon, and proffered submission. " The blame is all
your own," said Cortes, with severity. The Indians
acquiesced, though it puzzled them to know for what
they were to blame. Cortes further informed them
that the great king, his master, had sent him to
scatter blessings, if they were found deserving ; if not,
to let loose upon them the caged lightning and the
thunder which he carried. Whereat the gun charged
for the occasion was fired, and as the noise rever-
berated over the hills and the ball went crashing
through the trees, the Indians fell prostrate with
fear, and the noble Europeans were proud of their
superiority.

Reassured against further punishment, the next
trick played upon them was to tie a mare in the
bushes in sight of a stallion which they paraded be-
fore their visitors; and when he neighed and reared
and plunged to get to his mate, the natives were told
that the great beast was angry because of the peace
that was being made, and only further gifts would
pacify him.

ing some brief references to Central America, occupies about one third of the
volume, and treats chiefly of the Conquest. The book is remarkable for its
black-letter text, with marginals in the same type, and for its title-page, with
the figures of ' Montenchuma ' and 'Atabaliba' surrounded by battle-scenes
and Indian industrial operations.

22 THE VOYAGE.

On the following morning Tabasco presented him-
self in person, attended by a large retinue, and bring-
ing presents, among which were some gold ornaments
of little value and twenty female slaves. The terms
dictated by Cortes were that they should return their
women and children to the village within two days, in
token of their good faith, and that the treacherous
Melchor should be delivered up. But the unfortunate
interpreter had already suffered death in return for his
bad advice. It was useless to demand gold, for there
was little or none here. So they proceeded at once
to expound the doctrines of their faith; to lay before
them the truths of the gospel which they had come
so far to bring. An altar was erected in the chief
temple on which was placed a large cross. From this
altar Father Olmedo preached to the natives, and
here were baptized the first converts to the church
in New Spain, consisting of the twenty female slaves,
who were afterward distributed among the leaders.
Then followed the ceremonial tender of allegiance by
the chiefs of Tabasco's province to the Spanish king,
and the formal naming of the large town, which was
called Santa Maria de la Victoria, in commemoration
of the victory.34

Palm Sunday being at hand, it was resolved to
celebrate it in such a manner as to further impress
the natives. Attired in their most brightly colored
garments, with palms in their hands and banners aloft,

34 ' Y pusose nombre a aquel pueblo, Santa Maria de la Vitoria, e assi se
llama agora la villa de Tabasco.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 24. ' Potan-
chanum dicitur ab accolis oppidum .... Yictoriam nostri appellarunt. ' Peter
Martyr, De Fnsvlis, 14; copied in Gomara, Hist. Mex., 36. Referring to the
battle of Centla,'Clavigero writes: ' e per niemoria vi fondarono poi una pic-
cola citta col nome della Madonna delta Vibtoria, la quale su per lungo tempo
la capitale di quella Provincia .... Si spopolo del tutto verso la meta del secolo
passato. ' A later foundation received the name of Villahermosa. Storia, Mess. ,
iii. 11. This is based on a statement by Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 22, and
to reconcile this with the note above, it must be supposed that the Nonohualca
capital was removed to the site of the battle-field when the Spaniards settled.
Other authors either confound the points or avoid them by a vague reference.
Victoria was founded by Cortes in 1519. Ateedo, Die, v. 305. It is strange
that the chief town is not referred to under its native name, for Potonchan
is evidently a mistake by Peter Martyr.

PUERTOCARRERO'S PLEASANTRY. 93

the Spaniards marched in solemn procession, to har-
monious chants, about the temple; and when these
doughty men of war humbled themselves before the
symbols of their faith, the wondering heathen thought
that great indeed must be the god worshipped by
such beings. After commending the sacred emblems
to the care of the chiefs, with a promise to send holy
men to teach them the true faith, and with assurances
of royal protection, the Spaniards bade the Nonohual-
cas farewell, and were shortly on their way again.

. Keeping close to the shore for purposes of observa-
tion, the several places observed and named by Grijalva
were pointed out to Cortes and commented upon by
those who had accompanied the former expedition.
Certain of the new captains took umbrage at this
assumption of superior knowledge, accompanied by
liberal proffers of advice; and one of them, the polished
Puertocarrero, broke out in a strain of pleasant sar-
casm. " It seems to me, senor," he said, taking the
incidents of a well-known romance for his text, "as
if these gentlemen would enlighten you, in the words
of the father of Montesinos:

Behold France, Montesinos;
Behold Paris, the city;
Behold the waters of Douro,
Where they fall into the sea !

Now I would humbly suggest that your worship
yourself should seek out rich lands and learn to
govern them wisely." Catching the significance of
the words, Cortes replied: "Let God only grant su^
cess to our arms, as he did to Paladin Roldan, and
with such gentlemen as yourself to aid me I shall well
know what to do."

Gliding past islas Blanca and Verde, the fleet
anchored behind San Juan de Ulua late on Thursday
in passion week.

CHAPTER VII.

WHAT MONTEZUMA THOUGHT OF IT.

Home of Mexican Civilization — The Border Land of Savagism — Con-
figuration of the Country — The Nahuas and the Mayas — Toltecs,
Chichimecs, and Aztecs — The Valley of Mexico — Civil Polity of
the Aztecs — King Ahuitzotl — Montezuma Made Emperor — Charac-
ter of the Man — His Career — The First Appearing of the Span-
iards not Unknown to Montezuma — The Quetzalcoatl Myth-
Departure of the Fair God — Signs and Omens concerning his Re-
turn— The Coming of the Spaniards Mistaken for the Fulfilment
of the Prophecy — The Door Opened to the Invader.

Before entering upon the crusade which was so
painfully to affect the destinies of this vast interior,
let us cast a brief glance upon the country and its
inhabitants, and particularly on that idiosyncrasy of
the aboriginal mind which opened the door to the
invaders. The first two subjects are fully treated in
the first, second, and fifth volumes of my Native Races
of the Pacific States to which I would refer the reader,
being able here to give only an outline of what in
detail is an exceedingly interesting phase of indigenous
development.

This development awoke to consciousness in the
forms of the Nahua and Maya civilizations, the former
occupying the northern portion of that tropical table-
land which rises to salubrious heights between latitudes
22° and 11°, and the latter the southern portions.
Round the opaque lowland edges of this heaven-en -
lightened interior the mind of man seemed also dark

o

and low, dwarfed by sandy sweeps, or overshadowed
by redundant foliage; yet it was not altogether free
from the influence of its neighbors, for the people of

(94)

EARLY NATIONS OF THE TABLE LAND. 95

the tierras calientes bordering this elevation were
further removed from savagism than their more
northern and southern brethren. The valley of
Mexico, the Anahuac of the Aztecs, was situated
between the two principal ranges, the Pacific branch
and the Atlantic branch of the Sierra Madre, under
which name the great cordillera here presents itself,
coming in from the north-west, flattening1 near the
centre, and reuniting before reaching Tehuantepec.
Eventually Anahuac overspreads the whole plateau.
Cross the continent on the nineteenth parallel and
you will reach the greatest elevation and see the
highest mountains in this vicinity. Indeed, from the
plain of Puebla, whereabout lay the walled town of
Tlascala, you may take in Popocatepetl, Iztaccihuatl,
and Orizaba at one view. Within seventy leagues
from Vera Cruz inland, through the temperate valley
of Orizaba, you may pass from a region of palms to a
region of pines. The plains of Tabasco, upon whose
border we have already landed and fought our battle,
form the north-eastern part of the broad isthmus
valley of Tehuantepec. This is bordered on the south
by the sierra connecting the elevation of Anahuac
with the table-land of Guatemala, whose western
declivity breaks into parallel wooded ridges running
due south-west. North of Anahuac the surface settles
into wide plains between short sierras, until monot-
onous quietude is attained in the prairies of Texas
and New Mexico. Crossing the isthmus of Tehuan-
tepee at a diminished altitude the cordillera rises
again and stretches out into the broad and lofty
ranges of Central America, where the Maya nations
made their home.

Earliest among the Nahua nations to stand forth
upon the mythic record are the Toltecs, whose first
supremacy in Anahuac is placed in the sixth century.
Endowed by tradition with a culture surpassing that
of their successors, the halo surrounding their name
has been kept bright by monuments, such as the

96 WHAT MONTEZUMA THOUGHT OF IT.

pyramids of Teotihuacan and Cholula. For five cen-
turies this people flourish, sustained by a confedera-
tion of kings whose capitals become in turn famous
as seats of learning and of imperial splendor. Relig-
ious strife, developing gradually into civil war, with
attendant famine and pestilence, opens the door to
ruder tribes, and the Toltecs pass off the stage.
Throwing off the Toltec veil so long shielding them,
a number of tribes now rise into distinct political
existence, and the stronger, in connection with some-
what ruder yet more energetic incomers, form the
new ruling combination, the Chichimec empire. Of
the leading power, denominated the Chichimec,
nothing is known; but the permanency of Nahua
language and civilization leads to the supposition that
it is of the same race as its predecessors. In later
times the name is also applied to the wild border
tribes of the north. For several centuries Anahuac
becomes the scene of intrigues and struggles between
the different branches of the combination for the
balance of power, during which a number of towns
figure as dominating centres, and a number of tribes
rise to prominence under the traditional term of
conquerors and immigrants. Among these are the
Aztecs, the representative nation of the Nahua civil-
ization at the coming of the Spaniards.

Upon opposite sides of the largest of a cluster
of lakes which illuminate the oval valley of Mexico
have stood, since the beginning of the fourteenth
century, three cities, Tezcuco, Mexico, and Tlacopan,
capitals of three confederate nations, the Acolhuas,
the Aztecs, and the Tepanecs. To the first belonged
the eastern portion of the valley, to the second the
southern and western, and to the third a small
portion of the north-west. Of this confederation,
Tezcuco was for a time the most powerful; Tlacopan
was least. While keeping to their respective limits
within the valley, beyond its classic precincts the
three powers made common cause against the barba-

AZTEC SUPREMACY. 07

rians. About the middle of the fifteenth century,
under the warlike Montezuma I., Mexico attained
the supremacy, and during the next sixty years ex-
tended her empire to the shores of either ocean.
Within this circuit, however, were several nations
which she never conquered; instance the Tlascaltecs,
the Tarascos, and the Chiapanecs. Many there were
— for example, the people of Tehuantepec, of north-
ern Guatemala, and Soconusco, and the Miztecs and
Zapotecs of Oajaca, whose conquest by the Aztecs
was temporary — who either paid tribute for a time
only, or who threw off the yoke the moment the in-
vader's back was turned. The Matlaltzincas, west of
the lakes, and the Huastecs and Totonacs of Vera
Cruz, were subjugated but a few years prior to the
appearing of the Spaniards. These coast -dwellers
had not yet become reconciled to the rule of the in-
terior lords, but hated them as inveterate foes; and
herein lay one of the chief causes of success accom-
panying the Castilian arms. Indeed, Aztec suprem-
acy was maintained in every quarter only by constant
war; rebellion, as soon as checked in one quarter,
breaking out in another. Further than this, the
Aztecs, by their overbearing spirit, had become ob-
noxious to their allies; yet their aggressive policy
was continued in full force by the predecessor of
Montezuma II., Ahuitzotl, with whom war was an
absorbing passion.

In the civil polity of the Aztecs were elements
which, if given free play, would by elevating the
people raise the nation yet higher in the scale of
domination. This did not escape the observant
neighbors, upon whom the prospect fell with chilling
fear, a fear by no means mitigated by the ever in-
creasing tendency of the Mexicans for the immola-
tion of human beings. Nor were the Aztec nobles
pleased to see political power slipping from their
grasp and falling into the hands of the people, among
whom the spirit of republicanism and equality was

Hist. Me;... Vol. I. 7

93 WHAT MONTEZUMA THOUGHT OF IT.

regarded as having already gained too great ascend-
ancy. The result was a struggle, not unlike that at
the same time going on in Europe, between the nobil-
ity and the commonalty, the clergy taking sides with
the former. And at the death of Ahuitzotl the
higher class succeeded in raising to the throne a
person of extreme aristocratic and religious tastes,
though humble withal, as Coriolanus could not be, to
catch the common herd ; for when tidings of his elec-
tion were brought him he was found sweeping the
temple.

Montezuma, he was called, and surnamed Xocoyo-
tzin, the younger, to distinguish him from the first
Montezuma, known as Huehue, the elder. He was
the son of Axayacatl and Xochicueitl, and nephew
of the late king; and had reached only his thirty-
fourth year when selected for the throne, in preference
to an elder brother. The reasons alleged for this
distinction were the possession of high qualities as
a warrior, whose braver}^ had been tested on more
than one field of battle ; as an adviser, whose words,
uttered in clear, dignified tones, had been heard in
the council with respect; and as high priest, whose
gravity and circumspection had won him favor among
all classes. Upon occasions he could observe the
taciturnity which so often attracts a reputation for
wisdom; and, moreover, he possessed a fine figure and
a majestic presence, such as admirably suited the
monarch. He was proficient in astronomy, picture-
writing, and in certain esoteric branches, for which
he showed a natural bent; likewise, he was well read
in the history of his people, and familiar with all their
traditions.

This second Montezuma was a born prince, and
might have been a pattern for Niccolo Macchiavelli,
with whom he was contemporary. For, like the
Florentine's ideal, he was talented, learned, crafty,
and unscrupulous. Had he studied in his own lan-
guage that immaculate manual of political ethics, The

CHARACTER OF MONTEZUMA II. 99

Prince, he could not have more faithfully followed its
precepts. No sooner had he assumed the sceptre
than, throwing off the mask by which he had deceived
the plebeians, he dismissed every person of that class
employed about the palace, and filled all vacancies,
civil and military, from the ranks of the nobles. He
applied himself with energy to war and diplomacy,
in both of which he was eminently successful, and
raised himself and his throne to the highest pinnacle
of grandeur; whereupon he did not disdain the title of
Emperor of the World. Notwithstanding his talents
and accomplishments, he was exceedingly superstitious,
surpassing in this respect many of his followers, and
was dependent on diviners and astrologers, appeal-
ing also to the counsels of Nezahualpilli and other
prominent personages. Men, whom he knew, he did
not fear; but the gods, whom he did nQt know, he
feared exceedingly. And because he practised human
sacrifice to propitiate them he has been called cruel,
but the actions of a blind devotee of religion must
not be measured by a too critical standard. There was
nothing cruel in the wish of Caligula, however hate-
ful and vindictive it might be, that the Roman people
had but one head, so that he might strike it off at a
single blow; but when he tortured men and women
for amusement while at his meals, that was the
quintessence of cruelty. As for honor, integrity, and
all those virtues which go to make a man, we must
not expect them in princes or in politicians; yet we
may safety say that in all the generous qualities of
mind and heart the Aztec monarch was no whit
behind contemporary European rulers.

From all which it is safe to say that Montezuma,
though most magnificent and lordly among his lords,
was not popular with the masses, and his position at
this juncture was not of the safest. His extravagance
exceeded all bounds; his continuous wars were expen-
sive ; and to meet the heavy draughts upon the treas-
ury required excessive taxation. This was made to

100 WHAT MONTEZUMA THOUGHT OF IT.

weigh with special heaviness on the subjugated prov-
inces, on which likewise was laid with peculiar aggra-
vation the horrible burden of furnishing victims for
human sacrifices. The successful resistance to his
arms of several states enclosed by his conquests, or
bordering on his domain, caused him no small un-
happiness. There was the little republic of Tlascala,
on the very border of the Mexican valley, which
often he had tried to conquer, and failed. Then
there was the Tarascan kingdom of Michoacan, on
the western side, whose people boasted as high a
culture as any of the lake region, which stood firm
against all efforts of the confederation.

With nations beyond their border little intercourse
existed, yet Aztec traders, likewise playing spies, were
often as far south as Nicaragua, and along: the coasts
of Honduras and Yucatan. There is no doubt, there-
fore, that the presence in those parts of the Spaniards
was known to Montezuma from the first. It might
have been like a voice from behind the clouds, the re-
ports of Columbus and Pinzon, but the appearing of
Cordoba and Grijalva, who talked and drew blood,
was something more tangible. The people of Tuito,
on the west coast of Mexico, held that before the con-
quest a vessel was lost there, from which had landed
more than forty persons, dressed like Spaniards, and
whom the natives received kindly, but finally slew
because they insisted on the worship of the cross.1 A
box thrown up by the waves, and containing peculiar
clothing, gold rings, and a sword which no one could
break, was said to have been in Montezuma's posses-
sion. Vague as were these appearings, there was
something painfully portentous in them.

1 When Francisco Cortes entered the town, shortly after the fall of
Mexico, he was met by a body of Indians with their hair tonsured like priests, and
with crosses in their hands, headed by the chief in flowing white gown and
scapulary. This, they explained, had been the practice of the shipwrecked
crew, who had held up the cross as a recourse from all danger. Frejcs, Hist.
Coiiq.t 63-4. This authority places implicit reliance in the story, and regards
the strangers as a missionary party driven from the East Indies or China.
Jalisco, Mem. Hist., 30-2.

THE FAIR GOD. 101

For the chief divinity of the Nahua nations was
Quetzalcoatl, the gentle god, ruler of the air, con-
troller of the sun and rain, and source of all prosperity.
In the palmy days of the Toltecs he had been their
king, the creator of their golden age, giving them
metals, improved government, and products of spon-
taneous growth; after which he was their god, with
his chief shrine at Cholula, where surrounding peoples,
even those inimical to the city, maintained temples for
his worship. From toward the rising sun Quetzalcoatl
had come; and he was white, with large eyes, and
long black hair, and copious beard. After a final rule
of twenty years at Cholula he set out for the country
whence he came, and on reaching the seaboard of Go-
azacoalco he sailed away on a craft of snakes. His last
words were that one day bearded white men, brethren
of his, perhaps he himself, would come by way of the
sea in which the sun rises, and would enter in and
rule the land;2 and from that day, with a fidelity be-
fitting Hebrews waiting the coming of their Messiah,
the Mexican people watched for the fulfilment of this
prophecy, which promised them a gentle rule, free
from bloody sacrifices and oppression; but to their
sovereign the thought gave rise to deep apprehension,
for then his own reign must terminate.

Thus it was that the tidings of strange sails and
bearded white men on their eastern border were re-
ceived at the gay capital with mingled fear and joy.

And marvel-mongers went about the streets talking

-» ^ . . °

oi the good Quetzalcoatl and his pedigree, of the signs

and wonders that had been seen, the prodigies, oracles,

and occult divinations, as in ancient Athens the old

families of Olympus, with their ape-gods and bull-gods

of Memphis, and the dog-headed monster Anubis,

were discussed ; and as for Rome, Lucan has recorded

2 See Native Races, iii. and v. , 25-6, for the myths relating to Quetzalcoatl,
and to their interpretation, in which occur the characters of the Messiah and
the apostle Saint Thomas, with whom some pious chroniclers have identified
him. The Saint Thomas idea is advocated in Florencia, Hist. Prov. Comp.
de Jesus, 234.

102 WHAT MONTEZUMA THOUGHT OF IT.

no omens which the sages of Mexico could not now
match. To what extent the Spanish chroniclers have
assisted the natives in the manufacture of marvels
I leave the reader to judge, simply recommending
to his consideration the accompanying lengthy note;
neither, however, fell into the madness of Canute, who
chose the time the tide was rising, instead of when it
was falling, to order the stay of waters.

It was not alone in Mexico, but in distant parts,
and on the islands, that man and nature were thus
annoyed by the supernatural. There were found pre-
dictions centuries old, by priests widely separated, and
the poems of wise men, all pointing in the one direc-
tion. The destruction of towns was predicted by a phi-
losopher; the famine of 1505 spoke more plainly than
words; Popocatepetl, choked by consternation, failed
to emit his smoke for twenty days, which, however,
was a good omen; an eclipse and an earthquake near
together and the drowning of eighteen hundred sol-
diers were decidedly unfavorable. Most terrible of
all, however, were a three-headed comet in open day, a
pyramidal light at night, and other portentous scenes,
such as the furious uprising of the lake, the awaken-
ing of the dead, and visits to the spirit world.3

3 The natives of Espaiiola are said to have received an oracle shortly be-
fore Columbus' arrival, announcing the coming of bearded men, with sharp,
bright swords. Vittagvtierre, Hist. Gonq. Itza. , 33. The Yucatec records abound
in predictions to the same effect, more or less clear. The most widely quoted
is that of Chilam Balam, high-priest of Mani, and reputed a great prophet,
who foretold that, ere many years, there would come from the direction of
the rising sun a bearded white people, bearing aloft the cross which he
displayed to his listeners. Their gods would flee before the new-comers, and
leave them to rule the land; but no harm would fall on the peaceful who
admitted the only true God. The priest had a cotton mantle woven, to be
deposited in the temple at Mani, as a specimen of the tribute required by the
new rulers, and he it was who erected the stone crosses found by the Span-
iards, declaring them to be the true tree of the world. Cogolludo, Hist. Yu~
cathan, 99-101, gives the prophecy at length, which is not quite so clear as the
version which he afterward quotes from Herrera. The latter calls the priest
Chilam Cambal, and says : ' Esta f ue la causa que preguntauan a Francisco Her-
nandez de Cordoua, y a los suyos, si yuan de donde nacia el Sol. ' Dec. ii. lib.
iii. cap. i. Alaman enters into a profound argument on the above, and inter-
prets Chilam Cambal to be the Chinese for Saint Thomas. In seeking to give a
date he mistakes the meaning of a Yucatec age and places the prophecy back
at the beginning of the Christian era. The opening lines of the prophecy read,
* at the end of the thirteenth age, ' which should be interpreted ' at the end of

SIGNS CONCERNING QUETZALCOATL. 103

To us the most wonderful part of it is, not the
wonders themselves, but that it should so happen, if
indeed it did, that these fearful forebodings, running

two hundred and sixty years.' The name is also given as Chilam Balan and
Chilan Balam, the latter part savoring of the Canaanite divinity. Remesal,
Hist. Chyapa, 245-6; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 203-4. A priest of
Itzalan, named Patzin Yaxun Chan, is recorded as having urged his people to
worship the true god, whose word would soon come to them; and the high-
priest of the same place, Na Hau Pech, prophesied that within four ages — a
Yucatec age equals twenty of our years — news would be brought of the su-
preme God, by men who must be received as guests and masters. Ah Ku
Kil Chel, also a priest, spoke with sorrow of ills to come upon the people from
the north and from the east. In the age following the date of his prediction
no priest would be found to explain the will of their idols. Another temple
guardian announced that in the last age idolatry would cease, and the world
would be purified by fire. Happy he who repented ! Cogolludo, Hist. Yuca-
than, 97—101. Several prophecies therein quoted literally are reproduced in
Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza., 34-5, which also refers to Itzan predictions.

Among the Mexicans, says Mendieta, predictions were current some four
generations before the conquest of the coming of bearded men dressed in
raiments of different color, and with caskets on their heads. Then the idols
would perish, leaving but one supreme God; war would cease, roads would be
opened, intercourse established, and the husband would cherish but one wife.
Hist. Ecles., 180; Torquemada, i. 235-0. This smacks of an elaboration of
the Quetzalcoatl promise. Nezahualcoyotl, the wise Tezcucan monarch, who
died in 1472, left poems in which chroniclers have discovered vague allusions
to a coming race. The reader may, perhaps, be equally fortunate if he exam-
ine the specimens of his poems given in Natice Races, ii. 494-7. His son
Nezahualpilli, equally celebrated as a just king and a philosopher, versed in
the occult arts, revealed to Montezuma that, according to his astrologic
investigations, their towns would within a few years be destroyed and their
vassals decimated. This, he added, would soon be verified by celestial signs
and other phenomena. Duran, Hist, hid., MS., ii. 254-7. The precursor of
these harbingers of evil appears to have been the famine of 1505, which
compelled many a parent to sell his children for the means to obtain food,
while others lined the road-side with their famished bodies. The cessation of
smoke from the volcano Popocatepetl, for twenty days, was a feature seized
upon by the diviners as a sign of relief; and true enough, in the following
year, the suffering people were cheered with an abundant harvest. Soon
again their fears were roused by an eclipse and an earthquake, in the very
inaugural year of the new cycle, 1507, and by the drowning of 1800 soldiers
during the Miztec campaign. Almost every succeeding year confirmed their
apprehensions by one or more signs or occurrences of an ominous nature. One
of the most alarming was the appearance, in broad day, of a comet with three
heads, which darted across the sky, eastward, with such speed that the tails
seemed to scatter sparks. ' Salieron cometas del cielo de tres en tres .... pare-

cian echando de si brasas de fuego . . . . y llevaban grandes y largas colas. '

Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 170. ' Cay 6 una cometa, parecian tres estrellas. ' Saha-
gun, Hist. Conq., i. 4; Native Ra^es, v. 466. After this, in 1507 or 1510, a
pyramidal light, which scattered sparks on all sides, rose at midnight from
the eastern horizon till its apex reached the zenith, where it faded at dawn.
This continued for forty days, or for a year, according to some accounts. ' Diez
afios antes que viniesen los espafioles. . . . duro por espacio de un aiio cada
noche.' Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 3. ' Ocho afios antes de la venida de los
espafioles, . . . .y esto se vi6 cuatro afios.' Id., Hist. Gen., ii. 271. It occurred
in 1509, and lasted over forty days. Codex Tell. Rem., in King s'>o rough's Mex.
Antiq.,v. 154; vi. 144. The interpreter of the Codex enters into a lengthy

104 WHAT MONTEZUMA THOUGHT OF IT.

back for generations, should all converge toward the
coming of the brethren of Quetzalcoatl at the very
time the Spaniards appeared, and that the latter should

argument to prove it a volcanic eruption, one of his points being that the orig-
inal picture-writing places the light as appearing behind, or from, the mountains
east of the city. In 1510, Ixtl'dxochitl, Hist. Chich., 278, or year five, toxtli.
Codex CMmalpopoca, MS.; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 139. Torquemada, who
had no other authority for the preceding comet than Herrera, considered
that by the comet was meant this light, i. 234. Humboldt suggests that
the fiery pyramid may have been a zodiacal light. Astrologers announced
that it portended wars, famine, pestilence, mortality among the lords, every
imaginable ill, in fact, and causing one general cry of fear and lament.
Montezuma himself was so troubled that he applied for advice to Nezahual-
pilli, although they had not been on speaking terms for some time. This
royal astrologer showed his apprehensions by ordering all campaigns then
upon his hands to be suspended, and announced to his confrere that the
disasters in store would be brought upon the empire by a strange race.
Montezuma expressed his disbelief, and proposed a game of tlachtli to de-
cide the interpretation. As if resigned to the fate predicted for himself,
and desirous of showing how little he appreciated wealth and power, Neza-
hualpilli is said to have staked on the result his kingdom against three turkey-
cocks. The wager was not so hazardous, however, as it seemed, for the king
of Tezcuco was a good player. After allowing Montezuma to win the first two
points, and raising high his hopes, he stopped his exultation by scoring the rest
for himself. Still doubtful, Montezuma called on an astrologer famous for
his many true announcements, only to receive confirmation of Nezahualrnlli's
utterance, whereupon the irate monarch caused the house to be pulled down
over the diviner, who perished in the ruins. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich. , 278-9 ;
Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., iii. 345-7. Clavigero, who connects the game with a
comet, is quite earnest in asserting his belief in traditions and presages of the
coming of Spaniards, as attested by native paintings and by witnesses of
high standing. ' Se il Demonio pronosticava le futura calamita per ingannar
qu6 'miserabili Popoli, il pietosissimo Dio le annunziava per disporre i loro
spiriti al Vangelo. ' S tor ia Mess. , i. 288-9. According to Duran, the summon-
ing of Nezahualpilli was due to a comet with an enormous tail, which burst
upon the view of a temple-watcher as it rose in the east and settled above the
city. Montezuma, who had been roused to witness the phenomenon, called
on his sorcerers for an explanation, and on finding that they had seen
nothing, had them punished for their sloth. The wise Tezcucan then came and
presaged dire calamities, which would also afflict himself. He was resigned,
and would retire to await death. This was to be the last interview between
the two kings. Hist. hid. , MS . , ii. 274-85. Torquemada compares the comet to
that which, according to Josephus, lib. vii. cap. xii. , presaged the entry of Titus
into Judea. When Nezahualpilli returned to his palace, a hare ran into the
halls, pursued by eager domestics, but he bade them to leave it, saying that
even so would a strange people enter into Andhuac without resistance. Torque-
mada, i. 21 1-12, 214. Bernal Diaz speaks of a round sign in the eastern sky, of
a reddish green, to which was attached a streak extending eastward. The con-
sequent predictions of war and pestilence he finds fulfilled in the campaign of
Cortes, and in the smallpox epidemic introduced by Narvaez. Hist. Verdad.
(Paris ed. 1837), iv. 460-1. Among the accounts of celestial signs which
may be based on the preceding is one by Camargo, describing a brightness ob-
served in the east by the Tlascaltecs, three hours before dawn, accompanied by
a whirlwind of dust from the summit of Mount Matlalcueje. Remesal refers
probably to the same whirlwind under the guise of a white cloud, like a pillar,
which often appeared in the east before sunrise, and afterward descended upon
the cross erected in Tlascala by the Spaniards. The natives accepted this

PORTENTS AND PROPHECIES. 105

be in so many respects as the good gods themselves
were to have been. The prophecies of Isaiah are
dim indeed and unfathomable as compared with these.

as an intimation that the new-comers were heaven's chosen people, and
received the cross. Hist. C'/iyapa, 304; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 140. Gomara
appears to connect this eastern light with a thick smoke and with the
fiery pyramid, which were followed by a battle in the sky between bodies
of armed men, attended with great slaughter. Some of the courtiers sur-
rounding Montezuma while he observed this phenomenon, pointed out that
the arms and dress of the victorious faction resembled those in the chest
which had been washed up on the coast. He declared his conviction,
however, that they must be relics of his divine ancestors, not of mortal beings
who fell on a battle-field, as these forms appeared to do. He proposed, as a
test, that they should break the divine sword. This they tried, but in vain,
and remained mute with wonder at its flexibility and strength. Hist. Mex. , 214;
Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ix. Mendieta places this sign in 1511. Hist. Ecles.,
179. The last celestial sign, as described by Mendieta, is a large, brilliant
comet, which appeared the very year of the Spaniards' arrival, and remained
immovable in the air for several days. Hist. Ecles., 180. Before Nezahualpilli
returned to his capital, after interpreting the fiery signs, he was feasted by
Montezuma, and the two monarchs thereupon retired to the diviners' chamber
to search into the legends of their forefathers for further light upon the omens.
From this circumstance grew the story that the twain had made a journey to
the ancient home of their race. Nezahualpilli, being a conjurer, took Monte-
zuma through the air to the Seven Caves, where they conversed with the
brethren of their ancestors. On learning that the first named was a descend-
ant of the great Chichimecatl Xolotl, he was offered the government of this
region, but declined, promising, however, to return at a later date. Torque-
mada, i. 212-13. Duran applies'to the reign of Montezuma I. a similar story,
which is more appropriate to the present subject. Eager to acquaint his
ancestors with the glorious achievements of their progeny, and to learn some-
thing of the old home, this monarch sent a force of sixty sorcerers on a mission
to Chicomoztoc, with numerous presents for Coatlicue, the mother of the di-
vine Huitzilopochtli. Transforming themselves into animals, they reached
the sacred region occupied by some Aztecs whom the god had left behind
when he set out on his career of conquest. These venerable settlers were not
a little surprised to behold in the effeminate and ephemeral specimens before
them the descendants of that doughty leader and of his companions. On reach-
ing the abode of the divine mother, the sorcerers found an old woman sorrow-
ing over her lost son. The news of his glorious fate roused her interest, and
she was induced to reveal several prophecies by her son, among them one
concerning the coming of a strange people to wrest the land from the Mexicans.
The messengers were dismissed with presents of food and clothing, and re-
turned to their master with twenty of their number missing. Hist. Ind., MS. ,
i. 4G7-8G. Additional facts may be found in Native. Races, v. 422-4, etc.
Another visit to the spirit world is attributed to Papantzin, sister of Montezuma
II. , who, shortly after his accession, had married the lord of Tlatelulco. He
soon died, and after ruling for a few years she, in 1509, followed him to the
grave. She was buried with great pomp in her garden, in a vault closed by
a flag-stone. The next morning she was discovered sitting on the steps of the
bath adjoining the vault. Her niece, a child of five or six years, was the
first to notice her. Too young to understand what would frighten older
heads, she fearlessly approached the resurrected woman, and was told to
call Papantzin's mayordoma. This old dame, on receiving the summons,
thought it a child's prank, and would not stir, but at last she yielded, and
on seeing the form of her late mistress, swooned with fear. Others proved
more courageous, and carried her into the house. Papantzin now enjoined

106 WHAT MONTEZUMA THOUGHT OF IT.

To what end are signs that cannot be interpreted until
after the occurrence, as is generally the case, when
their interpretation is not needed, sages do not say.

silence, and wished to call Montezuma, but no one daring to appear before
the cruel and superstitious monarch, Nezahualpilli was summoned, and he
brought the brother with him to her dwelling, together with several attend-
ants. To them she related that, on being released from her earthly bonds,
she had entered a boundless plain, upon a road which soon divided into
several branches. On one side was a fiercely running stream, which she
attempted to cross, but was motioned back by a youth of tine stature,
dressed in a loose robe of dazzling whiteness. His face, bright as a star,
was of fair complexion, the eyes grey, and the forehead marked with a cross.
Taking her by the hand, he led her up the valley past heaps of dead men's
bones, from many of which rose the sound of lament. She also observed a
number of black persons, with horns and deer legs, building a house. As the
sun rose, large vessels could be seen ascending the river, bearing white and
bearded men in strange attire, with shining head-gear, and standard borne
aloft. They were children of the sun. The youth, in pointing them out, said
that God did not yet wish her to pass the river, which could never be recrossed,
but to wait and bear testimony to the faith coming with these men, who were
destined to wage great wars with her people and become their masters. The
lamenting bones were her forefathers — ' who had not received the faith,' is the
uncharitable term used by Torquemada — suffering for their evil deeds, and
the house building was to hold the bones of those slain in battle by the fair-
faced crews. She must return to earth, await these men, and guide her people
to baptism. On being restored to her senses from the death or trance, what-
ever her listeners chose to term it, she removed the stone from the vault and
returned to her chamber. Many of those present sneered at the story as orig-
inating in the brain of a sick woman, but Montezuma was more deeply moved
than he cared to show. He never again saw his sister, who lived a retired
life till the arrival of the Spaniards. She then came forward, the first woman
in Tlatelulco to receive baptism, and under the name of Maria Papantzin
rendered good aid in the missionary cause. This account, says Torquemada,
has been taken from old native paintings, translated and sent to Spain, and
was regarded as strictly true among the natives, Papantzin being well known
in the town. ' Esta Seiiora era del numero de los Predestinados, ' i. 23S-9.
Ixtlilxochitl, strangely enough, does not refer to the resurrection. According to
him, the mother of Ixtlilxochitl, king of Tezcuco, was the first woman bap-
tized, and this under compulsion from her husband. She received the name
of Maria. After her came Papantzin, now wife of this king, who was named
Beatriz. Cortes stood godfather to both. Sahagun refers briefly to the resur-
rection of a woman of Tenochtitlan, who issued, four days after her death,
from the garden vault where she had been deposited. Appearing before Mon-
tezuma, she announced that with him would cease the Mexican empire, for
other people were coming to rule and settle. This woman lived twenty-one
years after this, and bore another child. Hist. Gen., ii. 270-1. At this rate
she must have been alive when Sahagun arrived in the country; yet he fails
to speak of her as a princess. Boturini applies the story to a sister of King
Caltzontzin, of Michoacan, who died at the time the Spaniards were besieging
Mexico, and rose within four days to warn her brother not to listen to the
Mexican overtures for an alliance against the white invaders. The new-comers,
she said, were destined by heaven to rule the land, and a testimony hereof
would appear on the principal feast-day in the form of a youth, who, rising
in the eastern sky, with a light in one hand and a sword in the other, would
glide over the city and disappear in the west. This sign appearing, the king
did as she bade him, rejected the Mexican advances, and received the Span-
iards in peace. Catdlogo, 27-8. Clavigero censures Boturini's work, in this

THE SPANIARDS THE FAIR GODS. 107

But in this instance the testimony is abundant and
explicit that many of these prodigies were at the time
received, not only by Montezuma and his people, but

connection, as full of fables, and this after solemnly observing that the Papant-
zin incident ' fu pubblico, e strepitoso, acaduto in presenza di due Re, e della
Nobilta Messicana. Trovossi altresi rappresentato in alcune dipinture di
quelle Nazioni, e se ne mand6 alia Corte di Spagna un attestato giuridico.'
iStoria, Mess., i. 289-92. He places the baptism of Papantzin in 1524. Veytia,
Hist. Ant. Mcj. , iii. 348-52 ; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex. , pt. iii. 125-6. Torquemada
gives the story of what occurred in the spirit land in her own words ; so does
Clavigero, though he differs slightly. See also his English translation by
Cullen. As if in confirmation of her story, ominous signs became more numerous
than ever. The big lake of Mexico began to boil and foam without apparent
cause, the water rising high within the city and creating great damage. The
date generally accepted for this occurrence is 1509, but Mendieta, Hist. Ec/es.,
178, says 1499. The lake, like the sky, was connected with more than one
mysterious occurrence. A troop of Huatuscan conjurers arrived shortly after
this in the imperial city to exhibit tricks, in one of which they cut off their
hands and feet, disclosing bleeding stumps, and then replaced the members.
In order to test whether this was an illusion or not, the emperor ordered the
severed members to be thrown into boiling water before they were returned to
the performers. This unwarranted curiosity stirred the magicians to the very
core, and before retiring they predicted that the lake would be tinged with
blood, and that their avengers would soon appear in a strange feople, the con-
querors of the empire. Not long after. Montezuma noticed streaks of blood
in the lake, mingled with a number of human heads and limbs. He called
others to witness the sight, but none save himself could see it. Sending to
the injured conjurers for an explanation, they replied that the vision denoted
great and bloody battles to be waged in the city by the strange people.
Jferrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ix. About the same time some fishermen caught
a grey bird, like a crane, with a round comb or diadem, resembling a mirror.
On being brought before Montezuma, he was startled by seeing reflected in
this mirror the heavenly bodies, although none appeared in the sky, for it was
yet daylight. The next moment the stars had vanished, and in their place
were seen beings, half man and half deer, who moved about in battle array.
Diviners were called to give their explanation, but when they came the bird
had disappeared. Torquemada appears to date this as early as 1505, i. 235.
Camanjo, Hist. Tlasc. , 139-40. Another great bird is referred to, with a human
head, which soared above the lake uttering the prediction that speedily would
come the new rulers of the empire. Other monsters were found in the shape
of double-bodied and double-headed men, which dissolved in the air shortly
after being brought to the sorcerers', or black hall, of Montezuma. A horrible
animal was caught near Tecualoia. Torquemada, i. 214. During all the years
of these signs could be heard, at frequent intervals, a female voice lamenting,
' Oh, my children, all is lost to us ! My children, whither will you be taken?'
Id. , 214, 233. A similar voice was heard before the fall of Jerusalem. Josephu*,
lib. vii. cap. xii. ; Mendieta, Hist. Ec/es., 180; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., iii. 358;
Saluujun, Hist. Gen., i. 5. In 1510 the imperial city was startled, one clear,
quiet night, by a fire, which, bursting from the heart of the timbers in the
temple of Huitzilopochtli, burned all the fiercer under the efforts made to
quench it. A precursor of this had been the fall of a stone column close to
the temple, coming no one knew whence. • El chapitel de un Cii de
\ itzilopuchtli, que se llamaba Tlacoteca, se encendi6. ' Sahayun, Hist. Conq.,
i. 3-4. Shortly after, the temple of the fire god Xiuhtecutli, at Zocomolco,
was stricken by lightning and burned. This occurred without the usual
accompaniment of thunder, and with but a sprinkle of rain ; many regarded
it as done by a sunbeam, and consequently as particularly ominous. ' Los

108 WHAT MONTEZUMA THOUGHT OF IT.

by the neighboring nations, as the distinct announce-
ment of the coming of the gods, who did in good
truth appear at the proper time in the person of the
Spaniards. And what should be their doom, those
stupid and profane men of Potonchan and Tabasco,
who had raised their hands against these heavenly
messengers !

We are further assured that, prior to the arrival of
any Spaniard, some of the subjected provinces assumed
an air of independence, encouraged by the fear which
these occurrences produced on the Aztecs, against
whom they were regarded as especially directed.
Cuetlachtlan sorcerers having in their divining- pits
conjured up visions of Mexicans acting as abject
carriers to armed bearded men astride giant deer,
this people became in 1511 so insolent as to refuse
the customary tribute, and even to murder the Aztec
officials sent to collect it. And so involved was
Montezuma in divers troubles that he was unable to
resent the outrage.

The thought occurred to the Mexican monarch that
perhaps the threatened evils might be averted by pro-
pitiating the gods with greater sacrifices. For this the
several campaigns then waged or concluded promised
an abundance of victims; and to make the holocaust
still more imposing, it was resolved to consecrate at
the same time a new sacrificial stone. After diligent
search a suitable stone was found at Tenanitlan, near
Coyohuacan. The sculptors having finished their
work, and the priests theirs, with loud hosannas it
was rolled along toward the imperial city. While
crossing the Xolco canal the bridge broke, and the
stone sank beneath the water, dragging down the high-
priest and his attendants, "who went to hell quicker
than the stone," comments the pious Torquemada.

Indios decian....el Sol ha quemado este Templo; porque ni hemos visto
Relampago, ni hemos oido Trueno.' Torquemada, i. 214, 234. Believing, or
pretending to believe, the city attacked by enemies, the Tlatelulcans rushed
to arms, for which excess of zeal they were punished by a suspension of all
their townsmen who held positions at court. Native Races, v. 4G1-G7.

PAINFUL SUSPENSE. 109

The stone, however, was recovered, and consecrated
on the summit of the great temple, in 1512, with the
blood of over twelve thousand captives.4

And now Montezuma almost wishes the calamities
he fears were already upon him, so full of dread and
dire oppression is he. Priests, chiefs of wards, and
other officials, says Tezozomoc, are commanded to
ascertain and impart all dreams and strange occur-
rences relating to a coming people or to the throne.
Wise and politic as he is, he does not seem to know
that this is only placing himself and his malady at
the mercy of the masses. Who could not conjure
up visions under such a summons? Some old men
immediately come forward with a dream, wherein
Huitzilopochtli's image is overthrown and his temple
burned to the ground, leaving no vestige. Certain

4Torquemada assumes that the 12,210 victims comprised also those offered
at the consecration of two new temples, Tlamatzinco and Quauhxicalli.
See Native Races, v. 471. Tezozomoc relates that the laborers, after striving
in vain to move the stone from its original site, heard it utter, in a muffled
voice, ' Your efforts are in vain ; I enter not into Mexico. ' The incident finds
a parallel in the vain effort of Tarquin to remove certain statues of the gods,
to make room for Jupiter's temple, and in the firm adherence of Apollo's
head to the ground, shortly before the death of the Roman ruler. But
recovering from their alarm, they tried again, and now the stone moved
almost of its own accord. Another halt is made, a second oracle delivered,
and finally the stone reaches the bridge, where it disappears into the water.
Amid the invocation of priests, divers descend in search, only to come back
with the report that no vestige of it is to be found ; but there is a fathomless pit
extending toward Chalco. While diviners are cudgelling their brains for clues,
in comes a messenger to announce that the stone, like the Penates of iEneas,
had returned to its original site, arrayed in all the sacrificial ornaments.
Observing in this occurrence the divine will, Montezuma let the stone remain,
and recognizing at the same time a menace to himself, perhaps of speedy
death, he ordered his statue to be at once sculptured by the side of his pre-
decessors, on the rocky face of Chapultepec Hill. Tezozomoc describes the
statue. Hist. Mex., ii. 204-7. Duran, Hist, hid., MS., ii. 313-27. Clavigero,
Storia Mess., i. 292-3. Among the troubles which after this fell upon the
doomed people are mentioned: An earthquake in 1513. Codex. Tel. Rem., in
Kingsboroucjlts Mex. Antiq., v. 154. A locust plague. ' Vieronse gran canti-
dad de mariposas, y langostas, que passauan de buelo hazia el Occidente. '
Jlerrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ix. A deluge in Tuzapan, and a fall of snow
which overwhelmed the army en route for Amatlan. While crossing the
mountains, rocks and trees came tumbling down upon them, killing a large
number, while others froze to death. Ixtlilxochitl places this in 1514.
Others say 1510. During the Soconusco campaign, see Native Races, v. 472,
the ground opened near Mexico, and threw up water and fish. The Indiana
interpreted this to signify a victory, but the lord of Culhuacan intimated,
with a shake of the head, that one force expelled another, whereat Monte-
zuma's delight somewhat abated. 'Quando prendio Cortes a entrambos, se
accordu (Montezuma) muy bien de aquellas palabras. ' Jlerrera, ubi sup.

110 WHAT MONTEZUMA THOUGHT OF IT.

hags next appear with a dream of a furious stream,
which has swept away the palace and temple, forcing
the lords to flee the city.

This will not do. Away with such trumpery ! And
so the terrified monarch hurls the evil dreamers into
prison, and leaves them there to die of starvation,
while he orders on new ones in the persons of the
priests and men of circumspection. But softly now.
These wise ones deem it prudent not to dream at all,
which course only adds suspicion to the hot anger of
Montezuma. Next he calls on all astrologers, sorcer-
ers, and diviners in the empire to dream, to cause
others to dream, and to declare their dreams; to de-
clare the secrets of the starry realms, and all things
pertinent on and in this earth. Neither will these ply
their avocation during such troublous times. Down
with them, then, to the lowest depths ! In prison,
however, they do understand that the planets and ter-
restrial phenomena combine to foreshadow extraordi-
nary occurrences, whether for good or evil the emperor
will soon enough know. " Force them to tell; burn
them else," are the next instructions. But the mes-
sengers find the prison, though guarded, empty. The
unhappy monarch sends to their respective towns and
demolishes their houses, but these agents of offended
heaven are never seen again.5

5 Meanwhile it came to pass that an eagle swooped down upon a peasant at
work in a field not far from Mexico, and seizing him by the hair in full view of
his neighbors, bore him out of sight. Landed high upon a mountain, the man
found himself led by invisible hands through a dark cave into a hall of daz-
zling splendor, where Montezuma lay as if asleep. Less favored than Gany-
mede, he was permitted to see no other form, but voices around explained to
him that this was a representation of the emperor intoxicated with pride and
blinded by vanity. Tezozomoc writes that the eagle assumed the form of a
13rd and spoke; but a superior being can hardly be supposed to have assumed
the office of carrying a low peasant. A lighted pipe with a rose was placed in
his hand, with orders to burn a mark upon the monarch's leg, and then pro-
ceed to court and re' ate to him what had occurred, pointing out the blister
in testimony. The gods were annoyed at his conduct and rule, which had
evoked the ills soon to overthrow him. Let him amend and use well the
short term still allotted to him. The next moment the peasant found himself
borne through the air by the eagle, which enjoined upon him to obey the com-
mand received. The man did so, and Montezuma, recalling a dream to the
same effect, looked and found a wound, which now began to burn painfully.
Throwing the man into prison as an evil sorcerer, he sought his doctors for re-
lief. 'Lo que vio el labrador, pudo ser que aconteciesse en vision imaginatiua

DIVINERS IN DANGER. Ill

This, and more of yet wilder strain continued in the
note, shows at least that prior to the coming of the

porque .... no es increyble que Dios por medio de vn Angel bueno ordenasse ....
que aquel auiso se diesse. ' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ix. Montezuma now
resolved to seek a refuge where none of the threatened evils might reach
him. The place selected was Cicalco, 'house of the rabbit,' painted by the
myths as an abode of delight, abounding in every product, sown with
flowers, and flowing with crystal waters, a place where death never entered.
As a preliminary step four human victims were flayed and their spirits
sent to Huemac, the ruler of that region, to prepare the way for the living
messengers. These consisted of sorcerers, accompanied by dwarfs and hunch-
backs to carry the flayed skins as presents. Two hunchbacks were sent with
the skins of ten flayed men, says Duran. Entering the cave leading to Cicalco,
they were guided by its guardian into the bowels of the earth, and presented
themselves before the Aztec Pluto. With humble reverence they proffered the
skins with the prayer of Montezuma for admission into that abode of delight
and into his service. Unwilling to make an exception to the rule for admis-
sion through death's portals, Huemac sent the messengers back with pres-
ents, giving the evasive reply that their master should confide to him his sor-
rows and await relief. On receiving this report Montezuma angrily ordered
the men to be cast into prison, and sent other messengers with fresh skins,
repeating his request for admission, yet conforming in so far as to ask for an
explanation of the many signs abroad. Huemac, again avoiding a direct
answer, told them that Cicalco was quite a different place from what they sup-
posed it to be. He and his comrades stayed not of their pwn accord, but
were kept there by a superior power, steeped in abject toil and misery. This un-
satisfactory report entailed upon the messengers the same punishment as be-
fore. Two Acolhuan chiefs were now entrusted with fresh skins and the request
that Huemac should at least explain the signs which threatened the emperor,
if he still refused him admission. Among these signs is mentioned a white .
cloud rising at midnight toward the sky. Propitiated by the higher rank
or qualities of these messengers, or by the earnest perseverance of their mas-
ter, Huemac explained that the sufferings and menaces were the result of his
pride and cruelty. Let him amend, and as a preliminary task begin a fast of
eighty days. This accomplished, Huemac would meet him at Tlachtonco, on
the summit of Chapultepec. Montezuma was so delighted with this answer
that he rewarded the chiefs most liberally, and made the necessary arrange-
ments for the government of the empire during his seclusion. Going at the
appointed time to Tlachtonco, a brilliant stone ordered him to make certain
preparations and return in four days, when he would be conducted to Cicalco.
This he did, after enjoining secrecy upon all who had assisted in the matter.
Arrayed in a human skin adorned with precious stones, gold, and feathers, he
seated himself upon a feathered throne, surrounded by his richly dressed
dwarf and hunchback pages, and in this guise awaited Huemac. Soon a light
in the distance, brilliant as the sun, announced the approach of the mys-
terious being, and hope leaped high in Montezuma's breast. It stopped,
however, and the emperor was devoured by anxiety. Suddenly a human
voice recalled him from his absorption. It was that of the guardian of
Tzoncoztli temple, who related that Huemac, interdicted by supreme com-
mand from approaching the emperor, had commissioned him to recall his
master to duty. His presence is needed in Mexico to direct public affairs
and to infuse respect among the hostile nations, who would rise the mo-
ment his disappearance became known. What will his subjects think? He
must obey the divine command, and remember that he is emperor of the
world. Montezuma yielded reluctantly and reentered his palace, taking to his
side the faithful Tzoncoztli guardian, and charging all to keep the secret.
Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 213-27; and in KingsborougWs Mex. Ant., v. 4G9,
etseq.; Duran, Hist, hid., MS., ii. 32S-45.

112 WHAT MONTEZUMA THOUGHT OF IT.

Spaniards the people of the Mexican valley, and their
sovereign in particular, were profoundly moved with
fearful forebodings of calamity of some kind. And
whether these forebodings pointed to some strange
arrival by sea or other marvel, certain it is that they
opened the door of this rich realm to the invaders.

Ever intent on means to propitiate the gods, Monte-
zuma in 1517 hit upon the idea of plating the temple
of Huitzilopochtli with gold set with precious stones
and feathers, and gave the order accordingly to Tzom-
pantzin, the minister of finance. Now Tzompanztin
was an old and faithful servant of the government,
blunt withal, and nowise afraid to die. He was of
the ancient chivalry, not wholly in sympathy with
the present regime, and did not hesitate to expos-
tulate with his sovereign, saying that the people
would be ruined by the proposed tax. " Beside," he
concluded, "Huitzilopochtli will not long be god, for
those even now are coming who will take for them-
selves all these riches and. lord it over us forever."
That very night Tzompantzin and his son were politely
escorted across the dark river.6

The following year, 1518, the temple of Coatlan was
dedicated, with the usual sacrifices, the last recorded
holocaust to consecrate a heathen temple. For already
the white-winged vessels of Spain were at hand, having
on board the messengers of a purer religion, even if
it did not at once prove to be the gospel of peace to
the poor Indian.

Pinotl, calpixque of Cuetlachtlan, was the first of
Montezuma's captains, according to the native record,
to make observations for the emperor of the dreaded
visitants. Prompted no less by zeal in his master's
service than by curiosity, Pinotl, with several attend-
ants, armed with provisions and rich mantles for
presents, had mingled with the crowd which boarded
Grljalva's vessel, and had prostrated himself at the
feet of the commander and his officers as before kings

6 Codex Chimatyopoca, in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,iv. 33-6.

INFORMATION CONCERNING GRIJALVA. 113

or gods.7 The beads and other trinkets given in re-
turn for their goods they received as priceless marks
of favor from supernatural personages. When Pinotl
explained as best he was able the majesty and. wealth
of his sovereign, Grijalva promised to return some
day and visit him in his great city. Bearing with
them paintings on amatl, or maguey paper, of the
vessels with all their belon^inofs, and of the soldiers
and sailors with their arms, armor, dress, and atti-
tude, down to their very swagger, and leaving orders
that the strangers should be treated with every con-
sideration, the chief men of the province set out by
fast rela}7s to report the awful tidings to the emperor.8
Entering the imperial presence thej prostrated
their bodies to the ground, which they kissed, declar-
ing themselves worthy of death for having ventured
unbidden before their lord, but their mission permitted
no delay. "For oh! most dread sovereign,2' they ex-
claimed, "we have seen gods! All of us here present
have seen their water-houses on our shores. We
have talked with them, and eaten with them, and
have handled them with our hands; we have given
them gifts, and have received in return these price-
less treasures." Then they showed the glass beads, a
specimen too often approaching the value of the gifts
received by the strong from the weak. Montezuma
sat mute, scarcely heeding the messages sent him by
Grijalva, concerned most of all that vassals should
not witness his dismay. Here again was his phantasy
before him, like the shade of dead Hector before

7 'Besaron todos las proas de las naos en senal de adoracion, pensaron que
era el Dios Quetzalcoatl que volvia. ' Sahayun, Hint. Conq., i. 5.

"According to IVzozomoc, an Indian, with ears, thumbs, and big toes cut
off, arrived from Mictlancuauhtla with the report that he had seen a round
mountain on the sea moving to and fro without approaching the shore. The
informant was placed under guard, and a chief with an attendant sent to
Pinotl to verify the statement, and to chide him for neglect to report. They
soon returned to say that from a tree they had seen two such mountains or
towers, from one of which a canoe had set out on a fishing trip. The men on
board had white faces and hands, long, thick beard, long hair, raiments of
varied and brilliant colors, and round head-covering. The mutilated Indian
being now called to answer further questions, his prison cell was found vacant.
Hist. Mex., ii. 232-4; Duran, Hist, hid., MS., ii. 359-77.
Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 8

114 WHAT MONTEZUMA THOUGHT OF IT.

i

./Eneas, warning him against hopeless resistance to
the preordained fall of Troy.

Bidding the men retire and keep secret what they
had seen, Montezuma hastily summoned his privy
council,9 King Cacama of Tezcuco, his brother Cuitla-
huatzin, lord of Itzapalapan, and laid before them
the mystery. After sage consultations, attended by
divinings and comparisons of signs, prophecies, and
traditions, not unlike the means by which we of to-day
likewise ascertain the unknowable, it was concluded
that this commander was none other than the fair-
hued god himself, who had returned to resume the
throne, as he had said. Therefore resistance would
be in vain; and the only proper course was to tender
worthy reception and conciliate with gifts. The chiefs
were sent back with orders for the governors of the
coast districts10 to report any arrival or strange occur-
rence. Following them was an embassy of five persons
bearing rich presents, with instructions to bid the god
welcome in the name of the emperor and of his court;
yet they were to watch him closely. But the embassy
was too late. Grijalva had gone.11

9 Torquemada, i. 379, names ten members, while Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mcj.,
iii. 378, says there were twelve.

10 Particularly at Nauhtla, Toztla, Mictla, and Quauhtla. Torquemada,
i. 379; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. G, calls the districts Cuextecatl, Naulitlantozt-
lau, and Mictlanquactla. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 49,
writes more correctly Nauthtlan, Tochtlan, andMictlan-Quauhtla.

11 Torquemada, i. 379-80, expresses his disapproval of Gomara and Her-
rera for following only Spanish versions, and ignoring the Indian records ac-
quired by himself and others, including Sahagun. The latter assumes that
Montezuma has been apprised of Grijalva 's departure before the embassy leaves,
and this body is therefore not sent till Cortes arrives. Hist. Conq., i. 7. This
is not unlikely, for council had to be first held and the future course deter-
mined, and messengers were always on the way between the subject provinces
and the capital, ready to convey news. But most writers, followed by the
Native Races, take the view presented in the text. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii.
cap. ix., who is very brief on Grijalva 's visit, says, when it was learned
that the Spaniards wanted gold, the governors on the coast were ordered to
barter with it, and to find out what further object they had in coming.
Ixtlilxochitl states that merchants from the coast fair brought the first news
of Grijalva to Mexico. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mcj., iii. 377-8, is brief on the sub-
ject. Tezozomoc describes the necklace, bracelet, and other jewelry prepared
as presents by four of the leading goldsmiths and lapidaries. With these the
chief who had been to the coast to observe the floating towers is ordered to
seek the white men. Pinotl must prepare food for them, and. if they eat,
they are surely Quetzalcoatl and his suite. ' But if they prefer human flesh, '

FURTHER EVIDENCE. 115

says Duran, in his version, 'and wish to eat you, let them do so; I promise
to look to the future of your children and relatives. ' Hist. Ind. , MS. , ii. 30G-
7. 'If you are convinced that it is Quetzalcoatl, ' continued Montezuma,
'adorn his person with these jewels made for the purpose, and say that I beg
him humbly to come and take possession of the throne which I hold for him. '
Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 236-9. This author confounds Grijalva and Carte's,
but allows the jewels and message to reach the latter. According to Duran,
Montezuma tells the chief to ask the god for permission to finish his rule;
after his death he is welcome to the throne. 'Que me dege morir, y que de-
spues de yo muerto venga muy de norabuena, y tome su Reyno pues es suyo
y lo dejo en guarda a mis antepasados, ' ut supra. Acosta, Hist. Ind., 508-14
refers briefly to this subject, and to the various omens and visions, some of
which he regards as dreams imparted by angels. Meanwhile fresh messengers
arrive to report that the white captain had spread the wings of his floating
mountains and faded away- in the east. They bring later drawings and gifts,
including beads, shirts, a hat, some biscuits and wine. The monarch crunches
the biscuits and admits them to be good, but the wine, with its penetrating
sweetness, lulling the senses and calling up happy visions, this delights him,
and specimens of both are deposited upon the altar of Quetzalcoatl at Tula.
Finally, on seeing the glass necklace, he declares the giver to be indeed the
Acatl Ynacuitl, the travelling god of the reed; and deeming himself un-
worthy of so brilliant an adornment, he consecrates it to the gods. The best
painters are called to give a superior representation of the strange visitors from
the rude drawings brought by the messengers, and from their description, while
the old and wise men are asked for recollections and ideas which may throw
light upon the subject. After much search a tradition is raked up, wherein
a race is to come from the east mounted on serpents or masted mountains,
arid with them a white, bearded people, astride of big deers and eagles, who
will land at Tzonapan, and obtain possession of all the land. They are also
described as a one-legged people, with the face in the middle of the body, of
white complexion and with long beard. In confirmation thereof is produced
an old painting, which agrees with those depicting the late arrivals. Con-
vinced of the identity, Montezuma orders the governors of the coast provinces
to maintain a close watch for the return of the strangers, so that he may re-
ceive speedy notice. Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 241-50; Duran, Hist. Ind.,
MS., ii. 359-92.

This chapter presents but a faint picture of the state of affairs within the
Mexican empire at the time of the arrival of Cortes. As I said at the outset,
all this I have given in my Native Races, and can not of course repeat it here.
Further authorities on omens and on the state of the Aztec empire, most of
them, however, of no value, are Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 5-12; Bel-
trami, Mexique, ii. 137-9 and 142-3; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., iii. 130-2; Vetan-
cvH, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 124-6; Bos, Leben der See-Helden, 4-5; Hazart, Kir-
chen-Geschichte, ii. 505-8; Touron, Hist. Gen. Am., iii. 127-34; Viagero Univ.,
xxvi. 192-237; Larenaudiere, Mex. et Guat., 73-5; La fond, Voy., i. 105-7;
E< /< jleston's Montezuma, 11-17; Sammlung cdler Reisebesch., xiii. 289-91; Rus-
SfJTs Hist. Am., i. 76-9; Laharpe, Abrege, ix. 268-73; Du Perrier, Gen. Hist.
Voy., 332-6; Burke's Europ. Set., i. 11; Smollett's Voy., i. 214-19; Cheva-
lier, Mexique, 7-22; Mexique fitudes, 9-10; Robertson's Hist. Am., ii. 17-18;
Bussierre, L'Emp. Mex., 119-30; Manzi, Conq. di Mess. 14-19; Roure, Gonquete
da Mex., 211-20.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE COMBATANTS SALUTE.

April-May, 1519.

The Embassy from the Shore — The New Interpreter — Marina — Her
Appearance and Quality — Her Romantic History — She Cleaves
to the Spaniards and to Cortes — And Becomes One of the most
Important Characters of the Conquest — The Spaniards Land and
Form an Encampment — The Governor Comes with Presents — The
Spaniards Astonish the Natives — Who Report all to Monte-
zuma— Cortes Sends the Monarch Presents — Council Called in
Mexico — Montezuma Determines not to Receive the Strangers —
Reciprocates in Presents a Hundredfold — Cortes Persists —
Montezuma Declines more Firmly — Olmedo Attempts Conversion
— Teuhtlile, Offended, Withdraws his People from the Camp of
the Spaniards.

Under San Juan de Ulua the fleet of Cortes rests
at anchor, lying lazily there, its fiery purpose clothed
in peaceful white, like a snow-capped volcano basking
in the sunlight. The ships had been watched from
afar by expectant eyes; and now from the wondering
multitude that lines the Chalchiuhcuecan1 shore come
two large canoes, whose occupants step to the deck of
the flag-ship and reverentially ask for the Tlatoani.
Their language is new to Aguilar: none of the
company can understand it. What is to be done ?
Modestly speaks one of the female slaves, " These
are Mexicans, sent by Cuitlalpitoc,2 cacique of the

1 See Native Races, iv. 434. Duran's native records call this the ' port '
of Chalchuihqueyacan. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 389. The spelling by different
authorities differs greatly. Clavigero, and Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., iii. 377,
give April 21 as the date of arrival, while Bustamante, in Sa/iagun, Hist.
GoTiq. (ed. Mex. 1845), 135, makes it the 22d. Year Ce Acatl. Ixtlilxochitl,
Jiel., 411. Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 7., says 13 conejos.

2 Torquemada, i. 387. Bernal Diaz writes Pitalpitoque, named by the

(116)

MARINA. 117

nearest town, to welcome the white chief and offer
their devotion. They would likewise know whence
he comes, and why."

Instantly all eyes are on the speaker, who under
their continued gaze draws back, abashed at her own
temerity, while the warm blood mantles beneath its
clear olive confine, and the breath comes inconstant
between parted lips. Cortes regards her as she stands
there unconscious of the important service she has
rendered him; for possessed she the power of Thetis,
to assume any form she pleased, the fair interpreter
could not at this juncture have appeared before the
chief in any other aspect half so fascinating. Who is
she? The one baptized Marina, at Tabasco; and who,
being the greatest lady there, was given to Puerto-
carrero, the greatest gentleman present. Why had
she been given to Puertocarrero? Why had not the
chief chamberer himself taken her? Cortes had
weightier matters on his mind. He was playing for
empire, and would not now stop to divide the petty
winnings with his men. By and by right royally will
he reward the unsanctified within him for its absti-
nence. As for this girl, he seems now for the first
time to see her.3 Had Marina, the slave, been born
in other lands, under different auspices, to what exalted
sphere might not her personal loveliness and beauty
of character have entitled her !

They say she was fair for an Indian ; very beautiful
she certainly is, and of that order of loveliness that
captivates the understanding no less than the pas-
sions. The old as well as the young are ravished with
her beauty, even as with Helen were the elders of
Troy. She is about eighteen, and in form and features
perfect; her long hair falling over smooth, round
shoulders, and from large lustrous eyes radiating a

Spaniards Ovandillo. Hist. Verdad. , 25. Herrera, Pitalpitoc. Solis, followed
by Robertson, Pilpatoe. Bernal Diaz and Gomara name Teuhtlile, the chief
governor of the province, who lived farther in the interior, as the sender.

3 According to Gomara, Hist. Mex., 40, and Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. iv.,
this new interpreter is not discovered until four days later.

118 THE COMBATANTS SALUTE.

tender melancholy that overspreads the face and
tones to harmony whatever falls beneath its influence.
Sweet and frank in her disposition, she is never-
theless resolute enough upon occasion; yet in her
ordinary mood there is a rare grace and femininity,
in which she is as liquid and pellucid as a passage in
Herodotus. There is no shame in her blush, nothing'
bordering on conscious inferiority in her bearing;
nothing that these or any other beings may do unto
her can lessen her self-respect. She scarcely knows
she is a slave, the plaything of passion; she finds the
world made so, men the stronger and wickeder, and
she has but to acquiesce.4

Cortes is deeply interested. As if from heaven
some bright being had been sent to his assistance,
so comes to him Marina now. What is her history?
Strangely romantic. She is the daughter of a cacique,
born at Painala, eight leagues from Goazacoalco.
While }ret a child her father died; and upon a son,
the fruit of a second marriage, the mother centred all
her affections. To secure to him the succession and
inheritance which rightly belonged to the daughter,
Marina was given as a slave to some travelling mer-
chants of Xicalanco, while a slave girl who had just
died was passed off for Marina and buried with the
usual stately ceremonies.5 Arrived at Tabasco, Marina

4 ' Entremetida, 6 desembuelta, ' slabbers that lecherous old soldier Bernal
Diaz. To call wompn loose comes well from men who spend their lives in
making them so. If, as has been stated, the women of her native district
have borne a reputation not altogether enviable, whose fault is it? Not
theirs, truly. That this girl Avas the mistress of men, under the circum-
stances, detracts not one iota from her good name in the minds of right-think-
ing persons ; nay, it detracts nothing from her purity of mind, her honesty,
or her innate morality. 'Reprehensible medio de asegurarla en su fidelidad,'
says Solis, Hist. Gonq. Mex., i. 119, otherwise so ready to cover up the defects
of his hero.

5 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 24-5. According to Gomara she was born
in Viluta, in the direction of Jalisco, the daughter of rich parents, related
to the cacique. From them she was stolen by traders and sold in Xicalanco.
Jlinl. Mex., 40. The town and district may be a corruption of Huilotlan, in
Xalatzinco, which Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chick., 287, gives as her native place, and
this may be identical with the present Oluta or Holuta, near Acayucan, on the
isthmus of Tehuantepec. Painala is no longer known. Fossey, who travelled
through the region, states that tradition makes Xaltipan or Altipan her birth-
place, and in support of this belief a mountain is pointed out, close to the

AN EMB(ft)IED ROMANCE. 119

was sold to the cacique, and by him transferred to
the Spaniards. With a mind elastic and quick to
learn, to her native Mexican tongue she added at
Tabasco a knowledge of the Maya, becoming after-
ward proficient in Spanish. And now no longer slave,
save to the passion love, she is to queen it for a while
as consort of the conqueror, becoming in the conquest
second only in power and importance to Cortes
himself, whom with her whole soul she Joves, and to
whom alone she clings after the departure presently of
Puertocarrero for Spain. Accompanying the invaders
as interpreter and adviser, she shares their hardships
and rejoices in their successes. For is not the daring
commander lord of her heart and person ? Moreover,
what claim upon her has a nation which drives her
into solitude beyond its border, and for no crime?
Therefore, if her newly found friends sicken, she
nurses them; if they despair, she comforts them.
Nevertheless she cannot forget her people, but freely
exerts her influence in their behalf, saving many a
life and many a town from destruction. Toward the
end both races vie in showing her their admiration,
gratitude, and respect; and although to the Indian
the invaders become more and more objects of execra-
tion, yet he never mentions with aught but loving
reverence the name Malintzin, or Malinche, as in his
tongue is called Marina.6

town, bearing the name of Malinche. Mexique, 26-7; Gomara, Hist. Mex.
(Bustamante ed.), i. 41; Berendt, in Salazar, Mcx. en 1554, 178; Herrera, dec.
ii. lib. v. cap. vi. ; Sahagun, Hist. Conq. i. 15, mentions Teticpac, and Oviedo
names Mexico as Marina's native place, iii. 259, while Saavdra undertakes
to reconcile the different statements by supposing that her family came
originally from Jalisco, west of Anahuac, to Mexico city, and thence to
Goazacoalco. Her high intelligence indicates that she was educated in the
capital. Die. Univ., ix. 774.

6 Mexicans being unable to pronounce the 'r,' Marina became Malina, to
which the tzin was added in respect, equivalent to dona or lady. Malinche was
a Spanish corruption, which was at time3 applied by the Indians to Cortes, as
the lord and companion of Marina, and Juan Perez de Arteaga had also the
appellation added to his name, from being so often with her. Bernal Diaz, J list.
I erdad. , 52. Another conjecture is that her original name was Malina, or
Malinalli, signifying 'twisted thing,' the term for one of the Mexican days,
applied in accordance with a native custom of giving children the name of
their birthday. The name indeed is not uncommon, the lord of Tlachquiauhco,

120 THE COMBATANTS SALUTE.

To the embassy of Cuitlalpitoc Cortes makes friendly
answer. He will explain his purposes to the cacique in
person. Meanwhile the messengers are regaled with
food; presents are given them, and gold is shown as

for instance, being called Malinal or Malinaltzin. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex. , ii. 31 ,
40. On finding her own name so similar to Marina, the Spanish priest gave her
this at the font. The Indians usually acquired a surname after they grew up,
and Tenepal is that found for Marina. Siguenza y Gongora, Parayso Occid. , 38 ;
Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex., 217; Arrdniz, Orizaba, 171, 182. To Cortes she
bore a son, who was recognized by his father and raised to the rank of a knight
of Santiago. While on the way with Cortes to Honduras, in 1524, she was
legally married to Captain Juan Jaramillo. This took place at Ostoticpac, near
Orizaba, and excited no little comment. Some believe that the arrival of
CorteV wife was the cause of the marriage; but although this may have led to
his separation from Marina, it could not have affected the marriage, since the
wife was already dead. Cortes no doubt found her an incumbrance, and sought
to be rid of it in a manner honorable to her at least. Gomara accuses him of
having made Jaramillo drunk for the purpose. Hist. Mex., 251 ; but this Ber-
nal Diaz corrects. He knew one of the witnesses at the ceremony. Hist.
Verdad., 25. Jaramillo had achieved a certain prominence as commander
of one of the brigantines which aided in the siege of Mexico, and in other
affairs, and is said to have been an hidalgo. Ixtlilxochitl marries her to
Aguilar, probably because this seemed a fit union. Hist. Chick. , 287. Camargo,
Hist. Tlax., 143. Shortly after her marriage the army halted at Goazaco-
alco, whither all the chiefs of the neighborhood were summoned to tender
submission and to receive instruction in the faith. Among them was a
young cacique with his mother, whose resemblance to Marina at once called
the attention of all acquainted with the story, and led to her recognition
as the heartless parent. The old dame feared for her life, but Marina
reassured her with tender caresses, excusing her conduct as controlled by
the deceased stepfather, and cheered her with a number of presents. She
presented her husband, and referred with fond pride to the son she had given
to Cortes. Both mother and half-brother accepted baptism, he receiving the
name of Lazaro, and she that of Marta, an appropriate name for one who
perhaps lived long enough to lament the ruin of her people and country, an
indirect result of her unnatural treatment of Marina. Bernal Diaz, who wit-
nessed all this, and became further acquainted with the family, declares Go-
mara wrong, and says : 'Conoci a su madre, y a su hermano,' concluding 'todo
esto que digo, se lo oi muy certificadamente, y se lo juro, amen. ' Hist. Verdad. ,
2j; Clavigcro, Storia Mess., iii. 12-14; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 38. Re-
turning to Mexico, she received lands there and in her native province, but
took up her residence in the capital, where her husband held a prominent
position through his wealth and offices, such as regidor and as the first alferez
of the city. ' Recibieron pr Alferes de esta Ciudad a Juan Xaramillo. '
'Primer Alferes.' Libro de Cabildo, MS., 216. Reference is made to lots and
other grants made to him and his wife Dona Marina, on March 14, 1528, and
other dates. Id. Both held repartimientos, one of which lay in Xilotepec.
Marina appears to have been still living in Mexico city in 1550, impressing
her memory upon the hearts of the grateful people, over whose welfare she
even now watches. Invoked by them, her spirit is frequently encountered in
its twilight flights on errands of mercy and consolation, issuing from the
ancient groves of Chapultepec, where centres the recollection of Aztec glories.
Ballads still perpetuate her virtues, and many a nature's monument bears
proudly the beloved name of Malintzin. Tradition also transforms her into a
naiad who daily rises from the pool of Chapultepec, singing divinely. Rodriguez,
AndhuaCy 4G1. She appears to have had several children by Cortes. Pcralta
mentions five besides Martin, of whom two died while young. The three

APPEARANCE OF THE SHORE. 121

something Spaniards delight in. Then they return
to the shore, which appears not very inviting, with
its broad reach of sand and sandy hillocks whirled up
by the northers. Likewise vegetation hereabout is
stunted, larger trees appearing only in the distance.
The place had been recommended by Grijalva, how-
ever, as possessing good anchorage, and the people as
being rich and hospitable.7

remaining were daughters, of whom two became nuns, and the third, Leonor,
the wife of Martin de Tolosa. Nat. Hist., 75. This is not wholly correct,
however, for in the Libro de Gobierno del Virey Mendoza is a document,
dated April, 1550, wherein the viceroy grants a petition from her in favor of
her grandson, Don Alonso de Estrada, son of Luis de Saavedra, deceased, and
encomendero of Tilantongo town. Alaman's notes, in Prescotfs Mex. (Mex.
1844), ii. 268-9. In Cortes, Uesldeneia, i. 123, ii. 70, 101, witnesses refer also
to a daughter of the interpreter Marina, with whom Cortes is accused of
having tampered, as he did with the mother. If so, this can hardly be
Saavedra 's wife, but a Tabascan child; yet Marina's master would not have
presented a woman incumbered with a child when he sought to do honor to
the Spaniards. Saavedra allows Marina to proceed to Spain with her husband,
who procured for her a high position at court. Here she died, leaving several
children, from whom descended some of the first families in Spain. Die.
Univ. , ix. 778. But this authority is too full of blunders to be relied upon.
Ideal portraits are given in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. G5, and Zamacols,
Hist. Mcj., ii. 350.

7 1 have said, as the native record interpreted byTezozomoc and Duran re-
lates, that the fleet is sighted and reported long before it reaches San Juan de
Ulua — from Tabasco, says Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., ii. 114. Montezuma, who
had already begun to hope that the strangers would never return, becomes sad
with apprehension ; yet he orders special relays to be stationed on the route to
the coast, in order to bring speedy news, commands his lieutenant to furnish
the strangers with all they need, and sends Tlillancalqui, the messenger who
met Grijalva, to ascertain their object. He is instructed to declare that Mon-
tezuma holds the throne as mere deputy at the disposal of the white god, for
he supposes that it is Quetzalcoatl, as before. If the god intends to proceed
to Mexico the roads will be cleaned, and the towns and stations prepared for
his accommodation. Tlillancalqui delivers his message, together with a neck-
lace of gold set with precious stones, and in his eagerness to please the strange
beings he offers fowl and tortilla to horses as well as men. Cortes signifies his
wish to go to Mexico, and asks that chiefs be sent to guide him. Tlillancalqui
hurries back with the message, leaving orders to supply the Spaniards with
all they desire. Duran, Hist, fnd., MS., ii. 389-96; T<zozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii.
250-3. According to the version by Sahagun and Torquemada, Montezuma
sends the same messengers whom he despatched the year before to seek
Grijalva, but who arrived too late. Their names are Yohualychan, the leader,
Tepuztecatl, Tizahua, Huehuetecatl, and Hueycamecatleca. With them a~e
sent the presents already prepared for Grijalva, and the sacerdotal vestments
of Quetzalcoatl. On reaching the flag-ship they inquire for their king and
god Quetzalcoatl. At first surprised, Cort6s the next moment catches the
clue. Seating himself on an improvised throne, surrounded by a large suite,
he orders the messengers to appear. Being told that he is the personage
whom they seek, they prostrate themselves, kissing the deck. The leader
thereupon addresses him: 'Welcome, god and master; long have we, your
servants and vassals, waited for you. Montezuma, your vassal and lieutenant,

122 THE COMBATANTS SALUTE.

Early on Good Friday Cortes landed, planted guns
upon the hillock, and began the construction of a
fortified camp, consisting of houses, huts, and sheds,
high in the centre of which was placed a large cross.
Informed of this, the cacique sent men to carry timber,
plaster the walls, and put up awnings. Food was also
provided, and feather- work and gold were presented
Cortes, with the information that the governor would
visit him presently. Meanwhile the natives flocked
in to trade, so that on Saturday the place presented
the appearance of a fair, rather than the encampment
of an invading army.

On Easter Sunday, while preparations were made
for mass, Cuitlalpitoc arrived with his chief, Teuhthle,
governor of the province, whose residence was at
Cuetlachtlan, eight leagues away.8 Attending them
was a lar^e retinue of nobles, and slaves9 bearing
presents. Cortes, with an escort, advanced to receive

sends us to salute you, and begs the acceptance of this small present and
these precious ornaments, once used by you as our king and god. ' They now
array him in the vestments of Quetzalcoatl, adding also many ornaments
pertaining to the gods Tezcatlipoca and Tlalocatecuhtli, as if to proclaim him
the greatest of the gods. The most attractive pieces are a bejewelled and plume
head-dress, and a necklace of precious stones. ' Is this all the gift of welcome
that you bring?' asks Cortes. 'Lord and king, it is all that was given us
for your Majesty,' was the reply. They are given food and accommodation
for the night. In order to impress upon them the full extent of Spanish
power, they are tied hands and feet while the horses are exhibited, the arms
displayed, and the guns fired. They are then told that the white men have
heard the fame of Mexican warriors, as able to overcome ten or even twenty
times superior numbers, and desire a proof thereof by fighting them in equal
force. Swords and shields are given them, but they decline, pleading their
character as mere envoys. They are thereupon insulted as cowards, and told
that the white men will descend upon their country, kill all who resist, take
possession of the government, and secure better presents than those sent
them. The messengers now hurry back to Mexico without informing any one
on the way of what has occurred. Torquemcvla, i. 381-4; Sahagun, Hist.
Co/iq., i. 7-11; Sigiienzay Gdngora, El Fenix, MS.', 273-8.

8Teudilli, or Quitaluor, from Cotosta, is Gomara's corrupt form. Hist.
Mex. , 39. Herrera calls Teuthlille the chief governor, and Pitalpitoe a chief,
dec. ii. lib. v. cap. iv. Teutile, captain-general, and Pilpatoe, governor. Soils,
Hist. Mex., i. 119. Teotlili arrives on Monday. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chick.,
286. 'Tendile, y Pitalpitoque eran Gouernadores de vnas Prouincias que se
dizen, Cotastlan, Tustepeque, Guazpaltepeque, Tlatalteteclo, y de otros pue-
blos que nueuamete tenia sojuzgados.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 26. He
means, however, that Tendile is the chief governor. Pinotl had evidently left.
Cuetlachtlan province appears to have extended from Rio Papaloapan, or
Alvarado, to Rio de la Antigua.

9 Ixtlilxochitl and Gomara place the number attending at over 4,000.

CONFERENCE WITH THE GOVERNOR. 123

them, and after interchange of courtesies led the way
to the altar, draped in native cotton fabrics, where
Father Olmedo celebrated mass,10 aided by Father
Juan Diaz, Aguilar, and a trained choir. The service
over, Cortes invited the chiefs to dinner, and there
informed them that he was a captain of the greatest
monarch the sun smiled on, Charles V. of Spain, who,
hearing of Montezuma's fame, had sent him presents
and a message, which must be delivered in person
immediately.11 How easy the way to him who knows
it! Had Cortes but spoken the simple word, "I am
Quetzalcoatl, come to resume my rule," he might
possibly at one time have ridden midst hosannas to
the capital, and seated himself wuthout resistance on
Montezuma's throne.

But the minion of an earthly monarch is quite a
different being from the fair god in the eyes of the
Aztec officers, who answer somewhat hauglitily, " Be
it known to you that our master is the inferior of
none; and for the present let these gifts suffice." Say-
ing which the signal is given; the slaves advance and
deliver their burdens, consisting in part of food, cotton
fabrics more than ten bales, brilliant feather-work,
and a cacaxtli, or basket, filled with wrought gold set
with rare stones and pearls. Cortes expressed thanks,
and gave for Montezuma in return a carved and in-
laid arm-chair, some engraved marcasite laid in musk-
scented cotton, a bright red cap, a gold medal stamped
with the figures of St George and the dragon, twisted
strings of beads, and other articles; and would the
emperor deign to wear the cap and occupy the chair
when it became his pleasure to receive him? To
the chiefs were also given some trifles. Teuhtlile
promised to deliver to Montezuma the gifts and the

10 Here Solis takes Bernal Diaz to task for asserting that mass had been
already said on Friday. Hist. Mex., i. 121. But the scholar is too severe upon
the soldier, whose head is true enough, however may be his tongue.

1 ' All Gomara's fictions, ' sneers Las Casas, Hist. hid. , iv. 484, who ignores
Marina's ability to interpret, and thinks the interview was limited to the sim-
plest expressions conveyed by signs.

124 THE COMBATANTS SALUTE.

message. Then pointing to the gilt helmet of a sol-
dier, which resembled in form the head-dress of the
idol Quetzalcoatl, he expressed a desire to show it
to Montezuma. " Take it," said Cortes, "and brin^
it back filled with gold-dust, that we may show our
emperor what kind of metal you have."12

Observing the native painters transcribing to amatl-
paper the several novelties, and wishing to impress
them further, Cortes mounted a horse, and ordered
the troops to fall into line and the cannons to be
charged. The infantry first passed in review to the
sound of music with arms and banners displayed.
Then came the cavalry with the best riders, led by
Alvarado, dashing past in varied and swift evolutions.
The graceful movements of the great animals, their
rearing and prancing, and above all their speed; the
flashing swords, the glittering armor, all seemed to
these simple people like a scene from the supernatural.
Their admiration was changed to terror, however,
wdien the guns belched flames and smoke, and sent
midst many thunderings the stone balls scudding
along the beach or crashing among the trees. All,
even their own fears, were faithfully depicted by the
painters. On leaving, Teuhtlile gave orders to supply
the Spaniards with every necessary, for which purpose
two thousand of his people w^ere detailed to attend
them, particularly to bring wood, water, and food.
For their accommodation another cluster of huts was
erected, so that within these few days two towns arose
on the sands of Chalchiuhcuecan. Cuitlalpitoc, who
remained for a time to superintend the service, received
from his guests the name of Ovandillo.13

12 Carta del Ayunt., ubi sup., 19. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 39-41, while he
does not refer to a helmet, states that Cortes asked for gold, as a remedy for
heart disease, from which he and his men were suffering.

13 'Dexo alii dos hombres principales, como capitanes, con hasta dos mil
personas entre mugeres y hombres de scruicio, y f uese a Cotosta. ' Gomara,
Hist. Mex., 41. He left over 1000 to wait upon the Spaniards, and over 1000
to carry supplies. Las Casas, Hist. Intl., iv. 482; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chick.,
287 ; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. , 26, supposes that Teuhtlile went in person
to Mexico, but not so Gomara and Ixtlilxochitl.

ROYAL COUNCIL. 123

Montezuma was quickly in possession of all these
facts; and when he saw the gifts, and read the picture
writings, and learned how a woman, beautiful as the
sun, talked to his people in their own language; more
particularly when he compared the helmet with that
worn by Huitzilopochtli, and was told that the
terrible strangers insisted on an interview, apprehen-
sion filled his soul.14 Cuitlahuatzin, his brother, and
Cacama of Tezcuco, were summoned to aid in telling
him what to do. The council was divided. There
was the popular belief regarding Quetzalcoatl with
its attendant prognostics; on the other hand these
strangers did not behave like gods. They had human
appetites, overthrew the idols, claimed allegiance to
another power, and had proved themselves vulnerable
at Potonchan. Yet could beings wholly terrestrial
so live without women, mount gigantic deer, and
tame the lightning? Cacama thought tliey should
have a hearing. The national honor demanded it;
beside, refusal implied fear. Cuitlahuatzin saw in
the visitation only evil to the commonwealth, and
urged expulsion. The gods should decide; and very
foolish gods they would have been to vote admission
to their destroyers. And now behold the fatal folly
of Montezuma! Instead of vigorous action toward

1 ' ' Y dcsque vio el casco, y el que tenia su Huichilobos, tuuo por cierto, que
eramos del linage de los que les auian dicho sua antepassados, que vendrian
a scnorear aquesta tierra.' Bern al Diaz, Hist. Vcrdad., 26. This statement
is followed by a cut at Gomara for giving unreliable information. Ca/margo,
Hist. Tlasc, 141. The native version of Sahagun and Torquemada describes
how the messengers are sprinkled with fresh human blood, as customary with
important bearers of news, before presenting themselves before Montezuma.
They arouse his admiration by speaking of the wonders beheld, of the pene-
trating swords, the sulphurous smell of the thunder smoke, and cf the in-
toxicating food; but when they relate how outrageously they have been
treated and how the strangers threatened to conquer the country, then the
emperor wept, and with him all the city. Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 12-13;
Torquemada, i. 365-G; Acosta, Hist. Lid., 515-18. Brasseur de Bourbourg
incorporates all tliis native version in his narrative, and allows Teuhtlile to
reach Mexico with his report a few days after these messengers, thus con-
firming their account. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 75-6. Duran writes that on hear-
ing of Cortes' eagerness to obtain guides for Mexico, Montezuma began to
grieve deeply over the prospect of having to resign and die. The envoy con-
soled him by representing the benignity of the white gods, but he neverthe-
less set about "bo arrange for the safety of his children. Hist. Ltd., MS., ii.
39G-7; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 253.

126 THE COMBATANTS SALUTE.

the end determined on, he adopted a middle course.
He would decline the interview, yet not rudely drive
the strangers hence, lest, peradventure, they might
be gods and successfully oppose him. He would send
them liberal gifts, and beseech them to depart, thus
exposing at once his weakness and his wealth.15

A diplomate of the first nobility was accordingly
despatched to the sea-shore. With him went Teuh-
tlile, returning after only a week's absence.16 Numer-
ous natives were in attendance, anions them over
a hundred slaves. Bowing low before Cortes, who
had on this occasion put on greater pomp than usual,
the envoy touched the earth with his hand, carrying
it to his lips, and then he swung the copal censer.17
Together with Teuhtlile he thereupon seated himself
beside Cortes; and it was remarked how much alike
they looked, the Spanish commander and the Aztec
envoy, who, perhaps, had been selected for this
reason, with the aid of the portraits made by the
native painters, and as a mark of honor to the white
captain. The soldiers not inappropriately called him
the Mexican Cortes.18

The slaves were then directed to lay down the
presents; among which were thirty bales of cotton
fabrics, from gauzy curtains to heavy robes, white,

15 Ixtlilxochiil, Hist. Chick., 287-8; Camargo, Hist. Tlasc, 141-2; Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. v. cap. ix. Torquemada refers to the similar mistake of King
Hezekiah of Judea, in exhibiting to the Assyrian envoys his wealth, and thus
attracting invaders, i. 391, 404.

10 This seems an incredibly short time in a country without horses, for
Mexico lies over 200 miles by road from this part of the coast; but with
numerous relays of runners and litter-bearers the distance would not take
long to cover. ' Estas mensajerias fueru en vn dia, y vna noche del real de
Cortes a Mexico, que ay setenta leguas y mas.' Gomarn, Hist. Alex., 41.

17 Torquemada., i. 389, assumes this to have been in token of divine adora-
tion, but the ceremony was a quite common mark of respect for distinguished

persons. See Native Races, ii. 2S4. 'Nos llamaron Teules 6 dioses.'

' Hence when I say Teules, or Gods, it may be understood to mean us,' says
Bernal Diaz with conscientious pride. Hist. Verdad., 32. But the ten or
teo prefix to names must be accepted in the same light as the incense burn-
ing, and in this case equivalent to 'hero.' See also Clavijero, Storia Mess.,
iii. 19. 'Demonios' is Oviedo's translation of teules, iii. 500.

18 Some writers doubt the ability of native painters to have given a suffi-
ciently accurate portrait; but with the aid of explanatory signs there was
little difficulty.

MONTEZUMA'S PRESENTS. 127

colored, plain, and figured,19 interwoven with feathers
or embroidered with gold and silver thread; feathers
and plumes of all colors, embroidered sandals, and
marcasite mirrors. All these, however, were trifles
beside the gold, the beautiful glittering gold which
was now disclosed, and likewise the silver. Firsl
there was a disk of the yellow metal, representing
the sun with its rays, as large as a carriage wheel,
ten spans in diameter, ornamented in demi-relief and
valued at thirty-eight hundred pesos de oro.20 A
companion disk of solid silver, of the same size, and
equally ornamented, represented the moon.21 Then
there were thirty golden ducks, well fashioned; a
number of other pieces in form of dogs, lions, monkeys,
and other animals; ten collars, a necklace with over
one hundred pendent stones called emeralds and rubies
by the Spaniards; twelve arrows, a bow with cord
stretched, two staves each five palms in length; fans,
bracelets, and other pieces, all of fine gold, beside a
number of silver. What could have delighted the
Spaniards more? One thing only, and that was not
wanting — the gilt helmet returned full of virgin gold,
fine dust and coarse, with a plentiful mixture of
nuggets of various sizes and shapes, all fresh from
the placers. The value of this was three thousand

19 Some of them were checkered, which to Peter Martyr is a sufficient proof
that the Mexicans played chess, dec. v. cap. x.

20 Carta del Ay nut. de V. Cruz, in Cortes, Cartas, 29. ' Pessaba la de oro
quatro mill y ochocientos pessos . . . tenia nueve palmos y medio de anchura e
treynta de circunferencia, ; says Oviedo, who inspected the presents at Seville,
evidently with mathematical precision, iii. 25(.J. ' Pesaua cien marcos, hecha
como Sol, y con muchos follajes, y animalcs de relieue. ' Gomara, Hist. Mex.,
42. Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. ix. , describes the central figure as a king en-
throned, surrounded with foliated ornaments. In the above Carta del Ayunt.
a peso de oro and a castellano are shown to be equivalent, and a marco con-
tains fifty castellanos. Writers differ widely in their calculations to reduce
these coins to modern values, Prescott estimating the castellanos at $11.07 in
United States money, and Ramirez, in a critical note thereupon, at $2.93.
Prescott's Mex., i. 321; also edition Mex. 1845, app. ii. 79-92. See note on
coins in Hist. Cent. Am., this series, i. 192-3. Clemencin, in Mem. Real Acad,
d't J fid., vi. illust. 20, 525-4."), enters fully into the subject.

81 Weighing 48 marcos. Carta del Ayunt., loc. cit. 'De cincuenta y tantos
marcos, ternia de gordor como un toston de a 4 reales,' says Las Casas,
who examined the gifts in Spain. Hist. Ind., iv. 4S5-0. 'Otra mayor rueda
de plata.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 20. Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. 10, 449,
misunderstanding Diaz, places the value of this disk at 20,000 pesos or £5000.

128 THE COMBATANTS SALUTE.

pesos, and appreciation was attracted not so much by
the amount as by the significance of the gift, as Ber-
nal Diaz remarks, for it afforded a sure indication of
the existence of rich mines in the country. "It was
this gift which cost Montezuma his head."22 says
Tor quern ada.

The words which followed fell on closed ears.
These so greatly admired gifts are but a slight token
of the high regard of the emperor, who would be
pleased to form a friendship with his king; but he
could not think of troubling Cortes to come to him
through a hostile country; besides, he was ailing.
Everything the visitors might wish to aid their de-
parture would be instantly supplied. This and more.
Poor, foolish monarch! As well might he ask the
ravenous wolf to depart after giving it to lick a little
blood from his scratched hand. For the gifts, a thou-
sand thanks; but after so long a voyage, undertaken
solely for the purpose, the Spanish captain dared not
face his master without having seen the great Monte-
zuma. As for the road, its difficulties or dangers were
nothing. Would the chiefs present their monarch
these further articles, and bring speedy answer?23

Meamvhile discussion was in order amono- the
Spaniards, and speculation as to what should be
done. Some advised immediate advance on Monte-

22 Monarq. hid. , i. 390. ' Valdria el oro y la plata que alii habia 20 6
25.000 castellanos, pero la hermosura dellas y la hechura, mucho mas. ' Las
Casus, ubi sup. ' Podia valer este presente veynte mil ducados, o pocos mas.
El qual present tenian para dar a Grijalua. ' Gomara, Hist. Alex. , 42. ' Q lo re-
parta co los Teules que cosigo trae,' says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdatl., 27,
intimating that another present was coming for the white emperor ; but it
was applied to the expedition treasury like nearly everything obtained by
trade or seizure. Herrcra, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. v; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mer., pt.
iii. 115. Brasseur de Bourbourg estimates the gold disk alone at 357,380
francs. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 85. Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. ix., gives a de-
tailed description of several of the presents.

23 This time the presents for the chiefs were some embroidered shirts, silk
sashes and other things, while to the emperor he sent a Florentine goblet, gilt
and enamelled with figures, three Holland shirts, and some bead articles, not a
very costly return for what he had received. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27,
and Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vi., enumerate the presents given to them.
' Teudilli . . . . le rogo mucho, q pues estaua mal aposentado en el capo y arenales,
se fuesse con el a vnos lugares seys o siete leguas de alii. ' But Cortes de-
clined to leave the camp. Gomara, Hist. Mex,> 43.

THE SPANIARDS SPECULATE. 129

zunia's capital; some, fearful of the nation's strength,
as manifested by its arts and refinements, favored
return to Cuba for reinforcements. Cortes let them
talk, but said little. Traffic at first was freely per-
mitted among the men,24 and as the result was meagre
Cortes did not think it worth while to require of them
a division. To this irregularity certain of the Velaz-
quez leaders objected, demanding at least that the
royal fifth should be deducted; the commander there-
fore ordered gold to be received only by Gonzalo
Mejia, as treasurer.25

Ten days elapsed before Teuhtlile returned, without
the envoy,26 but followed by a file of slaves bearing,
among other things, as a present to the Spanish king,
ten loads of rich feathers and robes, some gold figures
valued at three thousand pesos, and four chalchiuite
stones, each declared to be worth a load of gold, but
of no value to Europeans.

Teuhtlile then stated that further messages to
the emperor were useless, since the desired inter-
view could not be granted. He hoped the Spaniards
would content themselves with the promised supplies
and depart in peace.

Turning to his companions, Cortes said: " Truly
this must be a great lord, and rich ; and, God willing,
some day we will visit him." Just then the bell
struck for Ave Maria, and instantly, with uncovered
heads, the soldiers were kneeling round the cross.
The priests, ever ready to preach their faith where
an opportunity presented, were soon at work. His
words, however, made a bad impression on the gov-
ernor, as had also the evasive answer of Cortes to his

24 'Y aquel oro que rescatauamos dauamos a los hombres que traiamos de
la mar, que iban a pescar, a trueco de su pescado. ' Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. ,
27. If so it was probably after the Indians deserted.

15 Gomara refers to an order to stop all barter for gold, with a view to let
it appear that the Spaniards cared not for the metal, and thus to induce the
Indians to make no secret of the manner in which it was obtained. J fist. Mex. ,
39. As if the natives had not already learned what we wanted, sneers
Bernal Diaz.

20 'Que se dezia Quintalbor, no bolvio mas, porque auia adolecido en el
camino.' Bernal Diaz, Hint. Verdad., 27.
Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 9

130 THE COMBATANTS SALUTE.

message. He bade a cold farewell, and the next
morning the Spaniards awoke to find the native en-
campment deserted, and even the supplies carried
away. Precautions were now taken against probable
attack, by sending on board the provisions and all
cumbrous articles, leaving embarkation easy at any
moment.27

27 According to Gomara, Hist. Mcx. , 45, Cortes told the governor that he
would not leave without seeing Montezuma. Solis elaborates this as usual
into a long speech, to which Teuhtlile replies with threats, and turning his
back stalks out of the camp. Conq. Mex., i. 153-5; Herrera, dec. i. lib. v.
cap. vi.

CHAPTER IX.

THE MIGHTY PROJECT IS CONCEIVED.

May, 1519.

Serious Dilemma of Cortes — Authority without Law — Montejo Sent
Northward — Recommends another Anchorage — Dissensions at
Vera Cruz — Prompt and Shrewd Action of Cortes — A Munici-
pality Organized — Cortes Resigns — And is Chosen Leader by the
Municipality — Velazquez' Captains Intimate Rebellion — Cortes
promptly Arrests Several of Them — Then he Conciliates them
all — Important Embassy from Cempoala — The Veil Lifted — The
March to Cempoala — What was Done there — Quiahuiztlan — The
Coming of the Tribute Gatherers — How They were* Treated —
Grand Alliance.

At this point in his . career Hernan Cortes found
himself less master of the situation than suited him.
The color of his command was not sufficiently pro-
nounced. He had no authority to settle; he had no
authority to conquer; he might only discover and
trade. He did not care for Velazquez ; anything that
pertained to Velazquez he was prepared to take. But
Velazquez had no legal power to authorize him further.
Cortes cared little for the authorities at Espanola; the
king was his chief dependence ; the king to whose favor
his right arm and mother wit should pave the way.
Some signal service, in the eyes of the monarch,
might atone for slight irregularities; if he failed, the
Beverest punishments were already come. But where
was the service? Had Montezuma granted him an
interview, he might make report of that, and find
listeners. As it was, he could land and slay a few
thousand natives, but his men would waste away and
no benefits accrue. Nevertheless, if he could plant

(131)

132 THE MIGHTY PROJECT IS CONCEIVED.

himself somewhat more firmly on this soil than his
commission seemed to justify, chance might offer oppor-
tunity, and the signal service find achievement. Such
were the thoughts that just now filled his sagacious
brain, but the way was by no means clear before him.

While the events narrated in the preceding chapter
were in progress, Montejo, with two vessels, had been
sent northward to seek a harbor less unwholesome
than the present, where many of those wounded at
Tabasco had died.1 As second in command went
Rodrigo Alvarez Chico, and as pilots, Alaminos, and
Alvarez el Manquillo. On reaching the extreme
point attained by Grijalva, the strong current pre-
vented further advance, as in the former attempt.2
They were obliged by a gale to throw overboard
part of their cargo. Water failed, and in the attempt
to land an artilleryman perished. Prayer was now
their only recourse, and this not only changed the
wind, but brought rain. After a fortnight of mis-
adventures3 they returned to San Juan do Ulua, and
hastened bareheaded to the cross to offer thanks.
More wholesome airs were not difficult to find, but
good harbors were not abundant thereabout. The
only favorable spot found by Montejo lay some ten
leagues north of the camp, close to the native fortress
of Quiahuiztlan.4 A high rock affording shelter from

1 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vi., and
others refer to a similar number as being on the sick-list. Yellow fever, or
vomito negro, now the scourge of this and adjoining regions, appears to have
developed with the growth of European settlements, and Clavigero states that
it was not known there before 1725. Storia Mess.', i. 117.

2 ' Hasta el parage del rio grande de Panuco. ' Herrera, loc. cit. ' Llegaron
al parage del rio grande, que es cerca de Panuco, adonde otra vez llegamo
quado lo del Capita Juan de Grijalua. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27.

3 'Doze dias que gastaron en este peligroso viage.' Herrera, ubi sup. 'Bol-
uiose al cabo de tres semanas . . . . le salian los de la costa, y se sacaua sangre, y
se la ofrecia en pajuelos por amistad a deidad. ' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 45.

i IxtWxochitl, Hist. Chick., 289. Quiauitl, rain or shower. Molina, Vocabtt-
lario. Hence rainy place. Herrera calls it Chianhuitzlan, and this has been
adopted by Clavigero and most other writers. Prescott, Mex., i. 348, in a
note holds up Clavigero as a standard for the spelling of Mexican names, but
he forgets that the Italian form, as in the above case, would be misleading to
English people.

SUBTLETIES. 133

north winds gave the place some resemblance to
the Spanish harbor of Bernal, which name was ac-
cordingly applied to it. Extending inland were green
fields fringed with fine timber, and supplied with
creeks of good water.5

The fifty men comprising the expedition of Montejo
had been picked from the adherents of Velazquez, in
order that by weakening this faction Cortes might
be allowed to develop his plans. For the army was
slowly but surely drifting into division, as we have so
often found in adventures of this kind, and the Velaz-
quez party comprised all who desired immediately to
return. In this clique were many wealthy and in-
fluential men who cared no more for Velazquez than
for Cortes, but who had possessions in Cuba, and
were becoming impatient to return to them. Nor was
there much difficulty in giving form to discontent.
There were grave suspicions afloat as to the loyalty
of the commander; but these, which assuredly were
more conspicuous in Cuba than here, were of little
moment when they harmonized with the wishes of
the men. What stupidity in forming camp amidst
such malaria, and in so early making enemies of the
people. It was evident, so they argued, that the
commander intended to sacrifice the company to his
ambition.

The action of Cortes here as elsewhere marks the
great man, the man of genius, the born master of
men, and rightfully places him beside the Cassars and
the Napoleons of the world. The commander wished
to remain. All his fortune, all the fortunes of his
friends were staked on this adventure, and he would
rather die than return unsuccessful. Little hope there
would be of his obtaining command again; he would

5 'Le llamaro Vernal, por ser, como es, vn Cerro alto.' Vetancvrt, Teatro
M'-x., pt. iii. 115. This may have been the origin of the name for the Spanish
port, after which Bernal Diaz says it was called. Hist. VerdatL, 27. He
applies the name to a neighboring fort, spelling it in different ways, of which
Solis, and consequently Robertson, have selected the most unlikely. Gomara
applies Aquiahuiztlan to the harbor. Hist. Mcx., 49.

134 THE MIGHTY PROJECT IS CONCEIVED.

not return, neither would he just at present die. In
desperate cases spirited counsels and spirited actions
are usually safest.

Calling to him his most trusty followers, Puerto-
carrero, Alvarado and his brothers, Avila, Olid, Esca-
lante, and Francisco Lugo, he laid the situation fairly
before them. Shortty after these captains were out
among the men, holding forth to them privately on
the wealth of the country, the ease and glory of con-
quest, and the prospect of repartimientos. Where was
the benefit of returning to Cuba? Surely they might
as well hold the country for themselves as to aban-
don it and let others step into their places. It would
be much easier to increase the present force by add-
ing to it than to raise a new army better appointed
or larger than this. Nor did they forget the argu-
ment of religion, which, however hollow in practice,
was weighty enough in theory. " Elect therefore to
remain," they said in conclusion; "and choose the
able and generous Cortes for your general and justicia
mayor till the emperor decides in the matter."6

The opposition was by no means ignorant of
these manoeuvres, and Ordaz was commissioned to
remonstrate with Cortes. He dwelt on the danger
of present colonization, denounced any attempt to
ignore Velazquez, and insisted on instant return.
Suppressing the anger naturally arising from these
insinuations, true as they were, Cortes disavowed
any intention of exceeding the instructions of his
commission. For himself he preferred to remain, as,
among other reasons, the onlv means of reimbursing
himself for his heav}r expenditures. If, however, it

6 Bernal Diaz relates with great satisfaction how earnestly the speaker
pleaded for his vote, addressing him repeatedly as 'your worship. ' One reason
for their earnestness, he implies, was the superiority in number of the Velaz-
quez partjr. ' Losdeudos, y amigos del Diego Velazquez, que eran muchos mas
que nosotros.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 2S-9. He forms this estimate
most likely on the proportion of leaders who from jealousy of Cortes, and for
ether reasons, were addicted to Velazquez; but their men were probably
more in favor of the general than of the captains, to judge from the result.
The sailors for obvious reasons may have added to the Velazquez -number, if
not to their strength.

CORTES WINS. 135

was the will of the army to return, he would yield.
A few hours later appeared an order to embark the
following day for Cuba; This, as was intended,
brought public feeling to a crisis. All saw their
golden hopes suddenly dashed to the ground, their
visions of honors and repartimientos dispelled; even
the men so lately clamorous to return were not
prepared to find their request so readily granted.
Would it not be well to think further of the matter,
and perhaps devise a plan to cover the emergency?
After noisy discussion the soldiers appeared in force
before the captain-general and demanded the revoca-
tion of the order. They had left Cuba with the de-
clared understanding that a colony was to be planted,
and now they were informed that Velazquez had
given no authority to settle. And if he had not,
were not the interests of God and the king par-
amount to the order of any governor? And did not
this same Velazquez defame Grijalva for not disobey-
ing instructions in this very regard? With no small
satisfaction Cortes saw that he was safe ; then urmnsr
calm deliberation he graciously promised delay,7
which was employed first of all in impressing on their
minds how indispensable he was to their success.

Finally before the assembled army the captain-
general appeared and said: That he had invested his
whole fortune in the fleet, and controlled it; jet he
was willing to subordinate his individual interest to
that of the whole. He had given the order to return
because he understood such to be the will of the
majority. As this was not the case, he would gladly
remain; for God who had ever been with them was
now disclosing such a field of wealth and glory as had
never before been offered to Spaniard. Yet, if any
wished to return, let them freely speak, and a vessel
would be at their disposal. What magic power ruled,
that, when the disaffected majority were thus given

' Se hazia mncho de rogar: y como dize el refran: Tu me lo ruegas, e yo
me lo quiero.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 29.

133 THE MIGHTY PROJECT IS CONCEIVED.

their way, every mouth was dumb, and the commander
remained more potent than ever?

A colony being thus decided on, the founding
ceremony was performed by the quasi laying out of
a town, the planting a pillory in the plaza, and a
gallows at some distance outside,8 though strictly
speaking, the town was not properly located or laid
out till afterward. Referring to the treasures here
obtained, and to the day of landing, the new town
was called Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz.9 Cortes, as
commander, appointed the municipal officers,10 naming
for alcaldes Puertocarrero and Montejo, a judicious
selection, both for his own interests and as likely
to meet general approval. And here again is dis-
played the subtle policy of Cortes, who to this im-
portant position nominates but one from among his
own faction, Montejo being for Velazquez. Thus of
an opponent he made an adherent, conciliating at
the same time the entire Velazquez party.11 The
regidores were Alonso de Avila, Pedro and Alonso
de Alvarado, and Gonzalo de Sandoval; procurador
general, Francisco Alvarez Chico ; alguacil mayor, Juan
de Escalante; escribano, Diego de Godoy. Beside
these were appointed, in the interests of the military
department, as capitan de entradas, Pedro de Alva-
rado; maestre de campo, Cristobal de Olid; alferez,
Corral; alguaciles de real, Ochoa and Romero; teso-
rero, Gonzalo Mejia; contador, Alonso de Avila.12

8 ' Se puso vna picota en la placa, y fuera de la Uilla vna horca. ' Bernal Diaz,
Hint. Verdad., 29; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 116. This signifies that
justice was installed, its officers being next appointed.

9 See note 23, chap. ii. , this volume.

10 'Nombr6nos. . . .por alcaldes y regidores,' say distinctly the appointed
officers themselves, in their letter to the emperor. Carta del Ayunt., in Cortes,
Cartas, 20. Bernal Diaz also indicates that Cortes made the appointments,
although he at first says, ' hizimos Alcalde, y ttegidores. ' Yet it is probable that
the authorities were confirmed formally as they were tacitly by the members
of the expedition; for Cortes, as he acknowledges, had no real authority to
form a settlement.

11 Testimonio de Montejo, in Col. Doc. hied., i. 489. 'A este Montejo porque
no estaua muy bien con Cortes, por metelle en los primeros, y principal, le
mandb nombrar por Alcalde. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 29.

12 Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vii ; Torquemada, i.. 587. Bernal Diaz skips
the regidores. He thinks Villareal was not reappointed alferez because of

ABDICATION. 137

Nearly all these men were devoted to Cortes, and
were therefore a powerful point dJappui for his project.
Thus far all was well. The men of Velazquez and
the men of Cortes, Spaniards all, for the same God
and the same king, had of their own volition deter-
mined here t^ plant a Spanish settlement, and had so
planted it. By virtue of his office, and in the ab-
sence of any higher authority, the captain -general
had chosen temporary officers for the new common-
wealth. This was all. These men had elected to
transform the army into a civil society, for temporary
or permanent purposes as the case might be ; and they
had done so. But about their leader? What position
did he occupy ? A general without an army, de facto
at the head of affairs, but by no legal right. Let
him cut his own knot.

Hat in hand, before the new municipality, Cortes
appeared and surrendered his commission. Authority,
chief and absolute, was now vested alone in the ayun-
tamiento. Then with the modesty of Cincinnatus he
retired.

It was then in order, on the part of the munici-
pality, to choose a chief ruler and representative of
royal authority. This could be done by the council
alone, though in this instance, for obvious reasons, it
would be better to secure the appointment by popular
vote. Cortes felt safe enough either way. A glowing
eulogy delivered by a fluent speaker was followed by
such noisy demonstrations that the opposition found
no opportunity to express their opinion.13 The folio w-

a difficulty with Cortes about a Cuban female. Hist. Verdad., 29; Vetancvrt,
Teaf.ro Mex., pt. iii. 116. Promotion and other causes gave speedy rise to
changes among the officials ; Avila, for instance, becoming alcalde mayor of
New Spain, and Pedro de Alvarado alcalde of the town.

13 ' Los q para esto estaua auisados, sin dar lugar a que nadie tomasse la
mano. A vozes respodiero Cortes, Cortes.' Ilerrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vii.
Bernal Diaz merely intimates that a 'packed' meeting was held, by stating
that the men of Velazquez were furious on finding Cortes and the munici-
pality elected, declaring, 'q no era bien hecho sin ser sabidores dello todos los
Capitanes, y soldados.' Hist. Verdad., 29. This indicates also that many of
the opponents must have been sent away from camp for the occasion, perhaps
on board the vessels. Montejo had besides a number with him.

13S THE MIGHTY PROJECT IS CONCEIVED.

ing day a committee was sent to apprise Cortes of
his election,14 in the name of their Catholic High-
nesses, to the offices of captain-general, and of justicia
mayor of the town. On appearing before the council
to take the oath, the alcalde addressed Cortes, giv-
ing as reason for the appointment his loyalty, his
worth, and his talents. The commission which was
then given granted him one fifth of all treasure ac-
quired by trade or conquest, after deducting the
royal fifth. This was in consideration chiefly for
his services as leader.15 Exitas acta probat. Las

14 'El qual como si nada supiera del caso, pregtmtd que era lo que mandaua. '
Having signified his acceptance, 'Quisiero besarle las manos por ello, como
cosa al bien de todos. ' Herrera, ubi sup.

la Gomara says frankly, ' Cortes acepto el cargo de capitan general y
justicia mayor, a pocos ruegos, porq no desseaua otra cosa mas por entonces.'
Hist. Mex., 4<S. 'Y no tuvo vergiienza Gomara,' is Las Casas' comment on
the admission. Hist. Lid., iv. 496. Bernal Diaz states that Cortes had made
it a condition, when the army pleaded to remain in the country, that he
should receive these offices: 'Y lo peor de todo que le otorgamos que le
dariamos el quinto del oro.' Hist. Verdacl., 29. The letter of the ayunta-
miento to the emperor sets forth that they had represented to Cortes the
injustice of trading gold for the sole benefit of Velazquez and himself, and
the necessity of securing the country and its wealth for the king by founding
a colony, which would also benefit them all in the distribution of grants.
They had accordingly urged him to stop barter as hitherto carried on, and
to found a town. It is then related how he yielded his own interest in favor
of king and community, and appointed them alcaldes and regidores. His
authority having in consequence become null, they appointed him in the
king's name justicia, alcalde mayor, and captain, as the ablest and most loyal
man, and in consideration of his expenses and services so far. Carta 10
Jul., 1519, in Cortes, Cartas, 19-21. Both Puertocarrero and Montejo con-
firm, in their testimony before the authorities in Spain, that Cortes yielded
to the general desire in doing what he did. Col. Doc. Ined., i. 489, 493-4.
According to Gomara, CortCs makes a trip into the neighboring country, and,
finding how rich it is, he proposes to settle, and to send the vessels to Cuba
for more men wherewith to undertake the conquest. This was approved :
Cortes accordingly appointed the municipality, and resigning the authority
conferred by the Jeronimite Fathers and by Velazquez, as now useless, these
officers in turn elected him as their captain -general and justicia mayor. The
council proposed that, since the only provisions remaining belonged to Cortes,
he should take from the vessels what he needed for himself and servants, and
distribute the rest among the men at a just price, their joint credit being
pledged for payment. The fleets and outfit were to be accepted by the com-
pany in the same way, the vessels to be used to carry provisions from the
islands. Scorning the idea of trading his possessions, Cortes surrendered the
fleet and effects for free distribution among his companions. Although
liberal at all times with them, this act was prompted by a desire to gain
good- will. Hist. Mex., 46-8; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vii. ; Torquenvtda,
i. 393, 587. Las Casas terms the whole transaction, as related by Gomara and
the ayuntamiento, a plot to defraud Velazquez of his property and honors.
Comparing the conduct of Cortes with that of Velazquez against- Colon, he
finds the latter trifling and pardonable, while the former was a barefaced

A MUNICIPALITY ESTABLISHED. 139

Casas insists that, since Cortes had no authority to
form a settlement, his appointment of an ayuntamiento
was illegal, and consequently their election of him.
No one supposed for a moment, least of all Cortes,
that these proceedings were regular. They were
but make-believe legal. But in following Gomara's
version Las Casas failed to understand that the
appointment was conferred by the popular majority
in the name of the king, which though not strictly
legal threw over all the color of law. Beside, with
consummate skill Cortes made it appear that the
expedition obliged him to act as he did; and if these
manoeuvres did not legalize the transaction, they were
the means of weaving a strong bond between the
men and their leader, such as King Charles and all
his ordinance-makers never could have created. Cor-
tes was no longer the chief of Velazquez' expedition,
but the leader of the Vera Cruz militia, as" the army
might now be termed, and removable only by the
power that placed him there, or by the emperor.16

Although opposition was now in vain, the ad-
herents of Velazquez loudly denounced the whole
affair, called it a conspiracy and a cheat, and refused
to acknowledge Cortes as their leader. So abusive
did they become that open rupture was imminent.
The leaders of this faction were Velazquez de Leon,
Ordaz, Escobar, Pedro Escudero, Morla, and the

robbery, resulting to Velazquez in loss of fortune, honors, and life. The cap-
tains were accomplices. Hist. Lid., iv. 453, 494-6. Peter Martyr gives the
facts in brief without venturing an opinion, dec. v. cap. i. ; Zumdrraga, in
Ramirez, Doc, MS., 271-2. Cort£s still held out the offer to furnish a vessel
for those who preferred to return to Cuba. As for Velazquez' goods, they
remained safely in charge of the authorized agent, who also recovered the
advances made to members. See note 5, cap. v.

16 As for the ayuntamiento, the passive recognition accorded to it, con-
firmed as it was by the popularly elected general, may be regarded as sufficient.
Spanish municipal bodies possessed an extensive power conferred upon them
during successive reigns, chiefly with a view to afford the sovereign a support
against the assuming arrogance of the nobles. Their deliberations were
respected ; they could appoint members, regulate their expenses, and even
raise troops under their own standard. As an instance of the consideration
enjoyed by these troops, it is related that Isabella the Catholic, when re-
viewing the army besieging Moclin, gave a special salute of respect to the
banner of Seville. Alaman, Disert., i. 612; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., ii. 401-2.

140 THE MIGHTY PROJECT IS CONCEIVED.

priest Juan Diaz. Seeing the necessity of prompt
action, Cortes seized the first two, with a few others,
and sent them on shipboard in irons, while Alva-
rado went a-foraging with a hundred men, chiefly
adherents of the disaffected leaders.17 They found a
fertile country, and several small towns. The in-
habitants fled at their approach, leaving signs of re-
cent human sacrifices in the temple. In one building,
with pyramidal foundation several feet in height,
were found a number of fine rooms, some filled with
grain, beans, honey, and other provisions; others
with cotton fabrics and feathers, adorned in instances
with gold and silver. In obedience to strict orders
nothing was touched save food. The report brought
back of the beauty of the country, together with the
ample supplies obtained, tended toward harmony ; and
while the soldiers were thus easily reconciled to the
new order of things, Cortes with his usual tact won
over nearly all his adversaries. Some he bribed,
some he flattered; others were allured with hopes
of preferment. Most remarkable was it that with
such fire in his veins, he could so control it; for how-
ever treacherous Cortes knew them to be, seldom a
sign escaped him that he suspected them. Even the
imprisoned officers yielded to his persuasive power,
aided as it was by irons, and soon were ranked among
his devoted sustainers.18

And now came to pass an event such as the gods
not unfrequently fling their favorites, which was ma-
terially to brighten the prospects of the Spaniards.
While preparing their removal to a new harbor,
and shortly after the Mexican withdrawal from inter-

17 According to Gomara, Cortes enters the country with 400 men and all the
horses, before the election had been mooted. He describes the towns visited.
Hist. Mex., 46-8. Bernal Diaz pronounces the number of men and the time
of entry false. He also states that Montejo was bought over for 2000 pesos
and more. Hist. Ver tad., 30.

18 According to Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 30, gold played an important
role in effecting this change of allegiance, termed by Velazquez, in his Me-
morials to Spain, a witchery. Solis sees nothing but the dignified .yet clever
traits of his hero in all this.

CEMPOALAN EMBASSY. HI

course, Bernal Diaz brought in from his outpost five
Indians, different in dress and features from any
hitherto seen. Among other peculiarities were large
gold rings, set with stones, in their perforated ears,
nose, and lower lip. Two of them, who spoke Mexi-
can, explained the purport of their visit. The deeds
of the Spaniards having reached the ears of their
master, the lord of Cempoala, in the Totonac country,
they had been sent to see these valiant beings, and in-
vite them to their city a few leagues distant.19 Ques-
tionings revealed that the Totonacs were a subjected
nation, languishing like others under the oppressive
yoke of the Aztecs, and only too ready to welcome
deliverance.

It must be remembered that Cortes and his com-
panions were wholly in the dark as to the power
and positions of the interior nations. Now for the
first time a little light was shed on the subject. It
appeared that the mighty monarch, with whom took
place the late interchange of courtesies, had enemies
who, if not as powerful as himself, were still strong,
and in spirit, at least, unsubdued. Might not this
adverse influence be utilized and joined to other ad-
verse influences for the humbling of the great interior
power ? Possibly Montezuma might grant Cortes
audience under circumstances yet to be. Thus the
plan of the conquest was conceived. The messengers
were dismissed with presents and the assurance of a
speedy visit.20

According to Ixtlilxochitl, the first revelation of
Aztec weakness was made by his ancestor and name-
sake, the king of northern Acolhuacan.21 Fearing the
power and treachery of Montezuma and his allies, and

19 The soldiers called them Lopelucios, because their first inquiry was
Lopelucio, 'chief,' whom they wished to see. They had not ventured to ap-
proach while the Mexicans were at the camp. Bernal Diaz, Hint. VerdcuL, 28.

20 According to Gomara, followed by Herrera, the Totonacs were about
twenty in number, and came while Teuhtlile was absent on his second mission
to Mexico, without bringing a direct invitation to the Spaniards. Hist.
Mux., 43-4.

21 See Native Races, v. 47o-7.

142 THE MIGHTY PROJECT IS CONCEIVED.

hating the Aztecs with a perfect hatred, this prince
had hailed with joy the arrival of the Spaniards, and
had gloated over the terror with which their presence
would inspire the emperor. The prospect of gaining
an ally who might aid his own ambitious plans for
supremacy, and for Mexican humiliation, impelled him
to send an embassy to Cortes with rich presents, and
with instructions to explain to the strangers the
prevailing disaffection, the ease with which the Aztecs
might be overthrown, and the rare spoils that would
accrue to the conquerors. The interview with Cortes
is placed at about the same time as the Totonac visit,
and Ixtlilxochitl is said to have received the morst
friendly assurances from Cortes.22 Be that as it may,
here was an incident which should crush all cavillings.

As well to examine the country as to inure the
troops to whatever experience should be theirs on this
strange shore, Cortes with about four hundred men and
two light guns proceeded by land to Cempoala, while
the fleet with the heavy camp material and the re-
mainder of the expedition coasted farther northward
to Quiahuiztlan.

Burning: overhead was the sun: burning underfoot
were the sands; while on the one side was the tan-
talizing sea, and on the other the tantalizing wood,
both inviting by their cool refreshing airs. Behind

22 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 288. This author is not very careful, however,
and his desire to court the Spaniards has no doubt led him to antedate the
event. Brasseur de Bourbourg accepts his story in full. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv.
87-8. A similar revelation is claimed to have been made by two Aztec chiefs,
Vamapantzin and Atonal tzin, who came to the camp in the retinue of the first
messengers from Mexico. Descendants of the early Aztec kings, and discon-
tented with the present ruler, they promised Cortes to deliver certain native
paintings foretelling the coming of white men, to reveal the whereabouts of
the imperial treasures, and to plot an uprising among native states in aid of
Spaniards. For these services they received extensive grants after the con-
quest, including that of Ajapusco town. The document recording this is a
fragment which Zerecero parades in the opening part of his Mem. Rev. Mix. ,
8-14, as a discovery by him in the Archivo General. It pretends to be a title
to Ajapusco lands, and contains on the first pages a letter signed by Cortes at
San Juan de Ulua, '20 March,' 1519, as 'Captain -general and governor of
these New Spains.' Both the date and titles stamp the letter at least as more
than suspicious.

EXPEDITION TO CEMPOALA. 143

the dark-fringed forests rose old Orizaba,23 laughing
at their distress beneath its cap of snow, and wonder-
ing why mortals so superior should choose the deadly
tierra caliente country for their promenade, when
gentle, genial Anahuac lay so near. But presently
the senses quickened to the aroma of vegetation ; soft
swards and cultivated fields spread before them their
living green, and the moist, murmuring wood anon
threw over them its grateful shade. If beside grave
thoughts on the stupendous matters then under
consideration, might find place such trifles of God's
creation as birds of brilliant plumage and of sweet
song, they were there in myriads to charm the eye
and ear; game to fill the stomach, though not so
satisfying as gold, always commanded attention, and
was also plentiful.21 Through all, dispensing life and
beauty on every side, flowed the Rio de la Antigua,
where a few years later rose old Vera Cruz-.25

Crossing this stream with the aid of rafts and
shaky canoes, the army quartered on the opposite
bank, in one of the towns there, which was desti-
tute alike of food and people, but which displayed the

1Z The natives called it Citlaltepetl, starry mountain, with reference probably
to the sparks issuing from it. For height, etc. , see Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 273.
Brasseur de Bourbourg gives it the unlikely name of Ahuilizapan. Hist. Nat.
Civ., iv. 99. The ending 'pan' implies a district or town, not a mountain. The
description in Carta del Ayunt., in Cortes, Cartas, 22-3, expresses doubt
whether the whiteness of the summit is due to snow or to clouds.

'^Alvarado chased a deer, and succeeded in wounding it, but the next
moment the dense underbrush saved it from pursuit. The Carta del Ayunt.,
loc. cit. , gives a list of birds and quadrupeds ; and a descriptive account,
founded greatly on fancy, however, is to be found in the curious Erasmi
Francisci Guitteischer und Americanischer Blumen-Pusch, Nurnberg, 1G69,
wherein the compiler presents under the title of a nosegay the 'perfume of
the wonders of strange animals, of peculiar customs, and of the doings of the
kings of Peru and Mexico. ' The first of its two parts is devoted to the animal
kingdom, with particular attention to the marvellous, wherein credulity finds
free play, as may be seen also in the flying dragon of one of the crude en-
gravings. In the second part, the aborigines, their history, condition, and
customs, are treated of, chiefly under Peru and Mexico, chapter v. relating
specially to the latter country. The narrative is quite superficial and fragmen-
tary ; the 'nosegay' being not only common but faded, even the style and type
appearing antiquated for the date. Appended is Hemrnersam, Guineische und
n i ■<(- hid) anische llzissbeschreibuuy, with addition byDietherr, relating to Africa
and Brazil.

J 'A tres leguas andadas llego alrio que parte termino con tierras de Mon-
teccuma.' Goiaara, Hist. Mex.,40; Torquemada, i. 395.

144 THE MIGHTY PROJECT IS CONCEIVED.

usual ghastly indications of recent human sacriiice.
The next morning they followed the river westward,
and soon after met a party of twelve Totonacs, who
had been sent by the Cempoalan ruler with presents
of food. By them the Spaniards were guided north-
ward to a hamlet where a bountiful supper was pro-
vided.26 While marching the next day, with scouts
deployed as usual to guard against ambuscades, they
emerged from a dense tropical forest into the midst
of gardens and orchards, and by a sudden turn in the
road the bright buildings of Cempoala stood forth to
view.

Just then twenty nobles appeared and offered wel-
come. They wTere followed by slaves, and instantly
the travel -worn army was revelling in fruits and
flowers. What more beautiful reception could have
been given? yet the Spaniards would have preferred
a shower of gold. To Cortes wTere given bouquets;
a garland, chiefly of roses, was flung around his neck,
and a wreath placed upon his helmet. Species of
pineapples and cherries, juicy zapotes, and aromatic
anones were distributed to the men without stint.
Almost the entire populace of the city, some twenty-
five thousand/7 staring their wonderment with open
e}7es and mouth, thronged either side of the way
along which marched the army in battle array, headed
by the cavalry. Never before had the Spaniards seen
so beautiful an American city. Cortes called it Seville,

26 Gomara, who ignores the previous night's camp, states that the detour up
the river was made to avoid marshes. They saw only isolated huts, and fields,
and also about twenty natives, who were chased and caught. By them they
were guided to the hamlet. Hist. Mex\, 49. They met one hundred men
bringing them food. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 289. Prescott allows the
Spaniards to cross only a tributary of la Antigua, and yet gain Cempoala.
Mex., i. 339-40.

27 Las Casas says 20,000 to 30,000. Hist, lnd., iv. 492. Torquemada varies
in different places from 25,000 to 150,000. The inhabitants were moved by
Conde de Monterey to a village in Jalapa district, and in Torquemada's time
less than half a dozen remained, i. 397. 'Dista de Vera-Cruz quatro leguas,
y las ruinas dan a entender la grandeza de la Ciudad ; pero es distinto de otro
Zempoal . . . . que dista de este doze leguas.' Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist. N.
Espafta, 39. 'Assentada en vn llano entre dos rios.' A league and a half from
the sea. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. viii.

THE CITY AND ITS PEOPLE. 145

a name which Spaniards frequently applied to any place
that pleased them, as we have seen, while the soldiers,
charmed with its floral wealth and beauty, termed
it Villaviciosa, and declared it a terrestrial paradise.
One of the cavalry scouts, on first beholding the
freshly stuccoed walls gleaming in the sun, came gal-
loping back with the intelligence that the houses
were silver-plated. It was indeed an important place,
holding a large daily market. A central plaza was
inclosed by imposing temples and palaces, resting
on pyramidal foundations, lined with apartments and
surmounted by towers, and around clustered neat
dwellings with whitened adobe walls embowered in
foliage. Statelier edifices of masonry, some having
several court -yards, rose here and there, while in
every direction spread an extensive suburb of mud
huts with the never failing palm-leaf roof. Yet even
the humblest abodes were smothered in ' flowers.28
The people also, as we might expect by their sur-
roundings, were of a superior order, well formed, of
intelligent aspect, clothed in neat white and colored
cotton robes and mantles, the nobles being adorned
with golden necklaces, bracelets, and nose and lip
rings, set with pearls and precious stones.

When the troops reached the plaza, Chicomacatl,29
lord of the province, stepped from the palace to
receive his guests. He was supported by two nobles,
and though enormously stout,30 his features denoted
high intelligence, and his manner refinement. He was
more of a gentleman than many of the Spaniards,
whose merriment over his corpulence Cortes was
obliged to repress. After saluting and wafting incense
before the commander of the strange company, Chico-
macatl embraced Cortes and led him to his quarters

28 ' Cempoal, que yo intitule Sevilla. ' Cortes, Cartas, 52. See Native Races,
ii. 553-90 ; iv. 425-63, on Nahua architecture.

29 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chick., 294. Brasseur de Bourbourg, by a miscon-
struction of his authorities, calls him Tlacochcalcatl. Codex ChimalpOf>oca, in
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 93. See Sahagun, Hist. Con<(., I'o.

30 ' Una gordura monstruosa . . . , Fue necesario que Cortes detuviesse la risa
de los soldados.' Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 175.
Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 10

146 THE MIGHTY PROJECT IS CONCEIVED.

in the spacious halls adjoining the temple, after which
he retired for a time. There the men rested and re-
freshed themselves, guards being carefully posted, for
Cortes would not trust his fate to strangers, and
strict orders were given that no one should leave the
building.31

It was not lonof before Chicomacatl returned in a
litter with a richly attired suite, bringing presents of
fine robes, and jewels worth about two thousand
ducats. Durinof the conversation that ensued, Cortes
as usual extolled the greatness and power of his king,
and spoke warmly of his mission to replace their
bloody religion with a knowledge of the true God.
Were there wrongs to redress, that is to say, when
opportunity offered for the perpetration of a greater
wrong by himself, no knight of La Mancha or Amadis
of Gaul could be more valiant than he. In return
the chief of Cempoala unbosomed himself, for the
manner of Cortes was winning, and his speech in-
spired confidence whenever he chose to make it so.
Then his fame, already wide-spread over the land, and
the dim uncertainty as to his nature, whether more
celestial or terrestrial, added weight to his words. So
Chicomacatl poured forth from an overflowing heart
a torrent of complaints against the tyranny of Monte-
zuma. He drew for the Spaniards a historic outline
of the Aztecs — how a people the youngest in the land
had, at first by cunning and treachery, and finally by
forced allies and preponderance of arms, built their
power upon the ruin of older states. The Totonacs,
whose records as an independent nation in this region
extended over seven centuries, had succumbed only
some twenty-five years before this.32 And now Mon-
tezuma's collectors overran the provinces, gathering
heavy tributes, seizing the beautiful maidens, and

31 ' Se hizo el alojamento en el patio del Templo mayor.' Herrera, dec. ii.
lib. v. cap. viii.

32 For the reigns of their kings, see Torquemada, i. 278-80. Robertson.
Hist. Am., ii. 31, wrongly assumes the Totonacs to be a fierce people, different
from Cempoalans.

TOTONAC PLEDGES. 147

conveying the men into slavery or to the sacrificial
stone. Neither life, liberty, nor property could be
enjoyed with any degree of safety.

Whereat Cortes of course was indignant. It wTas
his special business to do all the tyrannizing in that
region himself; his sword would give ample pro-
tection to his new allies, and bring abundant honor
to his king and himself. Let but the people prove
loyal to him, he concluded, and he surely would de-
liver them from the hated yoke; yet he did not
mention the more fatal bondage into which he would
place them. Chicomacatl eagerly assured Cortes of
support from the Totonacs, numbering fifty thousand
warriors, with numerous towns and fortresses.33 Fur-
thermore, there were many other states ready to join
an insurrection which should prove strong enough to
brave the terrible Montezuma.

Their visit over,34 the Spaniards continued their
march northward to join the fleet. Four hundred
tlamamas, or carriers, attended, in courtesy to hon-
ored guests, to relieve the soldiers of their burdens.
The following day they reached Quiahuiztlan, a for-
tified town about a league from the sea. This town
was picturesquely placed on a rocky promontory
bordering one of the many wild ravines thereabout,
and of difficult access, commanding the plain and
harbor at its base.35 The army advanced cautiously,

1 'Toda aquella provincia de Cempoal y toda la sierra comarcana a la
dicha villa, que seran hasta cinquenta mil hombres de guerra y cincuenta
villas y fortalezas. ' Cortes, Cartas, 53. ' Cien mil hobres entre toda la liga. '
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 57. ' En aquellas tierras de la lengua de Totonaque, que
eran mas de trienta pueblos.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 31. The province
appears to have extended from Rio de la Antigua to Huaxtecapan, in the
north of Vera Cruz, and from the sea to Zacatlan, in Puebla. Patifio assumes
Mixquhuacan to have been the capital, but this must be a mistake.

3t Gomara relates that the army remained at Cempoala fifteen days, during
which frequent visits were made by the lord, Cortes paying the first return
visit on the third day, attended by fifty soldiers. He describes briefly the
palace, and how Cortes, seated by the side of the lord, on icpalli stools, now
won his confidence and adhesion. Hist. Mex., 51-3; Tapia, Ret., in Jcazbai-
oda, Col. Doc., ii. 561; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. x. Bernal Diaz declares
Gomara wrong, and insists that they proceeded on their way the following
day. I /ist. Verdad., 31; Clavigcro, Storia Mess., iii. 20-7.

°For illustrated description of barranca ruins, see Native Races, iv.439etseq.

148 THE MIGHTY PROJECT IS CONCEIVED.

in battle array,36 but the place was deserted. On
reaching the plaza, however, some fifteen chiefs came
forward with swinging censers, and apologized, saying
that the people had fled, not knowing what the strange
arrival portended, but reassured by the Cempoalans,
they were already returning to serve them. The
soldiers then took possession of a large building, where
food was brought them. Presently the chief ap-
peared; and close at his heels in hot haste came the
lord of Cempoala, who announced that the Aztec col-
lectors had entered his city.37 While conferring with
Cortes and the chiefs assembled, Chicomacatl was
informed that the collectors, five38 in number, had
followed him to Quiahuiztlan, and were even then at
the door. All the chiefs present turned pale, and
hastened out to humble themselves before the officers,
who responded with disdainful condescension. The
officers were clad in embroidered robes, with a pro-
fusion of jewelry, and wore the hair gathered upon the
crown. In the right hand they carried their insignia
of office, a hooked carved stick, and in the left a bunch
of roses, the ever welcome offering of the obsequious
Totonac nobles who swelled their train. A suite of
servitors followed, some with fans and dusters, for
the comfort of their masters. Passing the Spanish
quarter without deigning to salute the strangers,
the emissaries of the mighty Montezuma entered an-
other large building, and after refreshing themselves
summoned the tributary chiefs, reprimanded them
for having received the Spaniards without permission
from Montezuma, and demanded twenty young persons
for an atoning sacrifice. Well might the demoniacal

36 Avila, who had command, was so strict as to lance Hernando Alonso de
Villanueva for not keeping in line. Lamed in the arm, he received the
nickname of el Manquillo. B<nial Diaz, Hint. Verdad., 31. The riders were
obliged to retain their seats, lest the Indians should suppose that the horses
could be deterred by any obstacles. Gomara, Hint. Mex., 53.

3| Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 117. Others suppose that he came merely
to persuade the cacique to join CortCs. Clarigero, Storia Mess., iii. 27.

38 Four men. Ixtlilxochiil, Hist. Chick., 289. ' Twenty men,' says Gomara,
Hist. Mex., 54, who does not refer to the arrival of Cempoala's lord.

MONTEZUMA'S TAX-GATHERERS. 149

order cause to tremble every youth throughout the
land; for whose turn should be next none could
tell. Even the faces of the chiefs were blanched as
they told Cortes, informing him also that it was
already determined in Aztec circles to make slaves
of the Spaniards, and after being used awhile for
purposes of procreation, they were to be sacrificed.39
Cortes laughed, and ordered the Totonacs to seize
the insolent officials. What! lay violent hands on
Montezuma's messengers ? The very thought to them
was appalling. Nevertheless they did it, for there
was something in the tone of Cortes that made them
obey, though they could not distinguish the meaning
of his words. They laid hold on those tax-men of
Montezuma, put collars on their necks, and tied their
hands and feet to poles.40 Their timidity thus broken,
they became audacious, and demanded the sacrifice
of the prisoners.*1 "By no means," Corte's said, and
he himself assumed their custody.

Howsoever the cards fall to him, a skilful gamester
plays each severally, nothing cavilling, at its worth.
So Cortes now played these messengers, the method
assuming form in his mind immediately he saw them.
With him this whole Mexican business was one great
game, a life game, though it should last but a day;
and as the agencies and influences of it fell into his
fingers, with the subtlety of the serpent he dealt
them out, placing one here and another there, playing
with equal readiness enemy against enemy, and mul-
tiplying friends by friends.

These so lately pride-puffed tribute-men, now low
laid in the depths of despondency — how shall they be
played? Well, let them be like him who fell amongst
thieves, while the Spanish commander acts the good

' ' Montezuma tenia pensamiento, . . . . de nos auer todos a las manos, para
que hiziessemos generacion, y tambien para tener que sacrificar.' Berual Diaz,
Mist. Verdad., 28.

40 'Carcerati nelle loro gabbie,' is the way Clavigero puts it. Storia 31 ess.,
lii. 28. One was even whipped for resisting.

41 ' Porque no se les fuesse alguno dellos a dar mandado a Mexico,' is Ber-
nal Diaz' reason for it. Hist. Vtrdad., 32.

150 THE MIGHTY PROJECT IS CONCEIVED.

Samaritan. In pursuance of which plan, when all
had retired for the night, he went stealthily to them,
asked who they were, and why they were in that sad
plight, pretending ignorance. And when they told
him, this rare redresser was angry, hot with indie-
nation that the noble representatives of so noble a
monarch should be so treated. Whereupon he in-
stantly released two of them, comforting the others
with the assurance that their deliverance should
quickly follow; for the emperor Montezuma he es-
teemed above all emperors, and he desired to serve
him, as commanded by his king. Then he sent the
twain down the coast in a boat, beyond the Totonac
boundary.

Next morning, when told that two of the Aztec
captives had broken their bonds and escaped, the
Totonacs were more urgent than ever for the im-
molation of the others. But Cortes again said no,
and arranged that they should be sent in chains on
board one of his vessels, determined afterward to
release them, for they were worth far more to his
purpose alive than dead.

It is refreshing at this juncture to hear pious
people censure Cortes for his duplicity, and to hear
other pious people defend him on the ground of ne-
cessity, or otherwise. Such men might with equal
reason wrangle over the method by which it was
right and honorable for the tiger to spring and seize
the hind. The one great wrong is lost sight of in the
discussion of numerous lesser wrongs. The murderer
of an empire should not be too severely criticised for
crushing a gnat while on the way about the business.42

At the suggestion of Cortes, messengers were sent
to all the towns of the province, with orders to stop

42 ' Condotta artifiziosa, e cloppia,' etc., says Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii
2S, while Solis lauds it as 'Grande artifice de medir lo que disponia, con lo que
rezelaba: y prudente Capitan.' Hist. Mex., i. 18G.

BLOODLESS BATTLES. 151

the payment of tribute and to seize the collectors,
but to spare their lives. Information was likewise to
be given to the neighboring nations, that all might
prepare to resist the force which Montezuma would
probably send against them. The Totonacs became
wild with joy, and declared that the little band who
dare so brave Montezuma must be more than men.43
To Quiahuitzlan flocked chiefs and nobles from all
parts, eager to behold these beings, and to ascertain
their own future course of action. There were those
among them still timid, who urged an embassy to
the king of kings, to beseech pardon before his army
should bo upon them, slaying, enslaving, and laying
waste; but Cortes had already influence, was already
strong enough to allay their fears, and bring them
all into allegiance to the Spanish sovereign, exacting
their oath before the notary Godoy to support him
with all their forces. Thus, by virtue of -this mans
mind, many battles were fought and won without the
striking of a blow. Already every Spaniard there
was a sovereign, and the meanest soldier among them
a ruler of men.

43 ' Desde alii adelante nos llamaron Teules, ' says Bernal Diaz, with great
satisfaction. Hist Vcrdad., 32. 'A los Espailoles llamaron teteuh, quo quiere
decir dioses, y los Espailoles corrompiendo el vocablo decian teules, el cual
nombre les dur6 mas de ties anos,' till we stopped it, declaring that there
was but one God. Motolinia, Hist. Ltd., i. 142-3. See note 1G.

CHAPTER X.

MULTIPLICATION OF PLOTS.

June-July, 1519.

Cortes, Diplomate and General — The Municipality of Villa Rica
Located — Excitement throughout Anahuac — Montezuma Demor-
alized— Arrival of the Released Collectors at the Mexican
Capital — The Order for Troops Countermanded — Montezuma
Sends an Embassy to Cortes — Chicomacatl Asks Aid against a
Mexican Garrison — A Piece of Pleasantry — The Velazquez Men
Refuse to Accompany the Expedition — Opportunity Offered them
to Return to Cuba, which they Decline through Shame — The
Totonacs Rebuked — The Cempoala Brides — Destruction of the
Idols — Arrival at Villa Rica of Salcedo — Efforts of Velazquez
with the Emperor — Cortes Sends Messengers to Spain — Velaz-
quez Orders them Pursued — The Letters of Cortes — Audience
of the Emperor at Tordesillas.

Palamedes invented the game of chess while watch-
ing before the gates of Troy; a tame business, truly,
beside the achievements of the heaven-born Achilles,
the hero of the war. Yet chess remains, while Achilles
and his heaven have melted with the mists. Who
shall say, then, which was the greater, Cortes the
soldier, or Cortes the diplomate? But these were
barbarians, one says, with whom the shrewd Span-
iards had to deal; they had neither- horses, nor iron,
nor gunpowder, to aid them in their wars. Further-
more, they regarded the strangers fully as demi-gods,
probably as some of their own wandering deities re-
turned. True; but he makes a great mistake who
rates the Mexicans so far beneath Europeans in natu-
ral ability and cunning. Montezuma lacked some of
the murderous enginery that Cortes had, and his

(152)

LOCATING VILLA RICA. 153

Inner life was of different dye; that was about all. If
any would place Cortes, his genius, and his exploits,
below those of the world's greatest generals, because
he warred on enemies weaker than their enemies, we
have only to consider the means at his command, how
much less was his force than theirs. What could the
Scipios or the Csesars have done with half a thousand
men; or Washington, or Wellington, with five hundred
against five hundred thousand? Napoleon's tactics were
always to have at hand more forces than the enemy.
In this the Corsican displayed his astuteness. But a
keener astuteness was required by Cortes to conquer
thousands with hundreds and with tens. Perhaps
Moltke, who, with a stronger force, could wage suc-
cessful war on France, perhaps he, and a handful of
his veterans, could land on the deadly shores of the
Mexican Gulf, and with Montezuma there, and all the
interior as dark to them as Erebus, by strategy and
force of arms possess themselves of the country. I
doubt it exceedingly. I doubt if one in ten of the
greatest generals who ever lived would have achieved
what the base bastard Pizarro did in Peru. The very
qualities which made them great would have deterred
them from anything which, viewed in the light of ex-
perience and reason, was so wildly chimerical. Then
give these birds of prey their petting, I say; they
deserve it. And be fame or infamy immortal ever
theirs! Lastly, if any still suspect the genius of
Cortes unable to cope with others than Indians, let
them observe how he handles his brother Spaniards.

It was about time the municipality should find
anchorage; too much travelling by a town of such
immaculate conception, of so much more than ordinary
signification, were not seemly. Velazquez would de-
ride it; the emperor Charles would wonder at it:
therefore half a league below Quiahuiztlan, in the
dimpled plain which stretches from its base to the
harbor of Bernal at present protecting the ships,

154 MULTIPLICATION OF PLOTS.

where bright waters commingling with soft round
hills and rugged promontories were lifted into ethereal
heights by the misted sunshine, the whole scene falling
on the senses like a vision, and not like tame reality,
there they chose a site for the Villa Rica,1 and drew
a plan of the town, distributed lots, laid the founda-
tions for forts and batteries, granary, church, town-
hall, and other buildings, which were constructed
chiefly of adobe, the whole being inclosed by a strong
stockade. To encourage alike men and officers to
push the work, Cortes himself set the example in
preparing for the structures, and in carrying earth
and stones. The natives also lent their aid, and in a
few weeks the town stood ready, furnishing a good
shipping depot, a fortress for the control of the in-
terior, a starting-point for operations, an asylum for
the sick and wounded, and a refuge for the army in
case of need.

Great was the excitement in Andhuac and the
regions round about over the revolt of the Totonacs
and the attitude assumed by the Spaniards ; and

1 Villa Rica is the name appearing in the first royal charter of 1523, but
with later foundations Vera Cruz became the title. Panes, Extension Vera-
cruz, MS., 1 et seq. The municipal council, however, distinctly calls it la
Rica Villa tie la Veracruz and ought to be the proper authority for the form
of name first applied. Carta del Ayunt., in Cortes, Cartas, 1 et seq. 'Yluego
ordenamos de hazer, y fundar, 6 poblar vna Villa, que se nombro la Villa Rica
de la Vera-Cruz ; porque llegamos Jueves de la Cena, y desembarcamos en
Uiernes Santo de la Cruz, 6 rica por aquel Cauallero que. . . .dixo que mirasse
las tierras ricas. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist, \ 'erdad. , 29. ' Llamola Villa Rica a la
nueua poblacio, y de la Veracruz, por auer desembarcado el Viernes Sato, y
Rica, por la riqueza que se auia descubierto.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap.
vii. Although nominally founded adjacent to San Juan de Ulua, there was no
intention to build the town on that unhealthy and dreary spot. The first
actual foundation took place at the harbor of Bernal. Nearly live years later
the town rose anew on the present Rio de la Antigua, where it became known
alone as Vera Cruz. In 1599 the actual or new Vera Cruz found itself finally
planted on the very site of the first nominal foundation. The chief reason for
this change was probably the need for the better protection against filibusters
afforded by the island of San Juan de Ulua, whose batteries commanded the
harbor. See Albornoz, Carta al Emperador, Dec, 1525, in JcazbalcHa, Col.
Do: , i. 495. The charter for la Nueva Ciudad de la Vera-Cruz was granted
July 19, 1615. Calle, Mem. y Not., 68; Clavif/ero, Sto?*iaMcss., iii. 30; Rivera,
flit. Jalapa, i. 27; Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 276-7. Alegre, Hist. Comp. de
Jesus, i. 149-50, has some excellent remarks hereon. Few authors, however,
arc free from blunders with regard to the different sites, even Lorenzana com-
mitting more than one. Cortes, Hist. N. Espaua, 381.

MONTEZUMA PERPLEXED. 155

while hope swelled the breast of subjected peoples,
the Aztec nobles, seeing revolution in the signs of
the times, began to look to the safety of their fami-
lies and estates.2 To Montezuma the seizure of his
collectors was an outrage on the sacred ness of his
majesty, and a slur on his power, which the council
declared must be punished in the most prompt and
effective manner, lest other provinces should follow
the example. And yet the monarch had no stomach
for the business. s Ofttimes since these accursed
strangers touched his shores would he willingly have
resigned that which he above all feared to lose, his
sceptre and his life; then again, as appetite returned
and existence was loaded with affluent pleasure, he
sighed to taste the sweets of power a little longer.
He was becoming sadly pusillanimous, an object of
contempt before his gods, his nobles, and himself. It
seemed to him as if the heavens had fallen on him
and held him inexorably to earth. There was no
escape. There were none to pity. He was alone.
His very gods were recreant, cowering before the
approach of other gods. Repressing his misgivings
as best he might, he issued orders for an immediate
descent of the army on the offenders. Let the mettle
of these beings be proven, and let them live or die
with their Totonac allies. To this end let levies be
made of men and money on a long-suffering people,
whose murmurs shall be drowned in the groans of
fresh victims on the sacrificial altar of the war p*od.3
See now how powerfully had wagged that little
forked tomme of Cortes! See how those gentle
whisperings that night at Quiahuiztlan, those soft

2 ' Los Hombres mas Poderosos entendian en buscar Lugares en los Montes,
y partes mas remotas, para conservar sus Mugeres, Hijos, y Hacienda.' Tor-
quern ada, i. 403.

3 Inconsolable at the prospect of the strangers acquiring a footing in the
country, Montezuma, after vainly searching for admission into the Hadca of
Cicalco, retired to the abode occupied by him ere he became emperor. Saha-
(jun, J list. Conq., i. 15-16. One reason for this is said to have been the result
of the embassy to the oracle at Achiuhtla, in Miztccapan, which brought back
the announcement that the Aztec empire must yield to strangers. Burgoa,
Georj. Descrlp. Oajaca, pt. ii. 129.

156 MULTIPLICATION OF PLOTS.

dissemblings breathed into the ears of two poor cap-
tives— see how they shot forth like winged swords tc
stop an army on the point of marching to its slaugh-
ters! Here, as in scores of other instances, Cortes'
shrewdness saved him from disaster.

For in the midst of the warlike preparations arrived
the two released collectors, and their presentation of
the magnanimity of the white chief, of his friendly
conduct and warm assurances, materially changed
the aspect of affairs. There was no alliance; there
was no rebellion; the Totonacs dared not rebel with-
out foreign support; with them Montezuma would
settle presently. And with no little alacrity did he
countermand the order for troops, and send an em-
bassy to Cortes. Thus through the vacillating policy
which now possessed the Mexican monarch was lost
the opportunity to strike the enemy perhaps a fatal
blow; and thus by that far off impalpable breath
was fought and won another battle, this time van-
quishing the king of kings himself, with his hundred
thousand men.

The embassy sent comprised Wo of Montezuma's
nephews,* accompanied by four old and honorable
caciques. They were to express the monarch's thanks
to the Spaniards, and to remonstrate against the re-
volt encouraged by their presence. He had become
assured that they were of the race predicted by his
forefathers, and consequently of his own lineage; out
of regard for them, as guests of the revolted people,
he would withhold present chastisement. A gift of
robes and feather-work, and gold worth two thousand
castellanos, accompanied the message.5

We cannot blame Cortes if his heart danced to its
own music as he assured the envoys that he and all
his people continued devoted to their master ; in proof
of which he straightway produced the other three

4 ' Fi^moli porsedcl suofratclloCuitlahuatzin.' Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 30.
■*' 'Cierta3 piecas <le oro y plata bien labradas, y vn casquete de oro menu-
do .. i cso todo csto doo mil, y noueiita Castellanos. ' Gomara, Hist. Jlex. , 5S.

TIZAPANTZIXCO EXPEDITION. 157

collectors, safe, sound, and arrayed in their new attire.0
Nevertheless, he could but express displeasure at the
abrupt departure of the Mexicans from the former
camp. This act had forced him to seek hospitality
at the hand of the Totonacs, and for their kind
reception of him they deserved to be forgiven. Fur-
ther than this, they had rendered the Spaniards
great benefits, and should not be expected to serve
two masters, or to pay double tribute; for the rest,
Cortes himself would soon come to Mexico and
arrange everything. The envoys replied that their
sovereign was too engrossed in serious affairs to be
able as yet to appoint an interview. " Adieu," they
concluded, "and beware of the Totonacs, for they are
a treacherous race." Not to create needless alarm,
nor leave on the minds of the envoys at their depart-
ure unpleasant impressions concerning his projects,
Cortes entertained them hospitably, astonished them
with cavalry and other exhibitions, and gratified them
with presents. The effect of this visit was to raise
still higher the Spaniards in the estimation not only
of the Aztecs, but of the Totonacs, who with amaze-
ment saw come from the dread Montezuma, instead
of a scourging army, this high embassy of peace. "It
must be so," they said among themselves, "that the
Mexican monarch stands in awe of the strangers."

Not lonof after, Chicomacatl came to Cortes ask-
ing aid against a Mexican garrison, said to be com-
mitting ravages at Tizapantzinco,7 some eiGfht leagues
from Cempoala. Cortes was in a merry mood at the
moment; he could see the important progress he
was making toward the consummation of his desires,
though the men of Velazquez could not — at least
they would admit of nothing honorable or beneficial
to Cortes, and they continued to make much trouble.

6 Before the embassy came, says Herrera, 'Di6 orden con voluntad del
seriorde Chianhuitzlan, que lostres Mexicanos pressos fuessen sueltos,' dec. ii.
lib. v. cap. xi.

7 Iztlilchotitl, Hist. Chich.> 290. Other authorities differ in the spelling.

158 MULTIPLICATION OF PLOTS.

Here was an opportunity to test the credulity ef
these heathen, how far they might be brought to
believe in the supernatural power of the Spaniards.
Among the musketeers was an old Biscayan from the
Italian wars, Heredia by name, the ugliest man in
the army, uglier than Thersites, who could not find
his fellow among all the Greeks that came to Troy.
Lame in one foot, blind in one eye, bow-legged, with
a slashed face, bushy-bearded as a lion, this musketeer
had also the heart of a lion, and would inarch straight
into the mouth of Popocatepetl, without a question,
at the order of his general. Calling the man to him,
Cortes said : " The Greeks worshipped beauty, as thou
knowest, good Heredia, but these Americans seem to
deify deformity, which in thee reaches its uttermost.
Thou art hideous enough at once to awe and enravish
the Aztecs, whose Pantheon cannot produce thine
equal. Go to them, Heredia; bend fiercely on them
thine only eye, walk bravely before them, flash thy
sword, and thunder a little with thy gun, and thou
shalt at once command a hundred sacrifices." Then
to the Totonac chief: "This brother of mine is all
sufficient to aid thee in thy purpose. Go, and behold
the Culhuas will vanish at thy presence." And they
went; an obedience significant of the estimation in
which Cortes was then held, both by his own men and
by the natives.

They had not proceeded far when Cortes sent
and recalled them, saying that he desired to examine
the country, and would accompany them. Tlamamas
would be required to carry the guns, and baggage, and
they would set out the next day. At the last moment
seven of the Velazquez faction refused to go, on the
ground of ill health. Then others of their number
spoke, condemning the rashness of the present pro-
ceeding, and desiring to return to Cuba. Cortes told
them they could go, and after chiding them for neglect
of duty he ordered prepared a vessel, which should
be placed at their service. As they were about to

DISAFFECTION QUIETED. 159

embark, a deputation appeared to protest against
permitting any to depart, as a proceeding prejudicial
to the service of God, and of the king. "Men who
at such a moment, and under such circumstances,
desert their flag deserve death." These were the
words of Cortes put into the mouth of the speaker.
Of course the order concerning the vessel was re-
called, and the men of Velazquez were losers by the
affair.8

The expedition, ~ composed of four hundred sol-
diers, with fourteen horses, and the necessary carriers,
then set off for Cempoala, where they were joined by
four companies of two thousand warriors. Two days'
march brought them close to Tizapantzinco, and the
following morning they entered the plain at the foot
of the fortress, which was strongly situated on a high
rock bordered by a stream. Here stood the people
prepared to receive them; but scarcely had the cav-
alry come in sight when they turned to seek refuge
within the fort. The horsemen cut off their retreat
in that direction, however, and leaving them, began
the ascent. Eight chiefs and priests thereupon came
forth wailing, and informed the Spaniards that the
Mexican garrison had left at the first uprising of the
Totonacs, and that the Cempoalans were taking ad-
vantage of this and of the Spanish alliance to enforce
the settlement of a long-standing boundary dispute.
They begged that the army would not advance.
Cortes at once gave orders to restrain the Cempoalans,
who were already plundering. Their captains were
severely reprimanded for want of candor as to the
real object of the expedition, and were ordered to
restore the effects and captives taken. This strictness
was by no means confined to them, for a soldier named
Mora, caught by the general in the act of stealing

8 One of them who had bartered a fine light -colored horse for some
property in Cuba was unable to annul the trade, and thus lost his animal.
BemcU Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 34. Gomara, Hist. Alex., 64, refers merely to
murmurs in favor of Velazquez, which Cortes quiets by placing a few m
chaius for a time.

160 MULTIPLICATION OF PLOTS.

two fowls, was ordered hanged. Alvarado, however,
cut him down in time to save his life, probably at the
secret intimation of Cortes, who, while securing the
benefit of example, would not unnecessarily sacrifice a
soldier.9

Charmed by this display of justice on the part of
the Spaniards, and impressed as well by their ever
increasing prestige, the chiefs of the district came in
and tendered allegiance. A lasting friendship was
established between them and the Cempoalans ;10 after
which the army returned to Cempoala by a new route,11
and was received with demonstrations of joy by the
populace. With a view of binding more closely such
powerful allies, Chicomacatl proposed intermarriages.
And as a beginning he presented eight young women,12
richly dressed, with necklaces and ear-rings of gold,
and each attended by servants. "Take them," said

9 ' Murib este soldado en vna guerra en la Prouincia de Guatimala sobre
vn Pefiol.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 35. He places the incident on the
return march.

10 According to Gomara the Aztec garrison does ravage the country when
the Totonac revolt occurs, and their forces meet the Spaniards on the field,
only to flee at the sight of the horsemen. Cortes and four others dismount,
and mingling with the fleeing, reach the fort gates, which they hold till their
troops come up. Surrendering the place to the allies, Cortes tells them to
respect the people and to let the garrison depart without arms or banner.
This victory gained great influence for the Spaniards, and remembering the
feat of CortCs, the Indians declared that one Spaniard was enough to aid them
in achieving victory. Hist. Mex., 59. Ixtlilxochitl, who follows Gomara,
fights the Aztec garrison as far as the city, and then captures it. Hist. Chick.,
290. Solis assumes that a few Spaniards cut off the retreat of the townsmen
and rushing forward with some Cempoalans, are already inside when the
leaders come to plead for mercy. Hist. Mex., i. 197-8. The foremost credit
is however due to Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 34-5, who, being present,
declares Gomara's account wholly wrong, that no garrison existed here, and
that no resistance was made. The latter sentence is modified by Tapia, also
a member of the expedition, who states that the town did resist and was
punished. Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. ,566. Hence it may be
assumed that Diaz, as a foot soldier, was not present to see the probably
bloodless rout of the Indians by the cavalry. The townsmen are not likely to
have allowed the Cempoalans to approach without offering resistance, or, in
case they knew of the Spanish advance, without sending a deputation before
the pillage began.

1 ' Passing through two towns, the soldiers suffering greatly from heat
and fatigue. Near Cempoala the lord awaited them in some temporary huts
with bountiful cheer, though apprehensive of CorteV anger at his deception.
The following day they entered the city. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 35;
Hcrrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. xiii.

12 ' Veinte Doncellas (aunque Gomara dice, que fueron ocho),' says Torque-
mada, i. 399, without giving his reasons.

CONCUBINES AND CONVERSION. 161

he to Cortes. " They are all daughters of caciques.
Seven are for your captains, and this, my niece, is for
yourself, for she is the ruler of towns."

Matters were becoming interesting. Cortes and
some of his captains had wives in Cuba, and nearly
all of them had mistresses here. The damsels of
Cempoala were not famed for their beauty; the one
offered Cortes was particularly ill-favored. With re-
gard to captives and slaves, of course no marriage
vow was necessary, but with princesses the case was
different. But even here there was little difficulty.
The aboriginal form of marriage, while it satisfied the
natives, rested lightly on the Spaniards. Indeed,
with them it was no marriage at all; and so it has
been throughout the New World; in their marital
relations with foreigners the natives have felt them-
selves bound, while the Europeans have not. To the
ceremony in this instance no objection was offered.

At this happy consummation, though the rite is
not yet performed, serious meditation takes posses-
sion of the mind of Cortes, who bethinks himself that
he is doing little of late for his God, who is doing
so much for him. Success everywhere attends his
strategies. And these female slaves and princesses!
While trying to quiet his conscience for accepting
this princess, he was exceedingly careful in regard to
taking unto himself real wives, as we have seen in
Cuba. But here marriage after the New World
fashion would surely advance his purposes. And so
they are compelled to submit to the stronger, who by
the right of might proceeds to rob them of their gold
and to desolate their homes; and now assumes the
higher prerogative of requiring them to relinquish
the faith of their fathers and embrace the religion of
their enemies. It would please God to have these
Cempoala people worship him ; Cortes can make them
do so. True, they love their gods as much as Cortes
loves his. Their gods likewise help them to good
things, among others to the Spaniards themselves,

Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 11

162 MULTIPLICATION OF PLOTS.

who in return now determine their overthrow. And
shall they consent! Alas, they are weak, and their
gods are weak!

Heathenism, with its idolatry, and bloody sacri-
fices, and cannibalism, is horrible, I grant you. "For
daily they sacrificed three or five Indians," says Bernal
Diaz, "offering the heart to idols, smearing the blood
upon the walls, and cutting off the limbs to be eaten.
I even believe they sold the flesh in the market." 13
But equally horrible, and far more unfair, are the
doings of the superior race, which with the advance
of the centuries, and the increase of knowledge and
refinement, are often guilty of deeds as bloodthirsty
and cruel as these. With the most powerful of micro-
scopic aids to vision, I can see no difference between
the innate goodness and badness of men now and two
or five thousand years ago; the difference lies merely
in a change of morality fashions, and in the apparent
refining and draping of what conventionally we choose
to call wickedness. What is the serving of dainty
dishes to the gods in the form of human sacrifices,
of carving before them a few thousand fattened cap-
tives, to the extirpation of a continent of helpless
human beings ; and that by such extremes of treachery
and cruelty as the cannibals never dreamed of, entrap-
ping by fair w^ords only to cut, and mangle, and kill
by steel, saltpetre, and blood-hounds; stealing at the
same time their lands and goods, and adding still more
to their infamy by doing all this in the name of Christ;
when in reality they violate every principle of religion
and disregard every injunction of the church; just as
men to-day lie and cheat and praise and pray, and out
of their swindlings hope to buy favor of the Almighty !

And now these poor people must give up their
poor gods, for their masters so decree. The chiefs and

13 ' Tambien auian de ser limpios de sodomias, porque tenian muchachos
vestidos en habito de mugeres, que andauan a ganar en aquel maldito oficio.'
This they promised. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 35. Solis assumes that
Cortes was aroused to this crusade by the heavy sacrifices at a great festival.
Mist. Mex., i. 204-5.

MISSIONARY MOVEMENTS. 1G3

native priests protest. The Spaniards are benefactors
and friends, but the gods are superior to men. To
them they owe health, prosperity, existence ; and sac-
rifices are but the necessary slight returns for so great
blessings. The sacrificed are by no means injured,
say the Aztecs, but are sent to heaven and enfolded
at once in the bosom of their god. Verily there are
curious articles of faith among the heathen wor-
shipers as well as among our own, but if we look for
all the good in ours we shall be mistaken. In vain
the men of Cempoala beg to retain the religion of
their forefathers and the sacred emblems of their
faith. Carried away by the fierce zeal which more
than once in these annals overcomes his prudence
and brings him to the brink of ruin, Cortes cries:
"Christians and soldiers, shall these things be —
these idolatries and sacrifices, and other impious
doings? No! First down with the images, then to
arguments, and the granting of entreaties. Our
lives on work rewarded with eternal glory!" Shouts
of earnest approval was the response, and on they
marched toward the temple. Priests and people
rushed to the defence of their deities. With a
scornful gesture the ruler was waived aside, as he
interposed with the warning that to lay hands on the
idols was to bring destruction alike on all. " You are
not my friends," exclaimed Cortes, " if you do not as
I wish! Choose ye; and I will leave you your gods
to save you from the threatened vengeance of Mon-
tezuma." This was by far too practical an application
of their piety. The fact is, their gods had not done
exactly right by them in the matter of the Aztec
imposition. These white strangers, after all, seemed
to be better gods than their idols. "Well, work your
will," at length said Chicomacatl, "but do not ask our
aid in such detestable doings." So the thing was ac-
complished, as before this had been determined. In
a moment fifty soldiers were on the temple summit,
and down came the worshipful wooden things, shat-

104 MULTIPLICATION OF PLOTS.

tered and clattering along the steps, while with
bleeding hearts their makers stood by, their faces
covered to exclude the sacrilegious sight. Ah, how
they wailed, how they lamented, calling on the mis-
shapen blocks to pity their inability to stop the deed!14
Not such dastards were these people, however, that
not one among them would strike a blow for their
faith. For presently the court-yard was filled with
armed men, headed by infuriated priests in long
hooded robes of dark material, with slashed ears and
faces clotted with blood, determined, if not to pre-
vent, at least to avenge the outrage. What was
sworn allegiance, or even life, beside the momentous
question of religion ? Seeing the danger, Cortes with
characteristic promptness seized the lord, together
with several leading men, and declared if a single
Spaniard was so much as scratched they should im-
mediately die. Chicomacatl accordingly spoke to the
people and made them retire. Nor was wholly lost
on them the mute argument of the shattered idols
lying powerless at their feet. Hence when the im-
ages were burned, the natives looked on with com-
parative calmness. " Surely these beings are superior
to our gods, whom they have thus vanquished," they
said one to another. Sweetly and serenely Cortes now
smiled on them, called them brethren, and preached
the European doctrines. The pagan temple was
cleansed, the blood-smeared walls were whitewashed,
and in their place was erected a Christian altar, dec-
orated with flowers and surmounted with a cross.
Here, before the assembled natives, Olmedo preached
the Christian faith, and celebrated mass. The con-
trast between the simple beauty of this impressive
ceremony and their own bloody worship made a deep
impression on the minds of the natives, and at the
conclusion those who desired were baptized. Among

uGomara makes the natives tear down the idols and the sepulchres of
caciques worshipped as gods. ' Acabo con los de la ciudad que derribassen los
idolos y sepulcros de los caciques, q tambien reuereciauan como a dioses.'
Hist. Mex.. 67.

ARRIVAL OF SALCEDO. 165

them were the eight brides, the ill-favored ruler of
towns who had been given to Cortes being called
Catalina, probably in honor of his wife in Cuba, whose
place she was to occupy for a time. Lucky Puerto-
carrero's second pretty prize, the daughter of Cacique
Cuesco, was named Francisca.15

Accompanied by the brides and a large escort the
army now returned to Villa Rica. There they found
just arrived from Cuba a vessel commanded by Fran-
cisco do Salcedo, nicknamed 'the dandy,' who with
Luis Marin, an able officer, and ten soldiers, all well
provided with arms, and with two horses, had come
in quest of fortune under Cortes.16 Salcedo reported
that Velazquez had received the appointment of ade-
lantado over all lands discovered by him or at his
cost, with one fifteenth of all royal revenues thence
arising.17

Benito Martin, the chaplain, who had been sent to
obtain the commission, was rewarded with the benefice
of the new discovery at Ulua, which really comprised
all Mexico, while the lately appointed bishop of Cuba,
the Dominican Julian Garces, confessor to the bishop
of Burgos, the patron of Velazquez, was promoted to

15 Bemal Diaz, Hid. Verdad., 3G; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. ix. xiv.
Gomara places the presentation of the women at the first visit of the Span-
iards to the city, and herein he is followed by Herrera, Torquemada, and
Ixtlilxochitl. Hist. Chich., 289.

16 These proved the more valuable since Cortes' horse had died shortly
before. He obtained, by gift or purchase, the fine Arriero, a dark chestnut
belonging to Ortiz, the musician, and to Garcia, the miner. Denial Diaz, Hid.
Verdad. , 33. Gomara assumes that Salcedo brought a caravel, with sixty Span-
iards and nine horses, the vessel having been detained in Cuba for repairs.
Hist. Mex., 59; yet he includes Salcedo as present at the final review there.
/'/., 14. He is evidently confused.

17 For himself and one heir. Further, after conquering and settling four
islands, he might select one from which to receive perpetually for himself and
heirs one twentieth part of all the revenue accruing therefrom for the king.
No duty would be charged during his life on any clothing, arms, and pro-
visions imported by him into those lands. As an aid toward the expenses of
the conquest, a royal estate at Habana was granted him, and a salary in
those lands of 300,000 maravedis. The other clauses of the commission re-
lated to mines, clergy, taxes, and settlers. It was dated at Saragossa, Novem-
ber 13, 1518, 'five days previous to the usurpation of the fleet by Cortes,'
observes Las Casas, Hist. Ind., v. 3-5. Dated at Barcelona, says Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi. Several are led to suppose that Velazquez did not re-
ceive the notice of his appointment for over a year after its date, which is
unlikely. Mex.,i\. 222-3.

166 MULTIPLICATION OF PLOTS.

the insignificant see of Cozumel. These preferments,
based on an insufficient knowledge of the country,
were corrected at a later time, when Garces was
made bishop of Tlascala, while Martin received other
compensation.18 Before the issue of these grants
it appears that Yucatan at least had a narrow escape
from slipping entirely out of Spanish hands. At the
first news of Cordoba's discoveries the admiral of
Flanders was induced to ask for the land in grant, in
order to settle it with Flemings, and also to petition
for the governorship of Cuba as a means to promote
the colony. This was supported by Xevres, the chief
adviser in such matters, who knew little of the Indies
and the vast tracts referred to, and so the promise
was given. Las Casas was in Spain at the time, and
being consulted by the admiral as to the means for
colonizing, became indignant at the rash concession of
Cuba, which he considered as belonging to Columbus.
He remonstrated, and warned those interested to do
the same. The result was the withdrawal of the
grant, greatly to the disappointment of the admiral,
for whose account several vessels had already reached
San Lucar, laden with Flemish settlers.19

Cortes was fully aware that Velazquez, possessed
of a commission, would not long delay in asserting his
claim with all the power at his command upon the
islands, and with all his influence at court ; this spurred
on the captain-general to lose no time in bringing for-
ward his own pretensions, and in seeking to obtain
ro}^al approval of his acts. Therefore at this juncture
he determined to gain authority for effectually sup-
planting the Cuban governor in the field wherein
he had already openly ignored him, and to despatch

18 Which he failed to enjoy, since he died at sea while en route to New
Spain to take possession. Las Casas, Hist, hid., iv. 465-6; Herrera, dec. ii.
lib. iii. cap. xi. ; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 16-17.

1D Many of these died from hardship, and the rest returned impoverished
to their country. Las Casas, Hist, hid,, iv. 374-6; Herrera, dec- ii. lib. ii.
cap. xix.; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 8.

BIDS FOR ROYAL FAVOR. 167

messengers to the king. The men of Cortes needed
no prompting to see how necessary to their interest
it was to procure his confirmation as general to the
exclusion of Velazquez, and to support Cortes by
writing reports in corroboration of his own state-
ments. Yet, in view of the flowing in of exaggerated
accounts concerning new discoveries, little would
avail descriptions of conquests and resources, how-
ever glowing, and recommendations however warm,
unless made real by specimens of the treasures which
were the main attraction alike to king and subject.
For gifts can move gods, says Hesiod. To the crown
was due one fifth of the wealth so far obtained, but
fearing that this would hardly produce the effect de-
sired, Cortes proposed to surrender the one fifth due
himself, and prevailed on his friends, and with their
aid on all members of the expedition, to give up
their share in the finer pieces of wrought gold and
silver, and in all choice articles, so that a gift worthy
of themselves and the country might be presented
to the king.20

20 It has been generally assumed, from a loose acceptance of chroniclers'
text, that all the treasures were surrendered for the object in view, but this
could not have been the case. The pile of gold dust and nuggets, accumulated
by constant barter along the coast, and increased by the contents of two
helmets sent by Montezuma, formed a respectable amount, of which, only a
small portion was sent to the king, as specimens of mining products. Three
thousand castellanoo were set aside for the expenses of the messengers to Spain,
and an equal sum for CorteV father, ' Otros 3000 que Cortes enviaba para su
padre.' LasCasas, Hist, hid., iv. 408. 'A su padre Martin Cortes y a su madre
oiertos Castellanos. ' Gomara, Hist. Max., 02. The disposal of the dust alone
indicates an apportionment. Further, the list of treasure sent to Spain, as
appended to the Carta del AyuntamieHto, and as given by Gomara, shows that
much of the wrought metal received from Montezuma, not counting that
acquired by barter, was retained by the expedition. Gomara writes that the
first step of Cortes was to order a division of treasures by Avila and Mejia,
acting respectively for the crown and the army. All the effects being displayed
in the plaza, the gold and silver amounting to 27,000 ducats, the eabildo
observed that what remained after deducting the royal fifth would belong to
the general in payment for the vessels, arms, and supplies surrendered by him
to the company. Cortes said there was time enough to pay him ; he would
now take only his share as captain-general, and leave others wherewith to
settle their small debts. He also proposed that instead of sending merely the
one fifth to the king, the finest specimens should be given, which was agreed
to. His list is given in Hist. Mex., GO-2. Ordaz and Montejo Avere sent round
with a list to be signed by all who wished to surrender their share in the gold.
'Y destamanera todos lo firmarona vna.' BemalDiaz, Hid. Vej'dad., oti. The

168 MULTIPLICATION OF PLOTS.

The flag-ship was prepared for the voyage, and the
navigation intrusted to Alaminos and another pilot
called Bautista, with fifteen sailors and the necessary
outfit. Four Indians, rescued from the sacrificial ca^e
at Cempoala, where they had been kept to fatten,
were also sent on board, together with native curiosi-
ties, including specimens of picture-writing. The
difficult task of out -manoeuvring Velazquez and se-
curing the aims of their party was intrusted to the
alcaldes Puertocarrero and Montejo, the former being
selected chieflv because of his hiodi connections, which
might serve him at court, the latter for his business
talent. Three thousand castellanos were given them
from the treasury for expenses, together with the
necessar}^ power and instructions, and three letters
in duplicate for the king. One of these was the first
of the celebrated letters of Cortes on the conquest.
He related at length all that had occurred since he
left Santiago; the difficulties with Velazquez, the
hardships of the voyage, and the progress of conquest
for God and the kingf. He dwelt on the vast extent
and wealth of the country, and expressed the hope of
speedily subjecting it to the crown, and of seizing the
person of the great Montezuma. And he trusted that
in return for his services and loyal devotion he would
be remembered in the cedulas to be issued for this
new addition to the empire.21

Carta del Ayunt. refers to four of Velazquez' men as objecting to the presents
being sent elsewhere than to their leader. Cortes, C<trtas, 20-7; Tapia, 7?e-
lacion, in Icazbalceta, Cot. Doc, ii. 563; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. xiv.;
Torquemada, i. 407; Vetcuievrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 118.

21 No generous allusion appears to have been made to the discoverers who
opened the way for him. Gomara alone gives a brief outline of the letter, but
the original or copy has never been found, notwithstanding the close search
made. Since Charles V. received it on the eve of his departure for Germany,
it occurred to Robertson that the Vienna archives might throw on it some
light, and the consequent search led to the discovery of an authenticated copy
of the companion letter from the municipality of Villa Rica, but nothing re-
lating to Cortes' report. Hist. Am. , preface, x.-xi. Panes insists that the letter
must have existed in the Vienna Court Library at one time. Doc. Domin. Esp.,
MS., 59-60. Barcia suggests several ways in which it might have been lost;
one being its production before the royal council at the instance of Panfilo de
Narvaez. Bibl. Occid., tit. iv. ii. ~){)S. Fortunately the companion letter and
other narratives cover its essential points.

LETTERS TO THE KING. 169

The second letter was by the ayuntamiento of Villa
Rica, dated July 10, 1519,22 covering not only the
same ground, but giving an account of the vo}rages of
discovery by Cordoba and Grijalva, the reasons for
founding a colony, and for Cortes' appointment. The
features of the countr}7, its resources and inhabitants,
were touched upon, and the belief expressed that of
gold, silver, and precious stones "there is in the land
as much as in that where it is said Solomon took the
gold for the temple." Velazquez was exposed as a
cruel, dishonest, and incompetent governor, and as
such most dangerous to be intrusted with the control
of these vast and rich territories. They asked for an
investigation to prove the charges, as well as the
propriety of their own acts; and concluded by recom-
mending that Cortes, whose character and conduct
stamped him a loyal subject and an able leader, be con-
firmed in his offices, till the conquest of the country,
at least, should have been achieved.23

The third letter, even longer than this, though of
similar tenor, was signed by the representative men
in the army,24 and concluded by praying that their
services and hardships be rewarded with grants, and
that Cortes be confirmed in the government till the
king might be pleased to appoint an infante or a
grandee of the highest class, for so large and rich a
country ought to be ruled by none else. Should the
designing bishop of Burgos of his accord "send us a

22 'El Cabildo escriuio juntamente con diez soldados e iva yo firmado

enella. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist. VerdacL, 36.

za Written by Cortes' most devoted friends, and undoubtedly under his
supervision, we cannot expect to find it other than a labored effort to promote
his views. Robertson, whose suggestion led to its discovery in the Vienna
Imperial Library, offers a mere synopsis of the contents. Hist. Am., preface, p.
xi. ii. 521-2. It is given at length in the Cortes, Cartas, by Gayangos, Paris,
186G, 1-34, with notes, and with the list of presents appended ; and in Col. Doc.
///"/., i. 417-72, and in Alaman, Divert., i. 2d app., 41-104, preceded by an
introductory sketch of the expedition by the collector of the papers, and
containing the list of presents as checked by Muiioz in 1784 from the Manual
del Tesorero dc la Casa de la Contratacion de Se villa.

2t'Todos los Capitanes, y so' dados juntamente escriuimos otra carta.'
1>< rncU Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 3(3. 'El cabildo. . . .escriuio. . . .dos letras. Vna
... .no firmaron sino alcaldes y regidores. La otra fue a cordada y Armada,
del cabildo y de todos los mas principales.' Oomara, Hist. Mex., 03.

170 MULTIPLICATION OF PLOTS.

governor or captain, before we obey him we shall
inform your royal person." This sentence, which
Las Casas characterizes as a " great though sweet-
ened piece of impudence," and several others not in
harmony with Cortes' own calculated report, were
probably the cause for the disappearance of the letter
before it reached the emperor.25

The messengers or procuradores left the port July
16,26 and although ordered not to touch Cuba, lest
Velazquez should learn of the mission, Montejo could
not resist the temptation of taking a peep at his
estates at Mariel de Cuba, a port close to Habana.
Here they entered August 23, and took supplies and
water. This could not of course be done in secret,
and swelling with rumor the report reached Velazquez
that his flag-ship had come ballasted with gold, to
the value of two hundred and seventy thousand pesos.
No less alarmed than furious at this proof of the
perfidy he had so long feared, he despatched a fast
sailing vessel with a strong force under Gonzalo de

25Bernal Diaz, Hist. Vcrdad., 37, gives a long detail of its contents, par*
ticularly of the conclusion, wherein the bishop of Burgos is pointed out as
favoring his friends and relations in the distribution of Indian governments.
Velazquez enjoyed his special favor in return for the large presents in gold
and towns he had made, to the prejudice of the crown. Cortes, on reading
the letter, was highly pleased with the eulogy bestowed upon himself, and
promised to remember it when rewards came to be distributed, but he ob-
jected to the prominence given to the discoveries of Cordoba and Grijalva,
'sino & el solo se atribuia el descubrimiento, y la honra, e honor de todo,'
and wished to suppress the statement that one fifth of the profits were to be
given to him. The men declined to hide anything from the king, and so
Cortes no doubt made the messengers hide the letter. Tapia gives a brief
synopsis of it, mentioning the objections raised against the bishop of Burgos,
and the resolution not to obey any orders contrary to their report till the king
had replied to it — ' e para que otra cosa en contrario de lo que le escrebiamos
no se hieiese, que S. M. sin saber de que hacia mercedes, no las hiciese, esta-
bamos prestos de morir 6 tener la tierra en su real nombrc fasta vcr respuesta
decsta carta.' Relation, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 566. ' Esta carta no vido el
Emperador, porque, si la viera, no les sucederia ni a CortCs ni a sus consortes el
negocio tan favorable como abajo se parecera. ' Las Casas, Hist. lad., iv. 4'JS.

20 ' En una nao que. . . .despache" a 16 de julio del auo de 1519, envi6 a A*.
A. muy larga y particular relacion. ' Cortex, Cartas, 51; Otiedo, iii. 20 1. ' Ln
veinte y seis dias del mes de Julio .... partieron de San Juan de Ulua. ' B mal
Diaz, Hist. Vcrdad., 37. On the next page he says July Gth. The naming
of Ulua as the port of departure shows also a carelessness of facts ; yet Gomara
say3 : ' Partieron . . . . de Aquiahuiztla .... a veinta y seis. ' Hist. M<'X. , 6. Still
Cortes' letter, written so soon after, ought to be correct. Prescott accepts
the 26th.

MESSENGERS OF CORTES IX SPAIN. 171

Guzman, the royal treasurer, to capture her; but she
had stayed only three days at Maricl, and then passed
safely through the Bahamas Channel, the first to
make that passage.27

The arrival of the messengers at Seville, in October,
created no small stir, and aided by their treasures and
reports they became the heroes of the hour. But their
triumph was of short duration; for Benito Martin,
the chaplain of Velazquez, happened to be at the port.
This man at once laid claim to the vessel for his
master, denounced the persons on board as traitors,
and prevailed upon the Casa de Contratacion to seize
the ship, together with the private funds of the com-
mission, as well as certain money sent by Cortes for
his father. A still stronger opponent appeared in the
person of Fonseca, bishop of Burgos, whose interest
in Velazquez, fostered by a long interchange of favors,
was strengthened by a projected marriage of the gov-

27 'Esta fuga fue ocasion de descubrir el derrotero de la Canal de Bahama,
para la buelta de Espafia, hasta entonces no nauegada, y desde aquella ocasion
siempre seguida.' Coyolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 41. 'Alaminos. . .fue el primero
que nauego por aquella canal.' Bcrnal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 36-39. Preju-
diced against Monte jo, as shown by previous expressions, this author accuses
him of sending letters to Velazquez by a sailor, who spread the news of the
mission along his route. Some of the letters were from adherents in Cortes'
army. 'Pareci6, de otras personas principales que estauan en nuestro Real,
fueron aconsejados que f uessen a aquella estancia . . . . y aun escriuieron para que
el Diego Velazquez tuuiesse tiempo de auellos a las manos. ' Velazquez ac-
cordingly sends two small vessels under Gabriel de Rojas and Guzman to
pursue the ship, but their cruise between Habana and the Bahamas Channel
is in vain. Montejo's conduct before and after this indicates nothing that can
justify the accusations, and Velazquez, in his letter to Figueroa, juez de resi-
dencia in Espanola, inveighs against one 'Montejo' and his companion for
taking not only provisions and forty butts of water, but a number of Indians
from Mariel, and then leaving 'without informing any magistrate or other per-
son,' taking a dangerous and hitherto unknown route. In Icazbalceta, Col.
Jj'j^., i. 401. During the investigation held on the subject by the governor,
it appeared that Juan de Rojas of Habana reported the secret visit of Mon-
tejo, who, knowing that Rojas had become aware of his presence, wrote him
at the moment of leaving that he was going to visit Velazquez. From Perez,
a servant of Rojas and in charge at Mariel, it seems, he exacted an oath not
to reveal what he had learned of the rich cargo and destination of the vessel.
Rojas nevertheless obtained the facts from him. Testimonio, in Pachero and
< '■ Irdi na . ( 'ol. Doc. , xii. 151-204. In a letter to the bishop of Burgoa, October
12, 1519, Velazquez states that a man at Mariel, Perez probably, was at the
last moment shown the treasures. Guzman was sent with a vessel in pursuit.
In Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc. , xii. 248-50. Gomara also says, ' cmbiando
tras ella vna carauela de armada.' Hist. Mex.t G4; Torquemada, i. 407.

172 MULTIPLICATION OF PLOTS.

ernor with his niece.28 Detaining the messengers and
their papers by deferred promises and other meas-
ures,29 he filled the royal ear with the most damaging
charges against them and their party in behalf of his
protege.

Velazquez had meanwhile been taking testimony
against Cortes, and had sent treasurer Guzman to
Spain with documents and instructions to join Martin
in pressing his suit before the bishop/

30

Charles V. had been elected emperor, and was busy
in Spain raising supplies and making preparations on
a vast scale for presenting an appearance in Germany
befitting so high a dignity. Previous to embarking
for Flanders he was to meet the cortes at Compos-
tela. The messengers from New Spain could afford
to lose no more time, and so with the aid of Puerto-
carrero's friends and the men opposed to Fonseca,
among them the Licenciado Nunez, relator of the
royal council and related to Cortes, they slipped
away, and in company with Alaminos and Martin
Cortes, managed to be presented to the monarch at

28 'Dona Mayor de Fonseca. El obispo de Burgos ... por la muerte del
Gran Chanoiller . . . torno a alear y a ser principal.' Las Casas, Hist. Ind., v.
2; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi. ; Zun/'r/a, Ancles Ecles. Serilla, 414.

29 The bishop of Burgos, then at Valladolid, spoke so harshly to Puertocar-
rero that the latter ventured to remonstrate, and demand that their messages
be forwarded to the king. A charge was now raked up against Puertocar-
rero of having three years before carried off a woman from Medellin to the
Indies, and for this he was cast into prison. Bernal Diaz., Hist. Verdad., 38;
Veta ncvrt, Teatro Mex. , pt. iii. 119.

30 Guzman appears to have started in October from Cuba, when Narvaez'
expedition against Cortes had already begun to be fitted out. Carta de Velaz-
quez, Oct. 12, 1519, in Col. Doc. Ined., i. 472-5; Pacheco and Cardenas, Col.
Doc, xii. 246-51; Carta al Figueroa, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 402; Las
Cam*, Hist. Ind., v. 2. His appeal to the Jeronimite Fathers, says Bernal
Diaz, met only with rebuff. They considered that Cortes had done well to
send so rich a present to the king. ' Le embiaron al Diego Velazquez a
Cuba a vn Licenciado que se dezia Zuazo para que le tomasse residencia
.... Uelazquez, se congox6 mucho mas, y como de antes era muy gordo, se
paro flaco en aquellos dias.' Hist. Verdad., 38. Martin petitioned the bishop
for the repair and return of the messengers' vessel to Velazquez, together
with another vessel, both to carry reinforcements to the Indies. This was
needed, partly to prevent the possible conflict between CorteV party and
i I expedition fitting out under Velazquez to support the men he had
aire dy sent under Cortes as his lieutenant. Memorial, in Col: Doc Incd.,
i. 40;-9.

DELAYED JUSTICE. 173

Tordesillas, in the beginning of March.31 The king
was not a little pleased with the reports, gilded as
they were with the richest presents that had as yet
reached him from his American possessions,32 but he
was unfortunately too absorbed with the imperial
crown and the preparations for departure to give
more than a passing attention to the subject, and still
less would he enter into the merits of the claims pre-
sented. Finding, however, that Fonseca had not been
impartial in the nratter, he was prevailed on to refer
it to Cardinal Adrian, and the junta of prelates and
ministers governing the kingdom during the royal ab-
sence, before whom the Council of the Indies had also
to lay its reports. The messengers were meamvhile
allowed under bond to receive from the seized funds
what was needed for their support.33 The powerful
Fonseca managed, however, by misrepresentation and
other means, to delay the case, and for about two
years it dragged its weary length. And yet, where a
man is strong enough to carve out his own fortune,
particularly wThere the administration of strict justice
might send his neck to the halter, the law's delay and
its susceptibility to perversion may be most fortunate.

31 Sandoval, Hist. Carlos V., i. 203. 'Vinidronse con la corte hasta llegar
a la Coruiia, y en este camino los cognosci yo.' Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 499;
Hcrrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. vii.

S2 In the Manual de la Casa de Contratacion de la Indias is noted that the
Cempoala natives were presented to the king, at Tordesillas, in February, or
March, 1.320, and the presents at Valladolid in April. The Indians were sent
to Cuba at the close of March, 1521, except one who had died. Cortes, Cartas,
34; Alaman, Disert., i. 91-104.

33 According to Bernal Diaz the bishop of Burgos retained not only the
original letters of the king, but a portion of the presents, which produced a
sharp letter from Charles. The duplicate letters reached him, however. Hist.
Verdad., 38-9. This author is not well informed about the movements of the
procuradores. He lets the king reach Flanders before they arrive, and there
receive only the reports.

CHAPTER XL

THE SINKING OF THE FLEET.

July-August, 1519.

Diego Velazquez once Moke — His Supporters in the Camp of Cortes—
They Attempt Escape — Are Discovered — The Leaders are Seized
and Executed — Cortes' Ride to Cempoala, and what Came of it-
He Determines on the Destruction of the Fleet — Preliminary
Strategems — Several of the Ships Pronounced Unsea worthy—
The Matter before the Soldiers — The Fleet Sunk — Indignation
of the Velazquez Faction — One Vessel Remaining — It is Offered
to any Wishing to Desert — It is finally Sunk — Francisco de
Garay's Pretensions — Seizure of Some of his Men.

To the top of a fir-tree, which he curbed and then
let spring, Theseus fastened the robber Sinis, who
had been accustomed himself to kill travellers in that
way. In a hollow brazen bull, which he had made
for the Sicilian tyrant to roast his victims in, Perillus
the inventor was roasted. A famous detective was
hanged at last for house-breaking. Matthew Hop-
kins, the witch-finder, who about the middle of the
seventeenth century travelled the country over to
discover and bring witches to punishment, was finally,
with pronounced effect, subjected to one of his own
tests. Witches, he had said, would not sink in water.
This was a safe proposition for the prosecution; for
if they sank they were drowned, and if they did not
sink they were burned. Being at length himself
charged with witchcraft, the people seized and threw
him into a river; and as he floated, by his own law he
was declared a witch, and put to death accordingly.
In more ways than one, he who invents a guillotine

GUILLOTINE BUILDING. 175

is often the first to suffer by it. It is not wise to sow
dragons' teeth, and expect therefrom a happy harvest.

Now Diego Velazquez had all his life been sowing
dragons' teeth, and hunting witches, and building guil-
lotines, and brazen bulls. Starting from Spain in the
guise of a noble old soldier, as he advertised himself,
though some said of him that his sword was bloodless
and his bravery bravado, he served the usual appren-
ticeship in the New World, chasing, and mutilating,
and murdering, and enslaving natives, working to
death on his plantations those saved for this most
cruel fate. For this and similar service Diego Colon,
then ruling the Indies at Espahola, sent him to Cuba
to play governor there over those inoffensive and
thrice unlucky savages. Fraud being native to his
character, no sooner was he fairly seated than he
repudiated his late master and benefactor, and reported
directly to the king, even as his own captain of the
Mexican expedition was now doing. Another of his
guillotines was the vile treatment of Grijalva for not
disobeying orders, on. which score he could not com-
plain against Grijalva's successor. Yet, as head and
heart frosted with time the Cuban governor was not
happy: misdeeds never bring true or lasting happi-
ness. His bitterness, however, was but in the bloom ;
the full fruit of his folly would come only after the
consummation of events upon the continent, grand as
yet beyond conception. Ordinarily it is much easier
to kill a man than to create one; in this instance it
was extremely difficult to kill the man that he had
made.

If among the New World cavaliers such a thing as
poltroon or coward could be, Diego Velazquez was
that thing, notwithstanding he had participated in so
much fighting. Yet I do not call him coward, for
my pen refuses to couple such a term with that of
sixteenth-century Spaniard. Certain it is, however,
that few men in those days preferred conquering
new lands by deputy to winning glory in person, and

176 THE SINKING OF THE FLEET.

if this soldier and governor was not a coward, there
was little of the manly or chivalrous in his bravery.
He was cautious, yet frequently his cupidity overcame
his caution ; and when he adventured his gold — for he
seldom risked his life, either for fame which he dearly
loved, or for gold which he loved still dearer — it
was under restrictions ruinous to almost any enter-
prise. In his ordinary mood he played fairly enough
the statesman and hero, but in truth his statesmanship
was superficial, and his heroism theatrical. Las Casas
calls him a terrible fellow for those who served him,
and Gomara says he had little stomach for expendi-
tures. This much allowance, however, should be
made in any statements of historians respecting the
governor of Cuba: in their drama of the conquest
Diego Velazquez plays the part of chief villain to the
hero Hernan Cortes, when as a matter of fact Cortes
was the greater villain of the two, principally because
he was the stronger.

Even the priests praise Cortes, though many of
his acts were treacherous; and timidity in a leader
was accounted the most heinous of crimes. On the
whole, I agree with Torquemada that the governor
should have gone against Montezuma in person, if it
was necessary he should go on such dastardly work
at all ; but we may be sure that Velazquez would not
himself venture upon this sea of high exploit, though
Mollis with a silver cord had tied up the winds in an
ox-hide, as he did for Ulysses. And now from this
time forth, and indeed from the moment the unre-
strainable Estremaduran embarked defying him, the
sulphurous fire of hatred and revenge burned constant
in the old man's breast.

Never was villainy so great that if united with
high station or ability it could not find supporters;
for most men are rascals at heart in one direction or
another. The pretty pair, Velazquez the governor,
and Cortes the adventurer — so well pitted that the

CONSPIRACY IN CAMP. 177

difference between them consists chiefly in setting
off the position of one against the native strength of
the other, the manners and pusillanimity of the one
against the fate -defying chivalry of the other — had
each his active workers not only in Spain, but in
America, those of Velazquez being some of them in
the very camp of Cortes. Since the royal grant of
superior powers to Velazquez, this faction has lifted
its head. And now its brain works.

The messengers for Spain had scarcely left the
port before these malcontents form a plot, this time
not with the sole desire to return to a more com-
fortable and secure life, but with a view to advise
Velazquez of the treasure ship so close at hand.
Amongst them are to be found the priest Juan Diaz;
Juan Escudero, the alguacil of Baracoa, who be-
guiled and surrendered Corte's into the hands of the
authorities ; Diego Cermeno and Gonzalo de Umbria,
pilots; Bernardino de Coria, and Alonso Peiiate, be-
side several leading men who merely countenanced
the plot.1 They have already secured a small vessel
with the necessary supplies, and the night of embark-
ment is at hand, when Coria repents and betrays his
companions.

Cortes is profoundly moved. It is not so much
the hot indignation that stirs his breast against the
traitors as the li^ht from afar that seems to. float in
upon his mind like an inspiration, showing him more
vividly than he had ever seen it before, his situation.
So lately a lax and frivolous youth, apparently of
inept nature, wrought to stiffer consistency by some
years of New World kneading, by a stroke of the

1 The name3 vary somewhat in different authorities, Bernal Diaz including
instead of Pefiatc, a number of the Gibraltar sailors known as Penates, who
were lashed at Cozumel for theft. The plot was hatched ' Desde fi quatro
dias que partieron nuestros Procuradores. ' Hist. Verdad. , 39. Cortes mentions
only four 'determinado de tomar un bergantin . . . . y matar al maestre del, y
irse a la isla Fernandina.' Cartas, 53-4. Gomara assumes them to be the
same who last revolted on setting out for Tizapantzinco. Hist. Mex., 64.
' Pusieron .... por obra de hurtar un navio pequeno, 6 salir a robar lo que
llovaban para el rey.' Tapia, Relation, in Icazbalcela, Col. Doc, ii. 5G3. Peter
Martyr jumbles the names, dec. v. cap. i.
Hist. Mex.. Vol. I. 12

178 THE SINKING OF THE FLEET.

rarest fortune he suddenly finds himself a commandei
of men, in a virgin field of enterprise fascinating
beyond expression, and offering to the soldier possi-
bilities excelled by nothing within the century. As
the mind enlarges to take in these possibilities, the
whole being seems to enlarge with it, the unstable
adventurer is a thing of the past, and behold a mighty
rock fills the place. Against it heads shall beat
unprofitably. The momentous question of to be or
not to be is forever determined; it is an affair simply
of life now. Life and the power of which he finds
himself possessed shall rise or fall together; and if
his life, then the lives of others. No life shall be
more precious to him than his own; no life shall be
accounted precious at all that stands in the way of
his plans. To a lady who complained of the burning
of the Palatinate by Turenne, Napoleon answered:
" And why not, madame, if it was necessary to
his designs?" The Palatinate! ay, and a hundred
million souls fluns: into the same fire, ere the one
omnipotent soul shall suffer the least abridgment.
It was a small matter, and he would do it; all the
islands of the Western Inde he would uproot and fling
into the face of the Cuban governor before he would
yield one jot of his stolen advantage. Each for him-
self were Velazquez, Columbus, and Charles, and the
rest of this world's great and little ones, and Cortes
would be for himself. Henceforth, like Themistocles,
though he would die for his country he would not
trust her. Return to Cuba he well knew for him was
death, or ignominy worse than death. His only way
was toward Mexico. As well first as last. All the
past life of Cortes, all his purposes for the future,
concentred in these resolves to make them the pivot
of his destiny. Cortes, master of kings, arbiter of
men's lives! As for these traitors, they shall die;
and if other impediments appear, as presently we
shall see them appear, be they in the form of eye or
right hand, they shall be removed. Tyrant, he might

EXECUTIONS. 179

be branded; ay, as well that as another name, for so
are great ends often brought to pass by small means.
Unpleasant as it may be, the survivors may as well
bear in mind that it will be less difficult another time.

So the conspirators are promptly seized and sen-
tenced, Escudero and Cermeno to be hanged, Umbrfa
to lose his feet, and others to receive each two hun-
dred lashes.2 Under cover of his cloth Padre Diaz,
the ringleader and most guilty of them all, escapes
with a reprimand. As for the rest, though among
them were some equally guilty, they were treated with
such dissembling courtesy and prudence as either to
render them harmless or to convert them into friends.
" Happy the man who cannot write, if it save him
from such business as this I" exclaimed the com-
mander, as he affixed his name to the death-warrants.
For notwithstanding his inexorable resolve he was
troubled, and would not see his comrades die though
they would have sacrificed him. On the morning of
the day of execution he set off at breakneck speed
for Cempoala, after ordering two hundred soldiers to
follow with the horses and join a similar force which
had left three days before under Alvarado.3

Cortes' brain was in a whirl during that ride. It
was a horrible thing, this hanging of Spaniards, cutting
off feet, and flogging. Viewed in one light it was but
a common piece of military discipline; from another
stand-point it was the act of an outlaw. The greater
part of the little army was with the commander; to
this full extent the men believed in him, that on his

2 Thus Cortes had his revenge on the alguacil. * Y no le vali6 el ser su
Compadre,' says Vetancvrt, with a hasty assumption which is not uncommon
with him. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 119. Gomara mentions no mutilation. ' Parece

claro ser aquestas obras, propias de averiguado tirano, ' says Las Casas,

Hist. hid. , iv. 496, which may be regarded as a singularly mild expression for
the bishop. Herrera dwells upon Cermeilo's extraordinary skill with the
leaping-pole ; he could also smell land fifteen leagues off the coast, dec. ii. lib.
v. cap. xiv. 'Coria, vezino que fue despues de Chiapa.' Bernal Diazy Hist.
Verdad., 39.

3 ' Embiado por los pueblos de la sierra, porque tuuiessen que comer;

porque en nuestra Villa passauamos mucha necessidad de bastimentos. ' Id.
This seems unlikely, since the Totonacs were not only willing, but bound, to
provide supplies.

180 THE SINKING OF THE FLEET.

valor and discretion they would adventure their lives.
With most men beliefs are but prejudices, and opinions
tastes. These Spaniards not only believed in their
general, but they held to a most impetuous belief in
themselves. They could do not only anything that
any one else ever had done or could do, but they could
command the supernatural, and fight with or against
phantoms and devils. They were a host in themselves ;
besides which the hosts of Jehovah were on their side.
And Cortes measured his men and their capabilities,
not as Xerxes measured his army, by filling suc-
cessively a pen capable of holding just ten thousand;
he measured them rather by his ambition, which was
as bright and as limitless as the firmament. Already
they were heroes, whose story presently should vie in
thrilling interest with the most romantic tales of chiv-
airy and knight-errantry, and in whom the strongest
human passions were so blended as to lift them for a
time out of the hand of fate and make their fortunes
their own. The thirst for wealth, the enthusiasm of
religion, the love of glory, united with reckless daring
and excessive loyalty, formed the most powerful in
centives to action. Life to them without the attain-
ment of their object was valueless; they would do or
die ; for to die in doing was life, whereas to live failing
was worse than death. Cortes felt all this, though it
scarcely lay on his mind in threads of tangible thought.
There was enough however that was tangible in his
thinkings, and exceedingly troubling. Unfortunately
the mind and heart of all his people were not of the
complexion he would have them. And those ships.
And the disaffected men lying so near them, looking
wistfully at them every morning, and plotting, and
plotting all the day long. Like the Palatinate to
Turenne, like anything that seduced from the stern
purposes of Cortes, it were better they were not.

This thought once flashed into his mind fastened
itself there. And it grew. And Cortes grew with it,
until the man and the idea filled all that country, and

A DARING RESOLVE. 181

became the wonder and admiration of the world.
Destroy the ships ! Cut off all escape, should such be
needed in case of failure ! Burn the bridge that spans
time, and bring to his desperate desire the aid of the
eternities! The thought of it alone was daring; more
fearfully fascinating it became as Cortes dashed along
toward Cempoala, and by the time he had reached his
destination the thing was determined, and he might
with Caesar at the Rubicon exclaim, Jacta est alea!
But what would his soldiers say ? They must be made
to feel as he feels, to see with his eyes, and to swell
with his ambition.

The confession of the conspirators opened the eyes
of Cortes to a fact which surely he had seen often
enough before, though by reason of his generous
nature which forgot an injury immediately it was for-
given, it had not been much in his mind of late, namely,
that too many of his companions were lukewarm, if
not openly disaffected. They could not forget that
Cortes was a common man like themselves, their
superior in name only, and placed over them for
the accomplishment of this single purpose. They
felt they had a right to say whether they would
remain and take the desperate chance their leader
seemed determined on, and to act on that right with
or without his consent. And their position assuredly
was sound; whether it was sensible depended greatly
on their ability to sustain themselves in it. Cortes
was exercising the arbitrary power of a majority to
drive the minority as it appeared to their death. They
had a perfect right to rebel; they had not entered the
service under any such compact. Cortes himself was
a rebel; hence the rebellion of the Velazquez men,
being a rebelling against a rebel, was in truth an ad-
herence to loyalty. Here as everywhere it was might
that made right; and, indeed, with the right of these
matters the narrator has little to do.

Success, shame, fear, bright prospects, had all lent
their aid to hold the discontented in check, but in

182 THE SINKING OF THE FLEET.

these several regards feeling and opinion were subject
to daily fluctuations. Let serious danger or reverses
come, and they would flee in a moment if they could.
And the fleet lying so near was a constant temptation.
Cut that off, and the nerves of every man there would
be freshly strung. The meanest would suddenly be-
come charged with a kind of nobility; they would at
once become inspired with the courage that comes
from desperation. Often those least inclined to fight-
when forced to it are the most indifferent to death.
Other dormant elements would be brought out by the
disappearance of those ships; union, fraternity, com-
plete community, not only of interest but of life. Their
leader with multiplied power would become their god.
On him they would be dependent for all things;
for food and raiment, for riches, glory, and every suc-
cess; for life itself. Cortes saw all this, pondered it
well, and thought it would be very pretty to play the
god awhile. He would much prefer it to confinement
in old Velazquez' plaza-pen, or even in a Seville prison.
Cortes was now certain in his own mind that if his
band remained unbroken either by internal dissension
or by white men yet to arrive, he would tread the
streets of the Mexican capital before he entered the
gates of the celestial city. If Montezuma would not
admit him peaceably, he would gather such a force
of the emperor's enemies as would pull the kingdom
down about his ears. It would be necessary on going
inland to leave a garrison at Villa Rica; but it would
be madness to leave also vessels in which they could
sail away to Cuba or elsewhere. And finally, if
the ships were destroyed, the sailors, who otherwise
would be required to care for them, might be added
to the army. Such were the arguments which the
commander would use to win the consent of his people
to one of the most desperate and daring acts ever
conceived by a strategist of any age or nation.

Not that such consent was necessary. He might
destroy the ships and settle with the soldiers after-

SAD CONDITION OF THE SHIPS. 183

ward. The deed accomplished, with or without their
consent, there would be but one course open to
them. Nevertheless he .preferred they should think
themselves the authors of it rather than feel that they
had been tricked, or in any way unfairly dealt with.
And with the moral he would shift the pecuniary
responsibility to their shoulders. So he went to work
as usual, with instruments apparently independent,
but whose every step and word were of his directing.
One day quickly thereafter it came to pass that the
masters of several of the largest ships appeared be-
fore the captain-general with lengthened faces well
put on, with the sad intelligence that their respective
craft were unseaworthy; indeed one of them had
sunk already. They did not say they had secretly
bored holes in them according to instructions. Cortes
was surprised, nay he was painfully affected; Roscius
himself could not have performed the part better;
"for well he could dissemble when it served his pur-
pose," chimes in Las Casas. With Christian fortitude
he said: "Well, the will of God be done; but look
you sharply to the other ships." Barnacles were then
freely discussed, and teredos. And so well obeyed
the mariners their instructions that soon they were
able to swear that all the vessels save three were un-
safe, and even these required costly repairs before
they would be seaworthy.4 Thus as by the hand
of providence, to the minds of the men as they
were able to bear it, the deed unfolded. Soon quite
apparent became the expediency of abandoning such
vessels as were leaking badly; there was trouble and
no profit in attempting to maintain them, for they
would surely have to be abandoned in the end. "And
indeed, fellow-soldiers," continued Cortes, "I am not

* Testirnonio deMontejo yPuertocarrero, in Col. Doc. Ined. , i. 489, 494. ' Vinie-
sen a 61, cuando cstuviese mucha gente con el junta, y le denunciasen como no
podian veneer el agua de los navios.' Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 497. 'Tuuo
forma para que los soldados mas aficionados que tenia se lo pidiessen. . . .Los
soldadossc lo pidieron, y dello se recibio auto por ante escriuano.' Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. v. cap. xiv. ' Le aconscjamos los que eramos sus amigos, que no
dexasse Nauio en el Puerto.' Bemal Diaz, J list. Verdad., 39.

184 THE SINKING OF THE FLEET.

sure but it were best to doom to destruction also the
others, and so secure the cooperation of the sailors in
the coming campaign, instead of leaving them in idle-
ness to hatch fresh treachery." This intimation was
successful, as had been foreordained by the ruler of
these events it should be. It was forthwith resolved
to scuttle all the ships but one, the one brought by
Salcedo. Accordingly Escalante, the alguacil mayor,
a brave and able officer wholly devoted to Cortes,
was sent down to Villa Rica to carry out the' order,
with the aid of the picked soldiers there stationed.
Sails, anchors, cables, and everything that could be
utilized were removed, and a few hours later some
small boats were all that remained of the Cuban
fleet.5

It was then the community first realized its sit-
uation. The followers of Cortes, with unbounded
faith in their leader, did not so much care, but the
partisans of Velazquez, few of whom knew that the
affair had been coolly predetermined, were somewhat
agitated. And when on closer inquiry they were
enlightened by certain of the mariners, the cry arose
that they were betrayed; they were lambs led to the
slaughter. Cortes promptly faced the now furious
crowd. What did they want? Were their lives more
precious than those of the rest? "For shame! Be
men!" he cried, in conclusion. "You should know
ere this how vain are the attempts to thwart my
purpose. Look on this magnificent land with its
vast treasures, and narrow not your vision to your
insignificant selves. Think of your glorious reward,
present and to come, and trust in God, who, if it so
please him, can conquer this empire with a single arm.
Yet if there be one here still so craven as to wish
to turn his back on the glories and advantages thus

5 ' Los Pilotos, e Maestres viejos, y marineros, que no era buenos para ir a
la gnerra, que se quedassen en la Villa, y co dos chinchorros que tuuiessen cargo
dc pescar....y luego se vino (Escalante) a Cempoal con vna Capitania de
hombres de la mar, que fuessen los que sacaron de los Nauios, y salieron
al0runos dellos muy buenos soldados.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 40.

THE DEED IS DONE. 185

offered; if there be one here so base, so recreant to
heaven, to his king, to his comrades, as to slink from
such honorable duty, in God's name let him go. There
is one ship left, which I will equip at my own charge
to give that man the immortal infamy he deserves."
This he said and much more, and to the desired effect.
The speaker knew well how to play upon his men,
as on an instrument, so that they would respond in
any tune he pleased. Cheers rent the air as he con-
cluded, in which the opposition were forced to join
through very shame. Seeing which Cortes gently
intimated, "Would it not be well to destroy the
remaining vessel, and so make a safe, clean thing of
it?" In the enthusiasm of the moment the act was
consummated with hearty approval.6

6 It is generally admitted that Cortds suggested the idea of destroying the
fleet, for even Bernal Diaz, who at first gives the credit to the men by saying,
'le aconscjamos los que eramos sus amigos,' confesses on the "following page
that ' el mismo Cortes lo tenia ya concertado. ' Hist. Verdad. , 39-40. The
preponderating testimony also shows that the masters made their report in
public, with the evident object, as the best authorities clearly indicate, of
obtaining the consent of the responsible majority for the scuttling. During
the partition of treasures at Mexico, large shares were set aside for Cortes
and \ elazquez to cover the cost of the fleet and the outfit, ' que dimos al
traues con ellos, pues todos fuimos en cllos,' Denial Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 84,
which is proof, in addition to the reliable assertion that the deed was agreed
upon by the majority. CorteY expression, 'los echo' a la costa,' Cartas, 54,
is merely that of a leader of that party or majority, who besides really
gives credit to others. Hence the conclusion of Prescott and others, that the
scuttling was done on his own responsibility, is not well founded. Cortes
was clever enough always to have those present who were ready to take any
responsibility for him that he might wish. The phrase, c his was the greatest
sacrifice, for they (the vessels) were his property,' PrescotfsMex., i. 374, is also
wrong, for he was compensated by the army. And it is an exaggeration to say
that the execution of the measure ' in the face of an incensed and desperate
soldiery, was an act of resolution that has few parallels in history,' Id., 376,
since his party supported him. According to Gomara the pilots bore holes in the
vessels, and bring their report, whereupon five vessels are first sunk ; shortly
afterward the remainder except one are scuttled. The offer of this vessel to
those who wished to return was made with a view to learn who were the
cowards and malcontents. Many indeed did ask for leave, but half of them were
sailors. Others kept quiet out of shame. Hist. Mcx. , G5. It was never Cortes'
policy to mark the disaffected, however. This author is followed by Torque-
mada, ' porque asi se ha platicado siempre entre las Gentes, que mas supicron
de esta Jornada, ' i. 409, and on the strength of this the latter argues that
Hcrrera's version, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. xiv., which adheres chiefly to Bernal
Diaz', must be wrong. Tapia, Relation, in Icazbalceta, Col. Hoc. , ii. 5G3, con-
forms chiefly to Gomara. Robertson, after following Bernal Diaz, takes the
trouble of having the ships 'drawn ashore and . . . .broke in pieces.' Hist. Am.,
ii. 33-4; Clavifjcro. S 'tor hi Mess. , iii. 35-6; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., iii. 2G2; Sando-
val, Hid. Carlos V., i. 171; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. i. Peralta has them

186 THE SINKING OF THE FLEET.

" To Mexico!" was now the cry, and preparations
for the march were at once made. Escalante, whose
character and services had endeared him to Cortes,

burned by secret agents of Cortes. Nat. Hist, 76. Solis, ever zealous
for his hero, objects to Bernal Diaz' attempt to pluck any of the glory, and
scouts the idea that fears of pecuniary liability could have influenced Cortes
to gain the approval of others for his act. ' Tuvo a destreza de historiador el
penetrar lo interior de las acciones, ' is the complacent tribute to his own skill
in penetrating the question. Hist. Mex., i. 214-15. The view of the founder-
ing fleet, appended to some editions of his work, has been extensively copied.
One is given in the Antwerp edition of 1704, 141. A still finer view, with
the men busy on shore, and the sinking vessels in the distance, is to be
found in the Madrid issue of 1783, i. 213. The destruction of the fleet has
been lauded in extravagant terms by almost every authority, from Gomara
and Solis to Robertson and Prescott, as an unparalleled deed. Of previous
examples there are enough, however, even though the motives and the
means differ. We may go back to iEneas, to whose fleet the wives of the
party applied the torch, tired of roaming; or we may point to Agathocles,
who first fired his soldiers with a resolution to conquer or to die, and
then compelled them to keep their word by firing the vessels. Julian offered
a tamer instance during his campaign on the Tigris ; but the deed of the ter-
rible Barbarossa in the Mediterranean, only a few years before the Mexican
campaign, was marked by reckless determination. Still examples little affect
the greatness of an act ; motives, means, and results afford the criteria. 'Pocos
exemplos destos ay, y aquellos son de grandes hombres. ' Gomara, Hist. Mex.,

65. ' Una de las acciones en que mas se reconoce la grandeza de su animo

Y no sabemos si de su gdnero se hallara mayor alguna en todo el campo de
las Historias.' Solis, Hist. Mcx., i. 213. 'An effort of magnanimity, to which
there is nothing parallel in history.' Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. 34. 'Un' im-
presa, che da per se sola bastcrebbe a far conoscere la sua magnanimita, e ad
immortalare il suo nome. ' Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 35; Prescott, Mex., i.
375-G, is equally carried away, and he finds more words for his admiration.
He is wrong in supposing that one of the vessels in the harbor was left intact;
the exempt ship referred to by a chronicler was the one carrying the messen-
gers to Spain.

Antonio de Solis y Ribadeneyra is remarkable as the first Spanish historian
of the conquest. It appears to us strange that an episode so glorious to the
fame of Castilians should have been allowed to lie so long neglected in the
musty pages of their chroniclers. True, these were worthy, zealous men, who
conscientiously narrated every occurrence of any note, but their standard for
historic truth and dignity caused them to clothe facts, however striking, in a
garb of dreary gravity, dryness of detail, and ambiguous confusion, which dis-
couraged even the student. It required the dramatic eye of the composer and
the imagination of the poet to appreciate the picturesque sketches of a strange
people now fading into oblivion, the grandeur of a semi-savage pageantry, the
romantic exploits that recalled the achievements of the Cid. This faculty
was innate in Solis, developed besides by a long and successful career in let-
ters. He had profited also by the advantages opened to him as the secretary
of Conde de Oropesa, Viceroy of Navarre and of Valencia, who Maecenas-
like fostered the talents and aided in the promotion of the promising savant,
for as such he already ranked. Cradled in the famous college town of Alcala
de Henares, he had given early evidence of talent, and at Salamanca uni-
versity he had signalized himself in his seventeenth year by producing a
comedy of considerable merit. While pursuing with energy the study of law
and moral philosophy, he cultivated with hardly less ardor the muses, to
which end he was no doubt impelled also by his intimacy with the illustrious

ANTONIO DE SOLIS. 187

was placed in command of Villa Rica. The native
chiefs were directed to regard him as the representa-

Calderon. Several of his dramas were received with acclamation, and one was
translated into French, while his miscellaneous poems, reprinted in our days,
are marked by a vivid imagination and an elegance which also adorns his let-
ters. Talents so conspicuous did not wait long for recognition, and with the
aid of his patron he advanced to the dignities of royal secretary and chief
chronicler of the Indies. When 56 years old his mind underwent a change,
and entering the church he abandoned forever the drama and light literature.
The pen changed only its sphere, however, for it served the historiographer
zealously, achieving for him the greatest fame; and fame alone, for at his
death, in April, 1GSG, at the age of 70, deep poverty was his companion.
When he entered on this office the Indies had lapsed into the dormant
quietude imposed by a strict and secluding colonial regime. There were no
stirring incidents to reward the efforts of the historian, save those connected
with free-booter raids, which offered little that could flatter Spanish pride.
To achieve fame he must take up some old theme, and present it in a form
likely to rouse attention by its contrast. Thus it was that he selected the
thrilling episode of the conquest of Mexico, with the determination to rescue
it from the unskilful arrangement and repetitions, the want of harmony and
consistency, the dryness and faulty coloring, to which it had hitherto been
subjected, and to expend upon it the effects of elegant style and vast eru-
dition. When the work appeared at Madrid, in 1684, its superior merits were
instantly recognized, and although the sale at first was not large, editions
have multiplied till our day, the linest and costliest being the illustrated issue
of 17S3-4, in two volumes, which I quote, while consulting also the notes of
several others. So grand and finely elaborated a subject, and that from a
Spanish historian who was supposed to have exhausted all the available re-
sources of the Iberian archives, could not fail to rouse general attention
throughout Europe, and translations were made into different languages. •
Robertson, among others, while not failing to point out certain blemishes,
has paid the high compliment of accepting Solis for almost sole guide on
the conquest, and this with a blindness which at times leads him into most
amusing errors. Even Prescott warms to his theme in a review of six closely
printed pages, wherein eulogy, though not unmingled with censure, is stronger
than a clearer comprehension of the theme would seem to warrant. But in this
he is impelled to a great extent by his oft displayed tendency to hero worship.
Solis deserves acknowledgment for bringing order out of chaos, for pre-
senting in a connected form the narrative of the conquest, and for adorning it
with an elegant style. But he has fulfilled only a part of the promises made
in his preface, and above all has he neglected to obtain information on his
topic beyond that presented in a few of the generally accessible works,- even
their evidence being not very closely examined. He has also taken great
liberties with the text, subordinating facts to style and fancy, seizing every
possible opportunity to manufacture speeches for both native and Spanish
heroes, and this with an amusing disregard for the consistency of lan-
guage with the person and the time. His religious tendencies seriously
interfere with calm judgment, and impel him to rave with bigoted zeal
against the natives. The hero worship of the dramatist introduces itself to
such an extent as frequently to overshadow everything else, and to mis-
represent. 'Sembra piii un panegirico, che una istoria,' says Clavigcro, very
aptly. S 'tor ia Mess., i. 10. His arguments and deductions are at times most
childish, while his estimation of himself as a historian and thinker is aired in
more than one place with a ridiculous gravity. With regard to style, Solis had
Livy for a model, and belonged to the elder school of historians ; he was its last
good representative, in fact. His language is expressive and elegant, greatly
imbued with a poetic spirit not unsuited to the subject, and sustained in
eloquence, while its pure idiom aids to maintain the work as classic among

188 THE SINKING OF THE FLEET.

tive of the general, and to supply him with every
requirement.7

Some nine days after the sinking of the fleet a
messenger arrived from Esca]ar_tc, announcing that
four vessels8 had passed by the harbor, refusing to
enter, and had anchored three leagues off, at the
mouth of a river. Fearing the descent upon him of
Velazquez, Cortes hurried off with four horsemen,
after selecting fifty soldiers to follow. Alvarado and
Sandoval were left jointly in charge of the army,
to the exclusion of Avila, who manifested no little
jealousy of the latter. Cortes halted at the town
merely to learn particulars, declining Escalante's
hospitality with the proverb, "A lame goat has no
rest." On the way to the vessels they met a notary
with two witnesses,9 commissioned to arrange a boun-
dary on behalf of Francisco de Garay, who claimed
the coast to the north as first discoverer, and desired
to form a settlement a little beyond Nautla. It ap-
peared that Garay, who had come out with Diego
Colon, and had risen from procurador of Espanola

Castilians. ' Ingenio Conceptuoso, Floridisimo, i Eloquente, ' is the observa-
tion in the work of his historiographic predecessor, Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 607.
But it lacks in boldness and dignity ; the rhapsodies are often misplaced, and
the verboseness is tiresome. Some of the faults are of course due to the time,
but not the many, and it also becomes only too apparent that Solis is so con-
ceitedly infatuated with his affected grandiloquence as to sacrifice facts
wherever they interfere with its free scope. It is said that he intended to
continue the history of Mexico after the conquest, and that death alone
prevented the consummation of the project. But this is mere conjecture,
and it appears just as likely that the dramatist recognized the effect of
closing a great work at so appropriate a point as the fall of Mexico. The
work was taken up, however, by Salazar y Olarte, who published in 1743 the
second part of the Conquest, till the death of Cortes, abounding in all the
faults of the superficial and florid composition of Solis.

7 'Luego le zahumaron [the chiefs] al Juan de Esealante con sus inciensos.'
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 40. 'Dej6 en la villa de la Veracruz ciento y cin-
cuenta hombres con doze de caballo. ' Cortes, Cartas, 52-3. One hundred and
fifty Spaniards, with two horses and two fire-arms, were left here under Pedro
de Ircio, Gomara, Hist. Ilex., G5-G, but Bernal Diaz corrects him. 'Al Pedro
de Ircio no le auian dado cargo ninguno, ni aun de cuadrillero. ' ubi sup.;
Lctlilxochitl, Hist. Chick., 291. The force seems to be altogether too large.
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 51, says GO old and suffering soldiers were left as
garrison.

!' Bernal Diaz says one vessel ; but Cortes and other authorities mention four.

<J Bernal Diaz, who appears to have been with the party, names them a3
Guillen de la Loa, notary; Andres Nunez, shipwright; Pedro de la Arpa, a
Valencian, and a fourth man. Hist. Verdad. ,40.

PINEDA UPON THE COAST. 189

to become governor of Jamaica, had resolved to
devote his great wealth to extending his fame as
explorer and colonizer. On learning from Alaminos
and his fellow voyagers of the coasts discovered in
this direction, he resolved to revive the famed projects
of Ponce de Leon, and with this view despatched a
small fleet in 1518, under Diego de Camargo.10 Driven
back by the Floridans with great slaughter, says
Gomara, the expedition sailed down to Panuco River,
again to be repulsed, with the loss of some men,
who were flayed and eaten. Torralba, steward of
Garay, was then sent to Spain, and there, with the
aid of Garay's friends, obtained for him a commission
as adelantado and governor of the territories that he
might discover north of Rio San Pedro y San Pablo.11
Meanwhile a new expedition was despatched to
Panuco, under Alonso Alvarez Pineda, to form a
settlement and to barter for gold. After obtaining
some three thousand pesos, Pineda sailed southward
to take possession and to select a site for the colony.12
And now while the notary is endeavoring to
arrange matters with Cortes, Pineda waits for him
a little distance from the shore. At that moment

10 ' Armo Francisco de Garay tres carauelas en Iamaica, el afio de mil
quinietos y deziocho, y fue a tentar la Florida.' Gomara, Hist, hid., 55.
'Determino de enviar a un hidalgo, llamado Diego de Camargo, a descubrir e
continuar el descubrimiento que Grijalva habia hecho, con uno 6 con dos
navios; el cual descubrio la provincia de Panuco, 6, por mejor decir, comenz6
de alii donde Grijalva se Labia tornado, que fue desde Panuco, y anduvo
navegando por lacosta cien leguas hacia la Florida.' Las Casas, Hist, hid., iv.
4GG; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi.; Galvano's Discov., 133-4.

11 See Hist. Mex., i. 29, this series. 'El Rey se las concedio el ailo de 819,
estando en Barcelona.' Las Casas, loc. cit. ' Torralua . . . truxo prouisiones
para que fuesse Adelantado, y Gouernador desde el rio de San Pedro, y San
Pablo, y todo lo que descubriesse : y por aquellas pruisiones embio lucgo tres
Xauios con hasta dozientos y setenta soldados. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 41.

12 Bernal Diaz intimates that Pineda had remained at Rio Panuco to colo-
nize, while one vessel was sent down to take possession where Cortes met
the men. After giving an account of two expeditions in 1518 and 1519, Go-
mara says: 'Otros dizen, que no fue mas de vna vez. Sino que como estuuo
mucho alia cuctan por dos. ' Hist. Ind. , 55. But Las Casas mentions distinctly
that it was on the strength of Camargo's discoveries, in 1518, that the grant
was made to Garay in the following year, ubi sup. ' Garai auia corrido mucha
costa en demada de la Florida, y tocado en vn rio y tierra, cuyo rey se llamaua
Panuco, donde vieron oro, ami que poco. Y que sin salir de las naues auia res-
catado hasta tres mil pesos de oro.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., G7; Cortes, Cartas,
5G-7; Oviedo, iii. 2G2-3; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. i.

190 THE SINKING OF THE FLEET.

Cortes cared little for Garays or boundaries; but he
would by no means object to a few more Spaniards to
take the place of those he had hanged, and of others
whom he might yet be obliged to hang. To this end
he converted perforce to his cause the notary and his
attendants. Then learning from them that Pineda
could on no account be prevailed on to land for a
conference, Cortes signalled to the vessels with the
hope that more men would come on shore. This
failing, he bethought himself of letting three of his
men exchange clothes with the new-comers and ap-
proach the landing, while he marched back with the
rest in full view of the vessels. As soon as it grew
dark, the whole force returned to hide near the spot.
It was not till late the following morning that the
suspicious Pineda responded to the signals from
shore, and sent off a boat with armed men. The trio
now withdrew behind some bushes, as if for shade.
Four Spaniards and one Indian landed, armed with
two firelocks and two cross-bows, and on reaching
the shrubbery they were pounced upon by the hidden
force, while the boat pushed off to join the vessels all
ready to sail.13

13 ' El uno (of the captured ones) era maestre de la una nao, e* puso fuego a
la escopeta, e matara al capitan de la Veracruz, sino que a la media le falt6
el fuego.' Oviedo, iii. 2C3. Bernal Diaz, in a less intelligent account of the
capture, states that only two men landed. 'Por manera que se huuieron
de aquel Nauio seis soldados . . . . Y esto es lo que se hizo, y no lo que escriue
el Coronista Gomara.' Hist. Verdad., 41. But CorteV version must surely be
the best, since it was related shortly after the occurrence, and by an im-
mediate participator in the events.

CHAPTER XII.

MARCH TOWARD MEXICO.

August-September, 1519.

Enthusiasm of the Army — The Force — The Totonacs Advise the Tlas-
calan Route — Arrival at Jalapa — A Look Backward — The Anahuao
Plateau — Meeting with Olintetl — Arrival in the Country op
the Tlascaltecs — The Senate Convenes and Receives the Envoys
of Cortes — An Encounter — A More Serious Battle — Xicotencatl
Resolves to Try the Prowess of the Invaders, and is Defeated.

The Garay affair having thus been disposed of, it
was announced to the Spaniards that tjiey would
now go in quest of the great Montezuma. For as
the conciliating sea smooths the sand which but
lately it ground in its determinate purpose from the
rocks, so had Cortes quieted the ruffled temper of
the malcontents, till they were committed as one
man to the will of the leader. And he smiled some-
what grimly as he concluded his harangue: "To
success or total destruction now we march ; for there
is open to us no retreat. In Christ we trust, and on
our arms rely. And though few in number, our
hearts are strong." The soldiers shouted their ap-
proval, and again signified their desire to press onward
to Mexico.1

The force for the expedition consisted of about
four hundred and fifty Spaniards, with fifteen horses,
and six or seven light guns, attended by a consider-
able number of Indian warriors and carriers, in-
cluding Cubans. The Totonac force comprised also
forty chiefs, taken really as hostages, among whom

1 ' Y todos a vna le respondimos, que hariamos lo que ordenasse, que echada
estaua la suerte de la buena 6 mala ventura. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. , 40.

(191)

192

MARCH TOWARD MEXICO.

are named Mamexi, Tamalli, and Teuch, the latter
proving a most able and trusty guide and counsellor.2
The advice of the Totonacs is to take the route
through Tlascala, as a state friendly to them and bit-
terly opposed to the Mexicans, and on the 16th of
August the army leaves Cempoala for the interior.
Soon begins the gentle ascent which lifts them from
oppressive heat and overpowering vegetation to cooler

o Ciflaltepec

.otzotlani

Nauhcampatepetl/I \^P^*™
or Cofre de Perote Aoi- o JalapaV-^ — ^

Teoxihuacan >;^. 'ac°\Quial]uizfla-'--

itlll:

.TUcoj»n^/^-^fVs=i/ 0Tezcuco Calpulalpan Teoxihuacan j£]fi x

oJOzMiF, . -, °Zultepec. .AtJ.T, TeJoQa ° rf#>^0^f^--CelDP0£

cp|^oIztaPalapan _* "»V^,. Xbcottan or0 StfrOk?

.V k o-taA Tlascala „ ° o #£i

! -il

Tlascala *c°° o #!&&■

I.™ TTTTF.\"OT7TVPr> *P'

rfer/a

1 2 taC y i u w a u^samss
^fHlchalco HUEXOTZINCO

j? N^f^^g^Chalco hukxotzinco irN

CuU^**C jf oTlalmanalf€Popocatepetl n . . ^
Ayofi^ Q jjK, f - r - Orizabag^

.Aonaquemecan CHOLULA AcitzW^

.Ainaquemecan ciIOLULA Acatzimro^ ^^

Acaizmgo .-i,„i\izap;

Tepeaca o ^fcu^r

Quauhqoechollaao- ' ° VecLolac. °

-.x o °Tecalco.

IUucan,

^uatusco

Tampaniquita

Cuetlachtlan/

2Bernal Diaz states, 65, that on reaching Mexico City 'no llegauamos a
450 soldados,' intimating that they must have amounted to fully this figure
on leaving Villa Rica. This would allow fully 1*20 men to Escalante, which
appears a large garrison, even after making allowances for the old and Infirm.
Gomara places the force at 400 Spaniards, with 15 horses, 6 guns, and 1300
Indians, including Cubans and carriers. Conq. Mex. , 67 ; Herrera, dec. ii. lib.
vi. cap. i. ; Torquemada, i. 411, 517. Ixtlilxochitl increases this to 7 guns,
1300 warriors, and 1000 carriers. ' Con quince de caballo y trescientos peones.'
Cortes, Cartas, 52. Cortes refers later on to 400 Cempoalans. He mentions
merely 200 carriers. Clavigero has 415 Spaniards, a figure resulting from a
misreading of his original. Storia Mess., iii. 36. Solis, Ilist. Mex., i. 216-17,
followed of course by Robertson, changes the figures to 500 men, 200 carriers,
and 400 Indian troops. A page, twelve years old, was left with the lord of
Cempoala to learn the language. ' Tomaron un indio principal que llamaban
Tlacochalcatl para que los mostrase el camino,' taken from the country by
Grijalva, and brought back by Cortds. Sahagun, Conq. Mex., 16. Shortly
before beginning the march, says Duran, a messenger arrived from Mexico
in the person of Motelchiuh, sent by Montezuma to serve as guide, and to
provide for the proper service and hospitality on the way. Being told that no
guide was needed, he returned, leaving orders with the caciques en route to
tender good reception to the strangers. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 405-10.

NATURE'S GLORIES. 193

regions, and at the close of the second day is reached
the beautiful Jalapa,3 a halting -place between the
border of the sea and the upper plateau.

There they turn with one accord and look back.
How charming ! how inexpressibly refreshing are
these approaching highlands to the Spaniards, so
lately from the malarious Isthmus and the jungle-
covered isles, and whose ancestors not long since had
held all tropics to be uninhabitable; on the border,
too, of Montezuma's kingdom, wrapped in the soft
folds of perpetual spring. Before the invaders are
the ardent waters of the gulf, instant in their humane
pilgrimage to otherwise frozen and uninhabitable
lands; before them the low, infectious tierra caliente
that skirts the lofty interior threateningly, like the
poisoned garment of Hercules, with vegetation bloated
by the noxious air and by nourishment sucked from
the putrid remains of nature's opulence, while over all,
filled with the remembrance of streams stained san-
guine from sacrificial altars, passes with sullen sighs
the low-voiced winds. But a change comes gradually
as the steep ascent is made that walls the healthful
table -land of Anahuac. On the templacla terrace
new foliage is observed, though still glistening with
sun -painted birds and enlivened by parliaments of
monkeys. Insects and flowers bathe in waves of
burning light until they display a variety of colors
as wonderful as they are brilliant, while from cool
canons rise metallic mists overspreading the warm
hills. Blue and purple are the summits in the dis-
tance, and dim glowing hazy the imperial heights
beyond that daily baffle the departing sun. And on
the broad plateau, whose rich earth with copious yield

3 Meaning ' Spring in the Sand. ' Rivera,Hist. Jalapa, i. app. 7. ' Y la primera
jornado fuimos a vn pueblo, que se dize Xalapa.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad.,
41. But the road was too long for one day's march. I may here observe that
Bernal Diaz is remarkably faulty in his account of this march and of the cam-
paign into Tlascala, and this is admitted by several writers, who nevertheless
follow him pretty closely. The place is known the world over for its fairs and
productions, particularly for the drug bearing its name, and is famous in the
neighboring districts for its eternal spring and beautiful surroundings.
Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 13

194 MARCH TOWARD MEXICO.

of gold and grain allures to cultivation, all the realm
are out of doors keeping company with the sun.
From afar comes the music-laden breeze whispering
its secrets to graceful palms, aloft against the sky,
and which bend to meet the confidence, while the
little shrubs stand motionless with awe. Each cluster
of trees repeats the story, and sings in turn its own
matin to which the rest are listeners. At night, how
glittering bright with stars the heavens, which other-
wise were a shroud of impenetrable blackness. In
this land of wild Arcadian beauty the beasts are
free, and man keeps constant holiday. And how the
hearts of these marauders burned within them as they
thought, nothing doubting, how soon these glories
should be Spain's and theirs.

The boundary of the Totonac territory was crossed,
and on the fourth day the army entered a province
called by Cortes Sienchimalen, wherein the sway of
Montezuma was still maintained. This made no
difference to the Spaniards, however, for the late
imperial envoys had left orders with the coast gov-
ernors to treat the strangers with every consider-
ation. Of this they had a pleasing experience at
Xicochimalco,* a strong fortress situated on the slope
of a steep mountain, to which access could be had
only by a stairway easily defended. It overlooked
a sloping plain strewn with villages and farms,
mustering in all nearly six thousand warriors.5 With
replenished stores the expedition began to ascend the
cordillera in reality, and to approach the pine forests
which mark the border of the tierra fria. March-
ing through a hard pass named Nombre de Dios,6
they entered another province defended by a fortress,

4 Identified with Naulinco. Lorenzana, Viage, p. ii.

5 Cortes refers to a friendly chat with the governor, who mentioned the
orders he had received to offer the Spaniards all necessities. Cartas, 57.

6 ' Por ser el primero que en estas tierras habiamos pasado. El cual es tan
agro y alto, que no lo hay en Espaila otro.' Cortes, Cartas, 57. ' Hoy se llama
el Paso del Obispo.'' Lorenzana, ubi sup. 'Ay en ella muchas parras con vuas,
y arboles co miel.' Gomara, Hist. Mex.} 68.

4

OLIOTETL OF XOCOTLAK 19j

named Teoxihuacan,7 in no wise inferior to the first
for strength or hospitality. They now finished the
ascent of the cordillera, passed through Tejotla, and for
three days continued their way through the alkaline
wastes skirting the ancient volcano of Nauhcampate-
petl,8 exposed to chilling winds and hailstorms, which
the Spaniards with their quilted armor managed to
endure, but which caused to succumb many of the
less protected and less hardy Cubans. The brackish
water also brought sickness. On the fourth day the
pass of Puerto de Lena,9 so called from the wood
piled near some temples, admitted them to the Ana-
huac plateau, over seven thousand feet above the sea.
With a less balmy climate and a flora less redundant
than that of the Antillean stamping-ground, it offered
on the other hand the attraction of bein^ not unlike
their native Spain. A smiling valley opened before
them, doubly alluring to the pinched wanclerers, with
its broad fields of corn, dotted with houses, and dis-
playing not far off the gleaming walls and thirteen
towering temples of Xocotlan, the capital of the dis-
trict. Some Portuguese soldiers declaring" it the
very picture of their cherished Castilblanco, this
name was applied to it.10

Cacique Olintetl, nicknamed the temblador from
the shaking of his fat body, came forth with a suite
and escorted them through the plaza to the quarters
assigned them, past pryamids of grinning human
skulls, estimated by Bernal Diaz at over one hundred

7 'Hoy se nombra Ixhuacdn de los Reyes.' Lorenzana, Viage.
8 ' De Nauhcampa, quatre parties, et tepetl, montagne. ' Humboldt, Vues,
ii. 191. Equivalent to the Spanish name of Cofre de Perote.

9 Lorenzana believes it to be the later Sierra de la Agua. A map with
profile of the route is given in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mcx., ii. 201; and a
still better map by Orozco y Berra, Itinerario, in Noticias Max., 233.

10 The name must not be confounded with Zacatlan, as Ixtlilxochitl calls it,
for this lies north of Tlascala. ' Este valle y poblacion se llama Caltanmi.'

' Tenia las mayores y mas bien labradas casasque hasta entonces habiamos

visto.' Cortes, Cartas 58. Lorenzana says, ' the present Tlatlanquitepec,' in
the lower lying portion of which stood the palace of Caltanni, ' house below ;'
and there stands the big tree to which the natives say that CortCs tied his

horse. Viage, pp. iii.-iv. ' Llamase Zaclotan aquel lugar, y el valle Zaca-

tami.' Gomara,IIist.Mex.,6$; Oviedo, iii. 260. Cocotlan. Bernal Diaz, H int.
Verdad., 41.

19(3 MARCH TOWARD MEXICO.

thousand. There were also piles of bones, and skulls
suspended from beams, all of which produced far from
pleasant impressions. This horror was aggravated
by the evident coldness of their reception, and by the
scanty fare offered.11 Olintetl occupied what Cortes
describes as the " largest and most finely constructed
houses he had yet seen in this country," wherein two
thousand servants attended to the wants of himself
and his thirty wives.

Impressed by the magnificence of his surroundings,
Cortes inquired whether he was a subject or ally of
Montezuma. "Who is not his slave?" was the reply.
He himself ruled twenty thousand subjects,12 yet was
but a lowly vassal of the emperor, at whose command
thirty chiefs at least could place each one hundred
thousand warriors in the field. He proceeded to extol
the imperial wealth and power, and the grandeur of
the capital, wherein twenty thousand human victims
were annually given to the idols. This was probably
intended to awe the little band; "But we/' says
Bernal Diaz,13 "with the qualities of Spanish soldiers,
wished we were there striving for fortunes, despite
the dangers described." Cortes calmly assured the
cacique that great as Montezuma was, there were
vassals of his own king still mightier, with more to the
same effect ; and he concluded by demanding the sub-
mission of the cacique, together with a present of gold,
and the abandonment of sacrifices and cannibalism.
Olintetl's only reply was that he could do nothing
without authority from the capital. "Your Monte-

11 Gomara intimates that the Spaniards were well received, and had 50 men
sacrificed in their honor. Hist. Mex. , 68. The native records state that bread
sprinkled with the blood of fresh victims was offered to them, as to idols, but
this being rejected with abhorrence, pure food was brought. Before this
sorcerers had been sent to use their arts against them, by spreading diseases,
casting spells to prevent their advance, and otherwise opposing them. But
everything failed before the magic influence shed perhaps by the banner of
the cross. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 401-8; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 14; Acosta,
Hist. Ind., 518; Torquemada, i. 417-8.

12 ' Tenia Montezuma en este pueblo, y su comarca, cinco mil soldados de
guarnicion.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. ii.

13 Conq. Mex., 42. 'A muchos valientes por ventura desmayara, ' says to the
contrary Gomara, Hist. Alex., 69.

IZTACMIXTITLAK 107

zuma," replied the audacious Spaniard, with suppressed
anger, "shall speedily send you orders to surrender to
me gold or any other desired effects in your possession. "

More generous were the caciques of two towns
at the other end of the valley, who brought a few
golden trifles and eight female slaves.14 The revela-
tions of the Cempoalans and of Marina concerning the
wonderful power of the Spaniards, and the honors
paid them by Montezuma's envoys, had the effect of
making Olintetl also more liberal with provisions at
least. Being asked about the road to Mexico he
recommended that through Cholula, but the Cem-
poalans representing the Cholultecs as highly treach-
erous, and devoted to the Aztecs, the Tlascalan route
was chosen, and four Totonac chiefs were despatched
to ask permission of the republican rulers to pass
through their lands. A letter served as mystic creden-
tials, and a red bushy Flemish hat for a present.15

After a stay of four days the army proceeded up
the valley, without leaving the customary cross, it
seems, with which they had marked their route hith-.
erto; the reason for this was the objection of Padre
Olmedo to expose the emblem to desecration in a
place not wholly friendly to them.16 The road lay
for two leagues through a densely settled district to
Iztacmixtitlan, the seat of Tenamaxcuicuitl, a town
which Cortes describes as situated upon a lofty height,
with very good houses, a population of from five to six
thousand families, and possessing comforts superior
to those of Xocotlan. "It has a better fortress," he

14 Cortes, Cartas, 59. Bernal Diaz assumes that Olintetl was persuaded by
the Cempoalans to conciliate Cort6s with four slaves, a few paltry pieces of
jewelry, and a load of cloth.

15 Camargo sends the letter from Cempoala, together with a sword, a cross-
bow, and a red silk cap. Hist. TIax., 145. But it is not probable that
Cortes would deprive himself of such needful articles, not overabundant with
him, even if he had no objection to let Indians examine them. Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 42-3, despatches two Cempoalans from a later station, and
this on hearing that the Tlascaltecs had risen to oppose them.

10 Still Gomara, in his sweeping way, declares that Cortes 'puso muchas
cruzes en los templos, derrocado los idolos como lo hazia en cada lugar. ' Hist.
Mex., 70; Tap'ia, Relation, in Irazbalceta, Col. JJoc, ii. 5G7. Twenty leading
warriors wrere taken from here, says Bernal Diaz.

19S MARCH TOWARD MEXICO.

writes, "than there is in half Spain, defended by a
wall/ barbican, and moats." The caciqne who had
invited the visit made amends for the cold reception
of the previous chief, and the Spaniards remained
for three days waiting in vain for the return of the
messengers sent to Tlascala. They then passed on-
ward, reinforced by about three hundred warriors from
the town.17 Two leagues' march brought them to the
boundary of Tlascala, conspicuous by a wall of stone
and mortar nine feet in height and twenty in breadth,
which stretched for six miles across a valley, from
mountain to mountain, and w^as provided with breast-
works and ditches.18

Between latitude 19° and 20° ranges of hills cut
the plain of Anahuac into four unequal parts. In the
centre of the one eastward stood the capital of Tlascala.
The state so carefully protected was about the same
small territory which we now see on the map,19 with
twenty-eight towns, and one hundred and fifty thou-
sand families, according to the rough census taken by
Cortes.20 A branch of the Teo-Chichimec nation, the
Tlascaltecs had, according to tradition, entered upon
the plateau shortly before the cognate Aztecs, and,
after occupying for a time a tract on the western shore
of Tezcuco Lake, they had tired of the constant dis-
putes with neighboring tribes and proceeded eastward,
in three divisions, the largest of which had, late in
the thirteenth century, taken possession of Tlascala,
' Place of Bread.' The soil was rich, as implied by the
name, but owing to the continued wars with former
enemies, reinforced by the Aztecs, they found little
opportunity to make available their wealth by means

17Clavigero calls tliem 'un competente numero di truppe Messicane del
presidio di Xocotla,' Stoina Mess., iii. 41, which is unlikely.

18 See Native Races, ii. 568, et seq.

19 Fifteen leagues from west to east, ten from north to south, says Tor-
quemada, i. 276. Herrera extends it to 30 leagues in width.

20 ' Hay en esta provincia, por visitacion que yo en ella mande" hacer, ciento
cincuenta mil vecinos.' Cortes, Cartas, 69. In the older edition of these
letters by Lorenzana, it reads, 500,000 families, a figure which in itself
indicates an exaggeration, but has nevertheless been widely copied. Gomara,
hist. Mex., 87.

SOMETHING OF TLASCALA. 199

of industries and trade, and of late years a blockade
had been maintained which deprived them of many
necessaries, among others. salt. But the greater atten-
tion given in consequence to agriculture, had fostered
temperate habits and a sinewy constitution, combined
with a deep love for the soil as the source of all their
prosperity. Compelled also to devote more time and
practice to warfare for the preservation of their lib-
erty than to the higher branches of culture, they
presented the characteristics of an isolated com-
munity, in being somewhat behind their neighbors in
refinement, as well as in the variety of their resources.

In government the state formed an aristocracy,
ruled by a senate of the nobility, presided over by
four supreme hereditary lords, each independent in
his own section of the territory. This division ex-
tended also to the capital, which consisted of four
towns, or districts, Tizatlan, Ocotelulco, Quiahuiztlan,
and Tepeticpac, ruled respectively by Xicotencatl,
Maxixcatzin, Teohuayacatzin, and Tlehuexolotl.21

It was before this senate that the messengers of
Cortes appeared, informing them in the name of the
Cempoalan lord of the arrival of powerful gods from
the east, who having liberated the Totonacs from
Montezuma's sway, now desired to visit Tlascala
in passing through to Mexico, and to offer their
friendship and alliance. The messengers recommended
an acceptance of the offer, for although few in num-
ber the strangers were more than equal to a host.
They thereupon depicted their appearance, their swift
steeds, their savage dogs, their caged lightning, as
well as their gentle faith and manners. The messen-
gers having retired, the senate proceeded to discussion.

Prudent Maxixcatzin, lord of the larger and richer

• i . . . .

industrial district, called attention to the omens and

signs which pointed to these visitors, who from all

21 For further information about Tlascala, see Native Races, ii. and v.
Torquemada gives a detailed history of the state in i. 259-78. See also
PrescoWa Mex., i. 411-19; Soria, Lstoria y Fundacton de la Ciadad de Tlax-
cala, MS. in Aztec, sm. 4' of 48 leaves.

200 MARCH TOWARD MEXICO.

accounts must be more than mortal, and, if so, it
would be best to admit them, since resistance must be
vain. Xicotencatl, the eldest lord, replied to this
that the interpretation of the signs could not be relied
on. To him these beings seemed monsters rejected
by the sea-foam, greedy of gold and luxuries, whose
steeds devoured the very ground. To admit them
would be ruinous. Besides, should the invincible Tlas-
caltecs submit to a mere handful? The gods forbid!
It was further argued that the amicable relations of
the strangers with Montezuma and his vassals did
not accord with their protestations of friendship. This
might be one of the many Aztec plots to obtain a
footing in the country. Nor did the destruction of
idols at Cempoala increase the confidence of a people
so jealous of its institutions. The discussion waxing
warmer, senator Temilotecatl suggested the middle
course of letting the Otomi frontier settlers, who
were thoroughly devoted to their Tlascaltec patrons,
make an attack on the invaders, aided by their
own general Axayacatzin Aicotencatl, son of the old
lord, and known by the same name. If successful,
they could claim the glory; if not, they might grant
the victors the permission they had desired, while
casting the blame for the attack on the Otomis. This
was agreed to.22

— Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. iii., confounds the two Xicotencatls, and
Torquemada, in seeking to correct him, applies the title of general to Maxix-
catzin, i. 416, supposing besides, with Clavigero, that Temilotecatl may be
another name for Tlehuexolotl. Storla Mess., iii. 40; Brasseur tie Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 133. Jealous of the honor of his countrymen, and eager
to vindicate them against the charge of duplicity or enmity toward the
Spaniards, Camargo lets the messengers go back with a friendly invitation.
After they had started on this mission the idols were consulted, but
remained mute ; the temples were overthrown by earthquakes, and comets
appeared, creating a general panic. Hist. Tlax., 144-6. The account of
the conquest by this author is particularly interesting since Diego Munoz
Camargo was a native of the valiant little republic of Tlascala, a mestizo,
says Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., ii. 91, who calls him Domingo, while Clavi-
gero gives him nobility. Storia Mess., i. 10. Born shortly after these events,
and in contact wich the very men who figured therein, his stories are repro-
duced from their lips, though colored with the spirit of a convert and
patriot who, like nearly all of his countrymen, was only too eager to curry
favor with the dominant race. This is apparent in nearly every line of his
text, wherein the terms of praise bestowed on the conquerors become not un-

THROUGH THE WALLS. 201

As the Spaniards halted before the great wall,
speculating on the strength of the people who had
erected it, and upon the possible traps it might hide,
their late hosts again besought them to take the
Cholula route, but Cempoalan counsel prevailed.
Waving: aloft his banner, Cortes exclaimed: "Behold
the cross! Seflores, follow it!" And with this he led
the way through the semicircular laps of the en-
trance. The wall was not provided with sentinels, and
the army met with no obstacles.23 Attended by ten
horsemen, the general advanced to reconnoitre. After
proceeding about four leagues he caught sight of fifteen
armed Indians, who were pursued and overtaken. A
fight ensued, in which the natives, nerved by despair,
fought so fiercely that two horses were killed, and
three horses and two riders wounded.24 Meanwhile a

frequently absurd from the contradictions implied by other passages. Nor
does he neglect to hold forth on his own people for their bravery and exploits in
fighting the detested Aztecs, and their unswerving devotion to the Spaniards.
Ii] the pursuit of this pleasing theme he scruples not to sacrifice truth when
it proves a stumbling-block. He leaves the impression, for instance, that the
Tlascaltecs never raised sword against Cortes. Many of the misstatements
are due to a non-critical acceptance of tales, for Camargo was as simple and
superstitious as any of his contemporaries. Although acting as interpreter
in the province, Torquemada, i. 523, he exhibits a not very thorough acquaint-
ance with Spanish, which is the cause of errors and repetitions. The con-
quest forms but a portion of his narrative, which treats chiefly of aboriginal
history and customs, and touches lightly the events that passed before his
eyes. It was written in 1585, and lay for some time in the Felipe Neri convent
archives, where it was consulted by Torquemada. Taken afterward by Panes
to Spain, it was deposited by Miffioz with the Royal Academy of History at
Madrid, from which source copies were obtained, among others one by Ternaux-
Compans, and a faulty translation was published in the Nouvtlles Annates ties
Voyages, xcviii.-ix.

23 A short distance further they passed through a pine grove, wherein threads
and papers were fixed and scattered across the path, the work of Tlascaltec
sorcerers, who thus sought to cast a spell upon the invaders. Herrera, dec. ii.
lib. vi. cap. iv.

21 'Segun algunos que lo vieron, cortaron cercen de vn golpe cada pescueco
con riendas y todo.' Gomara, Hist. Mcx., 71. 'lo viddi die cobattedosi vn di,
diede vn Indiano vna cortellata a vn cauallo. . . .nel petto, che glielo aperse
fin alle Iteriora, et cadde icotanete morto, &. . . .che vn'altro Indiano diede
vn'altra cortellata a vn'altro cauallo su il collo che se lo getto morto.' Rela-
tione per vn gentiVhuomo, in Ramuslo, Vicif/(/i, iii. 305. According to Duran
two warriors stepped forth from a vast Tlascalan army before the regular
battle, and issued a challenge, which was accepted by two horsemen. After a
short combat the Indians, by deft movements, killed both horses, cutting off
the neck of one, and wounding the other in the pasterns. Hist, hid., MS., ii.
411-20; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 255-G. This attack is the only resistance
admitted by Camargo. The assailants were all Otomis, who killed one
Spaniard and two horses. Hist. Tlax.. 146.

202 MARCH TOWARD MEXICO.

force of Indians came up, estimated at from three to
five thousand, and a horseman was at once sent back
to hurry forward the infantry, while the rest boldly
charged the enemy, riding through their ranks, and
killing right and left without being injured them-
selves. On the approach of the foot-soldiers, and the
discharge of a volley, the natives retired with about
sixty of their number slain.25 Shortly afterward two
of the Cempoalan messengers returned with some
Tlascaltecs, who expressed their sorrow at the attack
made by a tribe not belonging to their nation. They
offered to pay for the horses killed, and invited the
Spaniards in the name of the lords to proceed. The
army advanced for a league into more open country,
and camped among some abandoned farms, where dogs
proved to be the only food left. Thus ended the first
day in Tlascalan territory, the first of September,
according to Bernal Diaz.

In the morning the Spaniards met the two other
messengers returning from their mission to Tlascala,
who told a harrowing story of their seizure for the
sacrificial stone, and of their escape by night. It
is probable that their detention by the Tlascaltecs
for messenger purposes had frightened them into
believing that they were destined to be sacrificed,
for envoys enjoyed the greatest respect among the
Nahuas.26 Shortly after a body of over one thou-
sand warriors27 appeared, to whom Cortes, in pres-
ence of the notary Godoy, sent three prisoners, with
a formal assurance of his friendly intentions. The

25 'Hirieron a quatro de los nuestros, y pareceme que desde alii a pocos dias
murio el vno de las heridas .... quedaron muertos hasta diez y siete dellos. '
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 43; Cortes, Cartas, 61; Lorenzana calls the scene
of this battle the plain of Quimichoccan. Viacje, p. viii.

26 See Native Races, ii. 413; Soils, Hist. Mex., i. 230. According to Bernal
Diaz the messengers are met before the Tlascalan border is readied, and they
deliver the announcement that the Tlascaltecs will kill the Spaniards and
eat their flesh, in order to test their reputed strength. The Cempoalans shall
suffer the same fate, since they are assumed to be plotting in behalf of the
Aztecs, loc. cit. Sahagun supposes that the Cempoalan guide had treacher-
ously led the Spaniards against the Otomis. Conq. Mex. (ed. 1840), 40;
Cfavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 42-3.

27 Bernal Diaz says G000.

IMPORTANT BATTLES. 203

only reply being showers of arrows, darts, and stones,
Cortes gave the "Santiago, and at them!" and
charged. The enemy retreated with the face to
their pursuers, enticing them toward some broken
ground intersected by a creek, where they found
themselves surrounded by a large force, some bearing
the red and white devices of Xicotencatl. Missiles
were showered, while double-pointed spears, swords,
and clubs pressed closely upon them, wielded by
bolder warriors than those whom the Spaniards had
hitherto subdued. Many were the hearts that
quaked, and many expected that their last moment
had come; " for we certainly were in greater peril
than ever before," says Bernal Diaz. "None of us
will escape!" exclaimed Teuch, the Cempoalan chief,
but Marina who stood by replied with fearless confi-
dence: "The mighty God of the Christians, who
loves them well, will let no harm befall them."28 The
commander rode back and forth cheering the men,
and giving orders to press onward, and to keep well
together. Fortunately the pass was not long, and
soon the Spaniards emerged into an open field, where
the greater part of the enemy awaited them, estimated
in all, by different authorities, at from thirty thousand
to one hundred thousand.29

How long was this to continue, each new armed
host being tenfold greater than the last? Yet once
again the Spaniards whet their swords, and prepare
for instant attack, as determined to fight it out to
the death, as Leonidas and his brave Spartans at
the pass of Thermopylae. The cavalry charged with
loose reins, and lances fixed on a range with the
heads of the enemy, opening a way through the dense
columns and spreading a confusion which served the

28 Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. v. A pious conquistador who was present,
says Duran, told me that many wept, wishing they had never been born, and
cursing the marquis for having led them into such danger. Hist. Intl., MS.,
ii. 417.

29 Tapia gives the higher and Herrera the lower figure, while Ixtlilxochitl
makes it 80,000.

204 MARCH TOWARD MEXICO.

infantry well. Bernal Diaz relates how a body of
natives, determined to obtain possession of a horse,
surrounded an excellent rider named Pedro de Moron,
who was mounted upon Sedeno's fine racing mare,
dragged him from the saddle, and thrust their swords
and spears through the animal in all directions.
Moron would have been carried off but for the in-
fantry coming to his rescue. In the struggle which
ensued ten Spaniards were wounded, while four chiefs
bit the dust. Moron was saved only to die on the
second day, but the mare was secured by the natives
and cut into pieces, which were sent all over the
state to afford opportunity for triumphal celebrations.
The loss was greatly regretted, since it would divest
the horses of their terrifying character. Those pre-
viously killed had been secretly buried. The battle
continued until late in the afternoon, without enabling
the Indians to make any further impression on the
Spanish ranks than inflicting a few wounds, while
their own were rapidly thinning under the charges of
the cavalry and the volleys of artillery and firelocks.
The slaughter had been particularly heavy among
the chiefs, and this was the main reason for the re-
treat which the enemy now began, in good order.30
Their actual loss could not be ascertained, for with
humane devotion the wounded and dead were carried
off the moment they were stricken; and in this con-
stant self-sacrificing effort the Tlascaltecs lost many
lives and advantages. Robertson regards with sus-
picion the accounts of the great battles fought during
the conquest, wherein Indians fell by the score while

30 During the battle one of the late Cempoalan envoys recognized the cap-
tain who had bound him for sacrifice, and with CorteV permission he sent him
a challenge. The duel was held in front of the armies, and after a tough
struggle the Cempoalan, with a feint, threw his opponent off guard, and
secured his head, which served as a centre-piece during the Cempoalan vic-
tory celebration. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. vi. This author also relates
that one of the final acts of the battle was the capture by Ordaz, with 60 men,
of a pass. 'Les matamos muchos Indios, y entre ellos ocho Capitanes muy
principales, hijos de los viejos Caciques.' Five horses were wounded and fifteen
soldiers, of whom one died. The other chronicles admit of no dead. Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 44.

SUPERIORITY OF EUROPEAN ARMS. 205

the Spaniards stood almost unscathed, and Wilson
ridicules the whole campaign, reducing the Tlascalan
population, for instance, to about ten thousand, with
a fiofhtinof force of less than one thousand men. Such
remarks certainly show a want of familiarity with
the subject.31 We have often seen, in the New World
wars, a thousand naked Americans put to flight by
ten steel-clad Europeans, and I have cleariy given
the reasons. When we look at the Indians, with their
comparatively poor weapons, their unprotected bodies,
their inefficient discipline and tactics, whereby only a
small portion of their force could be made available,
the other portion serving rather as an obstruction,
their custom of carrying off the dead, and other weak
points, and when we contrast them with the well

31 Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. 38-9; Wilson's Conq. Mex., 360-70; Bmzoni,
Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 51. It is seldom that I encounter a book which I am
forced to regard as beneath censure. He who prints and pays the printer
generally has something to say, and generally believes something of what he
says to be true. An idiot may have honest convictions, and a knave may
have talents, but where a book carries to the mind of the reader that its
author is both fool and knave, that is, that he writes only foolishness and doe3
not himself believe what he says, I have not the time to waste in condemning
such a work. And yet here is a volume purporting to be A New History
of the Conquest of Mexico, written by Robert Anderson Wilson, and bearing
date Philadelphia, 1859, which one would think a writer on the same subject
should at least mention. The many and magnificent monuments which to the
present day attest the great number and high culture of the Nahua race, and
the testimony to this effect offered by witnesses on all sides, are ignored by
him with a contempt that becomes amusing as the pages reveal his lack of
investigation and culture. Indeed, the reader need go no further than the
introduction to be convinced on the latter point. Another amusing feature is
that the work pretends to vindicate the assertions of Las Casas, who, in truth,
extols more than other Spanish author the vast number and advanced culture
of the natives. In addition to this mistaken assumption, which takes away
hi3 main support, he states that Prescott worked in ignorance of his subject
and his authorities, and to prove the assertion he produces wrongly applied or
distorted quotations from different authors, or assumes meanings that were
never intended, and draws erroneous conclusions. Thus it is he proves to his
own satisfaction that Mexico City was but a village occupied by savages of the
Iroquois stamp, and that Cortes was the boastful victor over little bands of
naked red men. As for the ruins, they were founded by Phoenician colonists
in remote ages. Another tissue of superficial observations, shaped by bigotry
and credulous ignorance, was issued by the same author under the title of
Mexico and its Religion, New York, 1855, most enterprisingly reprinted in
the disguise of Mexico: its Peasants and its Priests, New York, 1856. In
common with Mr Morgan, and others of that stamp, Mr Wilson seems to
have deemed it incumbent on him to traduce Mr Prescott and his work,
apparently with the view of thereby attracting attention to himself. Such
men are not worthy to touch the hem of Mr Prescott's garment; they are
not worthy of mention in the same category with him.

206 MARCH TOWARD MEXICO.

armored Spaniards, with their superior swords and
lances, their well calculated movements, and their con-
certed action carried out under strict and practised
officers, and above all their terror-inspiring and rav-
aging fire-arms and horses — how can we doubt that
the latter must have readily been able to overcome
vast numbers of native warriors ? It was soon so
understood in Europe. For once when Cortes was
in Spain he scoffed at certain of his countrymen
for having fled before a superior force of Moors,
whereupon one remarked: "This fellow regards our
opponents like his, of whom ten horsemen can put
to flight twenty -five thousand." In the retreat of
the Ten Thousand, who under Cyrus had invaded
Persia, we have an example of the inadequacy of
numbers against discipline. Though for every Greek
the Persians could bring a hundred men, yet the
effeminate Asiatic absolutely refused to meet the
hardy European in open conflict. -ZEschylus was
inspired by personal experience in his play of the
Persians when he makes the gods intimate to the
wondering Atossa, the queen-mother, that free Athe-
nians, un whipped to battle, could cope successfully
with the myriads of despotic Xerxes. The poor
Americans had yet to learn their own weakness, and
to pay dearly for the knowledge.

"It well seems that God was he who fought for us
to enable us to get free from such a multitude," says
Cortes. He attempted no pursuit, but hastened to
take possession of Tecohuatzinco, a small town on the
hill of Tzompachtepetl,32 where they fortified them-
selves upon the temple pyramid, and proceeded to
celebrate the victory with songs and dances, a per-
formance wherein the allies took the leading part.

S2 Lorenzana, Viage, ix., wherein the appearance of the hill is described
as the bishop saw it. Txtlilxochitl, Hist. Chick., 292; Camargo, Hist. Tlax.,
146. Other authors differ. ' Teoatzinco, cioe il luogo dell'acqua divina.'
Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 44. Duran assumes that the battle was for the
possession of this place, which he calls Tecoac. Hist. I rid., MS., ii. 418,422;
Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 256. 'Aldea de pocas casas, que tenia vna torrezilla
y teplo. ' Gomara, Hist. Mex. , 74.

FURTHER HOSTILITIES. 207

The following day33 Cortes sallied forth with the
horses, one hundred infantry, and seven hundred
allies, partly to forage before the enemy appeared,
but also to inflict some damage, and to show that
they were as fresh as ever. "I burned five or six
small villages," he says, "each of about one hundred
families, and returned with four hundred prisoners."34
After being consoled with food and beads, the cap-
tives, including fifteen taken during the late battle,
were despatched to the camp of Xicotencatl, two
leagues off, with a letter to serve as credentials, and
a message assuring him of the friendly intentions of
the Spaniards, although they had been obliged to
resort to severe measures. By no means impressed
either with his defeat or with the assurances, Xico-
tencatl replied that peace would be celebrated at his
father's town with a feast on the Spaniards' flesh,
while their hearts and blood were deliffhtino- the
gods. They would receive a more decisive answer
on the morrow. With this defiant message came the
report that the Tlascalan army, largely reinforced,
was preparing to march on and overwhelm them.
"When we learned this," says Bernal Diaz, "being
men, we feared death, many of us; and all made con-
fession to the Merced father, and the clergyman Juan
Diaz, who all night remained present to listen to
the penitent; and we commended ourselves to God,
praying that we might not be conquered." Cortes
applied himself energetically to supervise preparations
and give the enemy a welcome. A fresh supply of
arrows, and of Indian shields of plaited cane and
cotton, were made, and the arms and accoutrements
inspected. He impressed upon the soldiers the neces-
sity of keeping close together, round the banner to
be carried well aloft by Alferez Corral, in order that
they might not be cut off. As for the cavalry they

33 So Cortes distinctly says. Bernal Diaz writes, however, that this day
was devoted to rest. Still, a later observation indicates that Cortes is right.

il Id. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 44, admits only twenty captives, and
blames the allies for firing the villages; but Cortes is frank enough about it.

208 MARCH TOWARD MEXICO.

were to make repeated charges, without losing time
in delivering thrusts.

Early in the morning of September 5th the Indian
army could be seen extending far over the field,
terrible in war-paint, plumed helmets, and gaudy
shields, with their double-edged flint swords and
many-pointed lances gleaming in the sun, while the
air resounded with shrill yells, mingling with the
melancholy tones of their drums and the doleful
blasts of conchs and trumpets.35 It was the largest
and finest army yet seen by the Spaniards, numbering,
according to Gomara, one hundred and fifty thousand
men, but according to Bernal Diaz only fifty thousand,30
in four divisions, representing Tizatlan, Ocotelulco,
Quiahuiztlan, and Tepeticpac, each distinguished by its
own banner and colors, the latter noticeable also in the
war- paint of the common soldier and in the quilted
armor of the officers. Far in the rear, indicative
of hostile sentiment, rose the standard of the state,
bearing a bird with wings extended.37 Gomara relates
that, confident of success, the Tlascaltecs sent mes-
sengers to the camp with three hundred turkey-cocks
and two hundred baskets of tamales, each of one
hundred arrobas, so that they might not be taunted
with having fought starved men, or having offered
such to the idols.

But this story, adopted by Herrera, Clavigero,
Robertson, and nearly every other writer, implies a
generosity altogether too impolitic for an enemy who
had already suffered two severe defeats. It is probable,
however, that Xicotencatl may have sent small pres-

35 Prescott, Mex. , 438-42, gives a pretty description of the army, but is so
carried away that he dons it with helmets glittering with gold and precious
stones, etc. ; and this in spite of the efforts of the chroniclers to exhibit the
Tlascaltecs as very poor in anything but rude comforts.

36 Under five captains, to whom he applies the names of the four lords, as
he understands them, and of the ruler of Huexotzinco. Hist. Verdad., 45;
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 75. 149,000 men, says Cortes, in his second letter, 62,
but this exactness is probably due to a printer's mistake.

37 For colors and banners, and how carried, see Native Races; ii. 411-12,
and To?-quemada, i. 436.

XICOTEXCATL'S QUARREL. 209

ents of food in order to obtain an opportunity for his
spies to examine the camp.38

The Indians advanced in several columns up the
sides of the hill, and, despite the resistance offered,
pressed onward into the very camp, but were soon
obliged to yield before murderous bullets and cutting
blades. Cortes allowed the Indians to become tired
and discouraged with repeated charges, and then with
a ringing "Santiago!" the Spaniards, followed by the
allies, sallied forth,39 driving them in confusion to the
plain, where the cavalry followed up the advantage,
leaving bloody paths in all directions. Checked and
reinforced by the reserve, the enemy turned with
fresh courage on their pursuers. The shock was over-
whelming. The tired Castilians yielded; their ranks
were broken, and all seemed lost. Even Cortes was
seized with a terrible misgiving, but it was only for
a moment. Leading the cavalry to the' rescue, he
raised his voice above the din of battle, and called
on all to rally. Nerved by his words and deeds, the
men plied lustily their swords, and, driving back the
enemy, formed anew. "So ably and valiantly fought
the horsemen," writes Bernal Diaz, "that next to
God who protected us, they proved our strength."
Following up their advantage, the Spaniards hewed
down the enemy in great numbers.

Victory might yet have turned against them but
for a quarrel between Xicotencatl and another cap-

38 He was detected in this trick afterward. ' Lo qual fue gran refrigerio
y socorro para la necesidad que tenian.' Oomara, Hist. Mex., 76. Oviedo
increases the gift to 700 baskets, iii. 495. Gomara proceeds to relate that in
sign of contempt for the small number of the enemy, whom it could be no
honor for his large army to overcome, Xicotencatl detached 2000 warriors —
200 says Oviedo — to seize and bring him the strangers bound. They at-
fcacked, and were routed with an almost total destruction of their number.
' Xo escapo hombre dellos, sino los q acertaron el passo de la barranca. ' loc.
cit. 76.

3'J licrnal Diaz states that they did not wait for the enemy to attack, but
marched forth and met them one eighth of a league from camp. J list. I rerdad.,
45. But Cortes says distinctly, 'Otro dia en amaneciendo dan sobre nuestro
real mas de ciento y cuarenta y nueve mil hombres. ' Cartas, 62. Gomasa and
Herrera also allow Indians to attack the camp first. Cortes is too fond of
announcing when he takes the initiative to have failed to say so had he done
it in this case.

IIist. Mex., Vol. I. 14

210 MARCH TOWARD MEXICO.

tain,40 one accusing the other of mismanaging the late
battle. The latter not only challenged the other, it
seems, but withdrew his troops, and induced another
division to follow him.41 Thus left with only half his
army, and that shattered and discouraged, Xicotencatl
retired before the handful on whom his every effort
seemed to have made no impression. He retreated
in good order, carrying off most of the dead, for the
opponents were too exhausted to pursue. Indeed, all
the horses were wounded, and fully sixty men, of
whom it appears several must have died soon after,
though Cortes admits of no dead, and Bernal Diaz
of only one.'

42

40 ' Son of Chichimeclatecle, ' says Bernal Diaz, a name which should read
Chichimeca-tecuhtli.

41 That of Guaxolcingo — meaning Huexotzinco. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Vcr-
dad., 45. That of Tlelmexolotzin. Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 46. Solis ex-
aggerates this into an actual battle between the leaders and their followers.
Hist. Mex., i. 255-8. Herrera intimates that a secret arrangement had been
formed between Cortes and the seceding captain, the latter appearing with
his officers at the camp, the evening after the previous battle, and, declaring
himself convinced that the Spaniards were invincible, offered not only to
remain neutral, but to aid them in entering Tlascala. Cortes agreed. When
the captain returned to Xicotencatl's camp he was so badly beaten that he
came back to Cortes for medical treatment. Certain signs were to be worn, so
that the Spaniards might respect the neutral troops, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. vi.
He also relates that one Tlascaltec maintained himself so long and bravely
against two Spanish soldiers that Lares, the smith, rushed up, cried shame
upon the twain, and lanced the warrior. Id. , cap. vii.

42 This soldier himself received two wounds, which did not prevent him from
fighting, however. ' Nos mataron vn soldado,' he says, and a few lines further
down, ' y enterramos los muertos. . . .porque no viessen los Indios que eramos
mortales. ' Hist. Verdad. , 45. Thus even the ' True Historian ' reveals the com-
mon weakness. Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, ii. 512-14; West-Indische Spieghel,
224-35; Franck, Weltbuch, ccxxix.

CHAPTER XIII.

ENTRY INTO TLASCALA.

September, 1519.

Native Chiefs Sent as Envoys to the Tlascalan Capital — Their Favor-
able Reception — Xicotencatl Plans Resistance to Cortes — Sends
out Spies — Cortes Sends them back Mutilated — The Spaniards
Attack and Defeat Xicotencatl — Night Encounters — General
Dissatisfaction and a Desire to Return to Villa Rica — Envoys
Arrive from Montezuma — Cortes Receives Xicotencatl and the
Tlascalan Lords — Peace Concluded — Tlascala — Festivities and
Rejoicings — Mass Celebrated — Cortes Inclined to Extreme Re-
ligious Zeal — Brides Presented to the Spaniards — Appropriate
Ceremonies — Preparing to Leave Tlascala for Cholula — Com-
munications WITH THE CHOLULTECS.

In the late battle . three chiefs had been captured,,
and they together with two others were sent, this
time to the Tlascalan capital direct, to carry an offer
of peace, and to explain that the Spaniards would
not have harmed their warriors had they not been
obliged to do so. If peace was still declined they
would come and destroy them all. Meanwhile Cortes
set out on another foraging and raiding expedition,
and " burned more than ten towns, one exceeding
three thousand houses," retiring by the early after-
noon, when the Indians began to gather in aid of the
raided neighbors.1

Tired of the fruitless fi^htinof, attended with loss
of life and property only to themselves as it ap-
peared, the peace party in Tlascala had been gaining
the ascendancy, with the efforts of Maxixcatzin, sup-

1 Cortes, Cartas, 62-3. According to Gomara the Indians pursued to the
very camp, where they were defeated with great slaughter, after five hours'
fighting. Hist. Mex.s 76-7.

(211)

212 ENTRY INTO TLASCALA.

ported as he now was by the powerful factions which
had quarrelled with the general. When the peace
messengers of Cortes arrived they were therefore
received with favor. His previous friendly offers
were considered, also his kind treatment of captives,
so unusual with the natives, and the oracles and signs
of a coming race of rulers. Whether gods or men,
they were evidently invincible, and the friendship
and alliance held out by them must be desirable, and
ought to be secured before the strangers, embittered
by further resistance, should pass on to join their
enemies. An embassy, headed by Costomatl and
Tolinpanecatl,2 was accordingly despatched with pro-
visions and some other trifling gifts to open negotia-
tions for peace. Humbly these men appeared before
Cortes, expressing the sorrow of the lords for the
hostility shown, and their desire for peace. With a
grave reproval for their obstinacy, Cortes said that
he would admit their apology, and the envoys de-
parted, after leaving beside the other gifts a number
of male and female slaves.3

Smarting under the disgrace of his defeats, Xico-
tencatl had meanwhile been laying plans to retrieve
himself. Among other counsellors he had summoned
diviners to his aid, and they, calling to mind the
assumption that the Spaniards were children of the
sun, declared that as such the new-comers were in-
vincible only when animated by its beams, and at
night, when deprived of this invigorating power, they
became mortals, who must bow to superior force.
Knowing the strength of the party opposed to him
in the Tlascalan capital, he does not appear to have
submitted his projects there, but to have ventured
upon detaining the envoys as they were returning

2 Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 146. Duran gives a short speech, delivered in the
council-chamber. Hist. Inch, MS., ii. 422-3.

3 Cortes places the arrival of this embassy on the day following the
raiding of the ten towns, Cartas, 63; but Bernal Diaz at a later date. He
makes the envoys four in number, and allows them, in returning, to instruct
the neighboring settlements to furnish supplies to the Spaniards, all of which
Xicotencatl prevents. Hist. Verdad., 47-8, 50, 55.

PROPOSED NIGHT ATTACK. 213

from the Spanish camp until the result of his plans
should have been ascertained; and this in face of the
command to desist from hostility.4 In order to make
everything as sure as possible for the intended blow,
Xicotencatl sent fifty Indians to the camp, with in-
structions to gather information concerning the ap-
proaches, the condition of the soldiers, and other
points. They appeared before Cortes with the usual
demonstrations of respect, and, placing before him
five female slaves, a quantity of food, and other pres-
ents, they said : " Lord, behold these slaves ! If you are
fierce gods, eat their flesh and blood, and more shall
be brought; if gentle gods, take these feathers and
incense; if men, here are fowl, bread, and fruit."
Cortes answered that they required no sacrifices of
men. Had they desired such they could have taken
by force all the victims needed. He rebuked their ob-
stinacy and advised submission.5 They were then taken
aside to receive the hospitalities of the camp, after
which they dispersed to satisfy their curiosity, and to
question the allies. This aroused the suspicions of
Teuch, the Cempoalan chief, who warned the general.
Seizing the men he examined them singly, and soon
ascertained that their object was not only to spy,
but to fire the huts, and otherwise to aid the attack
which would be made upon the camp that very night.
Finding that his friendly advances had been scorned,
Cortes resolved to inflict a lesson that would be

4 Bernal Diaz assumes that the lords consult the diviners, and allow a night
attack to be made; but then he describes two night attacks, while Cortes and
others distinctly allow only one, and he forgets his former admission that,
in addition to the peace party, half the army had actually abandoned Xico-
tencatl. It is after this first night attack, ignored by other writers, that the
senate send in their submission, and order Xicotencatl to desist from hostilities.
He refuses to obey, and detains the envoys on their way to the Spaniards,
whereupon his officers are ordered to desert him. Finally he repents and is
forgiven. Hist. Verdad., 4G-7. The detention of the envoys must be placed
on their return from the Spanish camp, for Cortes distinctly states that the
peace proposals from the lords arrived before the night attack.

0 According to Gomara, Cortes announces that his men are mortal like
themselves, which is not very likely. J list. Mex., 77. Bernal Diaz calls the
slaves four old hags, and allows the Indians to act in rather an insulting
manner, and without tendering the usual courtesies, which is also unlikely,
when we consider that they had an object to gain. Hist. Verdad., 49.

214 ENTRY INTO TLASCALA.

understood by a people so deeply intent upon war and
sacrifices. This was to cut off the hands of the leading
spies, and the thumbs of others, and to send them
back with the message that this would be the punish-
ment of spies, and that the Spaniards were prepared,
night or day, to face their enemies.6

Fearing the confusion and danger of a night at-
tack, when the artillery and other means would be
less effective, Cortes resolved to anticipate the enemy
by a counter charge, wherein the cavalry might
render particular service. Learning that Xicotencatl
was hidden with ten thousand or twenty thousand
men behind a hill not far off, Cortes did not despatch
the mutilated spies till after dusk, in order to let him
approach nearer to camp.7 When his messengers re-
turned to Xicotencatl and displayed their bleeding
stumps, the general was troubled, and throughout his
army there was consternation, and numbers of war-
riors declared openly that it was useless to fight men
who not only appeared to be invincible, but who could
read their very intentions. While in this state of

6 ' Los mande" tomar a todos cincuenta y cortarles las manos,' says Cortes,
Cartas, 63 ; but the phrase may be loose, for Bernal Diaz specifies only seven-
teen as sent back with hands or thumbs cut off. Hist. Verdad. , 49. ' El
marques les hizo a algunos de ellos contar (sic pro cortar) las manos. ' Tapia, Rel. ,
in leazbalceta, Col. Doc. , ii. 570. ' Mand5 cortar las manos a siete dellos, y a
algunos los dedos pulgares muy contra su voluntad.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi.
cap. viii. Gomara places this occurrence on the 6th of September, but it is
most likely later, and makes the spies a different party from those bringing
the slaves and feathers, who arrive on the preceding day. Hist. Mex., 77-8.
Bernal Diaz accounts for this difference by stating that the party had been in
camp since the previous day. Robertson reverses the order by assuming that
mutilation of the spies so perplexes the Indians that they send the men with
the slaves and feathers to ask whether they are fierce or gentle gods, or men.
He does not understand why so many as 50 spies should have been sent, but
had he read CorteV letter more closely, he would have divined the reason,
that they intended to fire the camp, and otherwise aid in the attack. He
stigmatizes as barbarous the mutilation, Hist. Am., ii. 42, 451, but forgets, in
doing so, that the Spanish conquerors belonged to an age when such deeds
were little thought of. Spies even now suffer death, and the above punish-
ment may therefore be regarded as comparatively lenient, particularly by a
people who daily tore out the heart from living victims. The mutinous pilot
of Villa Rica had his life spared, but lost his feet. Cortes, as the captain of
a smaii band, was obliged to conform to his age and surroundings in the
measures taken for its safety.

7 ' En yendo se las espias, vieron de nuestro real como atrauessaua por vn
cerro grandissima muchedumbre de gente, y era la que traya Xicotencatl.
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 79.

FURTHER VICTORIES. 215

demoralization they were startled by the jingling
of bells and the tramp of the dreaded horses, magni-
fied by their fears and by the weird moonlight into a
host. The next moment the Spaniards announced
their presence by a ringing " Santiago!" and, unde-
terred by the few stray and feeble volleys of stones and
arrows sent against them, they rode into the crowds
of natives already in full flight, slashing and riding
down in all directions.8

After this lesson Xicotencatl appears to have
made no further attempts to molest the Spaniards,
although small skirmishing parties, chiefly Otomis,
continued to hover round the camp and give the
soldiers opportunities for sallies. Gomara magnifies
these skirmishes into daily attacks on the camp by
the army, whose divisions take turns so as not to
embarrass one another. This caused them to fight
better, partly from a spirit of rivalry to surpass the
preceding record. The ambition of the natives was
to kill one Spaniard at least, but the object was
never attained, so far- as they knew. This continued
for a fortnight, and daily came also messengers with
food to sustain the strangers.9

8 Cortes, Cartas, 63-4; Gomara, Hist. Mcx., 78-9; Tapla, Rel., in Icaz-
balccta, Col. Doc, ii. 569; Hen-era, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. viii. Bernal Diaz de-
scribes a night attack with 10,000 warriors, made a few days before, in which
the Spaniards drive back the Indians and pursue them, capturing four, while
the morning revealed twenty corpses still upon the plain. Two of the diviners
appear to have been sacrificed for their bad advice. He now reappears with
20,000 men, but on meeting the mutilated spies he becomes disheartened, and
turns back without attempting a blow. Hist. Verdad., 46, 49-50. He is the
only authority for two night expeditions. Having already been defeated in
one night attack, Xicotencatl would be less likely to attempt a second, particu-
larly since nocturnal movements were contrary to Indian modes of warfare.
Cortes distinctly intimates that the present occasion was the first attempt at a
night raid. Ixtlilxockitl, Hist. Chick., 291.

9 He begins to suspect that their object may also have been to spy. Cortes
was suffering from fever at this time, and one night he took pills, a course
which among the Spaniards involved the strictest care and seclusion from
affairs. Early in the morning three large bodies of Indians appeared, and
regardless of his pills CortCs headed the troops, fighting all day. The follow-
ing morning, strange to say, the medicine operated as if no second day had
intervened. 'No lo cueto por milagro, sino por dezir lo que passo, y que
Cortes era muy sufridor de trabajos y males.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 80. But
Sandoval assumes 'que sin duda fue milagro.' Hist. Carlos V., i. 173. Solis
applies this story to the night attack, which seems plausible, and smiles phil-

216 ENTRY INTO TLASCALA.

In order to further impress upon the Indians that
fighting by night was quite congenial to the Span-
iards, Cortes set out one midnight to raid and forage
in the direction of a large town called Tzompant-
zinco, which could be distinguished beyond a range
of hills, toward the capital.10 The soldiers had not
gone far before one horse after another began to
tremble and fall, including the general's. This was
regarded a bad omen, and the men urged a re-
turn, but Cortes laughed it off, sent back five horses,
and proceeded with the rest, declaring that God, in
whose cause they were engaged, was superior to
nature.11 Two small villages were surprised, with
some slaughter, and shortly before dawn the Span-
iards fell upon the large town, containing twenty
thousand houses, it is said. Frightened out of their
senses by the noise, the people rushed from the
dwellings to join in the crowd which sought to
elude the pursuers. Finding that no resistance was
attempted, Cortes speedily stopped the attack, and
collecting his men in the plaza he forbade any at-
tempt on life or property. The chiefs and priests
presently appeared with gifts of food and two female
slaves, pleading that the proximity of Xicotencatl's
army had prevented them from sending in their sub-
mission. They would henceforth prove their gratitude
for his leniency by sending supplies to the camp.
Cortes accepted their excuses, and told them to pro-

osophically at Sandoval's conclusion. Hist. Mex., i. 271; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist.
Chich., 291; Clavigero, StoriaM<ss., iii. 47-8. ' Tenia calenturas, b tercianas.'
Bemal Diaz, Hist. VerdacL, 47. Some place the story with the later capture
of Tzompantzinco, where it is entirely out of place, , if indeed worth record-
ing at all, for this expedition was a voluntary project, calling for no sick
men to venture out. Duran relates that, tired of being besieged, Cortes one
night made a sally in different directions. One party surprised all the native
leaders together and asleep, and brought them to camp. In the morning they
were sent back to the army, which had awakened to find them missing. In
recognition of their kind treatment the chiefs raised the siege. This is told
on the authority of an eye-witness, who evidently reserved his choicest stories
for Padre Duran. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 419-20.

10 Bernal Diaz places it one league from the camp, and Tapia four leagues.
Ixtlilxochitl calls it Tzimpantzinco ; others vary.

11 Gomara, Hist. Mex., 80. Tapia allows the horses to overcome their
attack and proceed. It appears to have been due to the cold night winds.

HARDSHIPS AND SICKNESS. 217

ceecl to Tlascala to urge upon the lords the necessity
for accepting peace. Before returning, Cortes as-
cended a hill, and thence saw the capital, with its
surrounding villages. " Behold," he said to those who
had objected to his leniency with the towns, "what
boots it to have killed these people, when so many
enemies exist over there?"12

Although left in comparative peace for some days,
the end of the campaign seemed to the Spaniards as
remote as ever. The harass and hardship of their
life, the vigils, the cold nights, the scanty supplies,
the absence of salt, medicine, and many other neces-
saries, all this was severely felt, particularly since
so large a number were either sick or wounded, in-
cluding Cortes and Padre Olmedo.13 The ailments
and wounds were as a rule slight, yet they helped
to magnify dangers, and to dim every cheerful aspect.
The very cessation of regular hostile demonstrations

12 Gomara, Hist. Mex., 80-1. According to Herrera, Alcalde Mayor Grado
counselled Cort6s, on seeing this populous country, to return to Villa Rica and
send to Velazquez for aid. Deeply grieved at such advice, the general re-
marked that the very stones would rise against them if they retreated, dec.
ii. lib. vi. cap. viii. ; Cortes, Cartas, 64-5. Bernal Diaz places this raid before
the final night attack. Hist. Verdacl., 47; Tapia, HeL, in Icazbalceta, Col.
Doc, ii. 568-9.

13 ' Nos vimos todos heridos a dos, y a, tres heridos, y muy cansados, y otros
dolientes . . . . y faltauan ya sobre cincuenta y cinco soldados que se auian muerto
en las batallas, y dolencias, y frios, y estauan dolientes otros doze. ' Bernal Diaz,
46. Prescott, i. 458, is careless enough to accept this verbally, but the run of
the text here and elsewhere indicates that the sentence is rather figurative.
The last four words, ' twelve others were on the sick-bed,' indicate that only
three per cent, were laid low, and that the general health and condition must
therefore have been tolerably good. This also indicates that the 55 missing
soldiers could not have died since they left Vera Cruz, as certain writers as-
sume. The only obstacles under which the soldiers could have succumbed
in any number were the several battles with the Tlascaltecs, wherein the total
number of the wounded nowhere foots up to more than 100. Of these 50
per cent, could not have died, to judge from the warfare engaged in, and
from the very few, a couple at the most, it is said, who fell on the field. Nor
could diseases have killed many during a month's march through a fine and
fertile country, for the passage of theCofre de Perotedidnot affect the Spaniards
seriously. Hence it must be assumed that the 55 dead include the 35 who
fell out of the ranks ere the army reached Villa Rica. This leaves, say, fifteen
casualties for the present expedition since it left Villa Rica, and that appears
to be a fair proportion. The only one who rightly interprets Bernal Diaz on
this point appears to be Torquemada, who says, ' desde que salieron de Cuba,
se avian muerto cinquenta y cinco Castellanos.' i. 428. The old soldier con-
firms the interpretation by stating in more than one place that the Spaniards
numbered 450, or nearly so, on entering Mexico City, ubi sup., 65, 109.

218 ENTRY INTO TLASCALA.

seemed to cover a plot for a new Tlascalan combi-
nation. If this people could exhibit such armies
and such valor, what must be expected from the far
more numerous and equally warlike Aztecs? These
views owed not a little of their acceptance to the
fears and exaggeration of the Indian allies, and
through their medium the prospect of reaching the
impregnable Mexico began to appear preposterous.
Cortes was aware that this feeling existed among a
large number, for in making his customary tour of the
camp one evening he had overheard a party of soldiers
express themselves pretty strongly about the madness
of his enterprise. It would happen to him as to Pedro
Carbonero, who ventured with his force among the
Moors and w-as never heard of again. The general
should be left to go alone.

The murmurs in camp grew particularly strong
during the raid on Tzompantzinco, promoted of course
by Velazquez' men; and when Cortes returned, a
deputation of seven, whom Bernal Diaz forbears to
name, appeared before him to recommend that, in
view of the suffering, the danger, and the dark pros-
pects, they should return to Villa Rica, build a vessel,
and send to Cuba for reinforcements. They were
only tempting providence by their foolhardy course.
Finding that arguments would be lost on these
men, Cortes had caused his adherents to rally, and
turning to them he recalled the determination formed
at Villa Rica to advance on Mexico, and extolled their
valorous deeds, which dimmed even the Greek and
Roman records. He was suffering equally with them,
yet he wavered not. Should they, the brave Spaniards,
belie their character and country, and desert their
duty to their king, to their God, who had protected
them hitherto ? To retreat now would be to abandon
the treasures to be found only a few leagues off, the
reward for which they had striven during a whole
year, and to draw upon themselves the contempt not
only of their countrymen, who at present looked on

MEXICO CONSIDERS FURTHER. 219

them as the bravest of the brave, but that of the
natives, who regarded them as gods. The Tlascaltecs
had already sued for peace, but let the Spaniards
take one step in retreat, and the enemy would turn
with renewed ardor on them, joined by the Mexi-
cans, so far held in check by their fame and deeds.
Even the allies would for their own safety join to
crush them. To retire was impossible, because it
would be fatal. In any case, death was preferable
to dishonor. The usual marks of approval which
followed the speech silenced the deputation, and noth-
ing more was heard about retreat.14

Great was the sensation in Mexico at the successive
reports of easy Spanish victories over the stanch
armies of Tlascala — victories by an insignificant
band over armies which had successfully resisted the
vast forces of the Anahuac allies. Since it was only
too evident that force could not keep the strangers
from reaching the capital, Montezuma again called
his council to consider the situation. Cuitlahuatzin
proposed that they should be bought off with pres-
ents, while Cacama represented that their mission
was probably harmless, and that they should be
frankly invited to the city, there to be awed with the
grandeur of the monarch. Others favored this course,
but with the idea of laying traps for the strangers.
The fear of their being warned and aided by Ixtlil-
xochitl, the rebellious brother of Cacama, caused
Montezuma to incline to the advice of Cuitlahuatzin ;
and six prominent lords, headed by Atempanecatl,

15

14 Gomara gives a long speech, and intimates that it was delivered before
a regular meeting. Hist. Mex., 81-3; Cortes, Cartas, 65; Herrera, dec. ii. lib.
vi. cap. ix.; Torquernada, i. 428-9; Tapia, Eel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii.
571. Bernal Diaz addresses the speech to the committee, and states that
Cort6s, on finding them still unconvinced, abandoned the gentle tone he had
used, and exclaimed with some asperity that it was better to die like brave
men than to live dishonored. The men being appealed to upheld him, and
declared that they would listen to no contrary talk. Hist. Verdad., 48-9;
Soils, Hist. Mex., i. 259-63.

lj Surnamed Tlachpanquizqin, it seems. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chick., 292;
Veylia, Hut. Ant. Mej., iii. 380. Bernal Diaz calls them five leading men.

220 ENTRY INTO TLASCALA.

were accordingly despatched to the Spanish camp
to congratulate the white chieftain on his victories,
and to offer annual tribute in gold, silver, jewels,
cloth — in fact, to do almost anything that his king
might desire, on the condition that he should not
proceed to Mexico. The envoys entered the pres-
ence of Cortes followed by two hundred attendants,
and laying before him a present of twenty bales of
embroidered cloth and feathers, and about one thou-
sand castellanos in gold-dust, they delivered their
message.10 They explained that their monarch would
gladly see him in Mexico, but feared to expose the
Spaniards to the hardships of the rough and sterile
country wherein Mexico was situated. Cortes ex-
pressed his thanks, and said that he would consider
the proposal.17

While entertaining the Mexican envoys the camp
was stirred by the announcement of the Tlascalan
plenipotentiaries, consisting of fifty leading men,
headed by Axayacatzin Xicotencatl himself.18 The
soldiers crowded forward to gaze at the dreaded gen-
eral, who appeared to be a man of about thirty-five
vears, tall and broad-shouldered, well formed and
robust, with broad, rough face, grave in manner and
commanding in presence, though he came a suppliant.
He had used every means as a noble patriot to save

16 Nearly every writer states that Montezuma acknowledged himself the
vassal of the Spanish king, but it is doubtful whether he stooped so low before
a distant enemy. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 79, calls the present 1000 ropas and
1000 castellanos de oro, and CortCs says pesos de oro, which doubtless means
dust; but Bernal Diaz terms the latter gold jewels worth that amount.
Prescott confounds these presents with a later gift, and assumes without good
authority that they came after Xicotencatl had brought in his submission.
Gomara on the other hand places their arrival on September 6, which must
be altogether too early.

1T 'No les quiso dar luego la respuesta, porque estaua purgado del dia
antes,' says Bernal Diaz, in explanation of the delay. Hist. Verdad., 51.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, however, lets Cortes declare that the orders of his
king oblige him to disregard the wishes of the emperor. But the general was
too prudent to give an open rebuff ere he saw how affairs would develop.
According to Gomara he wished to detain them to witness his prowess against
the Tlascaltecs. Hist. Mex., 79; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. x.

lh Ixtlilxochitl alone differs by stating that they were headed by Tolin-
panecatl Tlacatecuhtli the younger brother of Xicotencatl; but he appears
confused.

TLASCALAN PLENIPOTENTIARIES. 221

his country from the enslavement which he seemed
with prophetic spirit to have foreseen; and as a brave
soldier he had struggled to uphold the honor of the
army. With pride subdued he had sought pardon of
the lords for disobeying their orders,19 and offered the
best amends in his power by personally humbling
himself before the chief who had torn the wreath
from his brow. He approached Cortes with the cus-
tomary profound salute, while his attendants swung
the copal censer, arid announced that he had come in
the name of his father and the other lords to ask his
friendship, and to offer their submission to the might-
iest of men, so gentle yet so valiant. Accepting a
seat by Cortes' side, he entered into explanations,
and frankly took upon himself the blame for the resist-
ance offered, but pleaded the Tlascalan love for liberty,
threatened, as they imagined, by an ally of Monte-
zuma, for were not Mexican allies in the' Spanish
train? and had not the Aztec monarch exchanged
friendly intercourse with them? While delighted
with the manner of the chief, and particularly with
the object of his visit, Cortes thought it necessary to
administer a slight rebuke for the obstinate refusal
of his friendly offers ; yet since his people had already
suffered enough for this, he freely pardoned them in
the name of his king, and received them as vassals.20
He hoped the peace would be permanent; if not,
he would be obliged to destroy the capital and mas-
sacre the inhabitants. Xicotencatl assured him that
the Tlascaltecs would henceforth be as faithful as
they had hitherto been unfriendly. In proof of their
sincerity the chiefs would remain with him as host-
ages. He begged Cortes to come to the city, where
the lords and nobles were awaiting him, and regretted

19 Soils causes him to be dismissed from the office of captain -general. Hist.
M'X., i. 272-3. In Curbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 154, is a portrait of him,
corresponding fairly to the description.

20 It is generally accepted that the Tlascaltecs submitted as vassals. Yet it
is just as likely that they merely offered their friendship and alliance, a rela-
tion which after the conquest was changed into vassalage.

222 ENTRY INTO TLASCALA.

not being able to offer a present worthy of his ac-
ceptance, but they were poor in treasures, even in
cloth and salt, and what they once possessed had been
surrendered to the Mexicans.21

Mass was said by Padre Diaz to celebrate the con-
cluded peace, and in honor of the occasion Tecohuat-
zinco received the name of Victoria.22 Both Spaniards
and allies concluded the day with feasting and appro-
priate demonstrations of their delight. At Tlascala,
where it was soon understood that the Spaniards were
in some way to liberate the state from the tyranny
of Montezuma, floral decorations and sacrifices gave
eclat to the festivities, and twenty thousand leading
men are said to have taken part in the mitote dance,
singing to the prospective overthrow of the Mexicans
and to the glory of the Spaniards.

The Mexican envoys felt not a little chagrined at
a peace which could bode no good to their nation.
Before Cortes, however, they sought to ridicule the
whole proceeding as a farce on the part of the Tlas-
caltecs. The latter were too treacherous to be trusted.
When the Spaniards were once in their city they would
fall on them, and avenge the defeats and losses which
till then must rankle in their hearts. Cortes told
them that the Spaniards could not be overcome in
town or field, by day or night. He intended going
to Tlascala, and if the inhabitants proved treacherous
they would be destroyed. Xicotencatl had been no
less abusive of the Mexicans during his late interview,
and Cortes, as he declares, enjoyed their dissension,
sympathizing alternately with either party, in order to
promote his own ends.23 Finding the general so de-

21 According to Bernal Diaz the Tlascaltecs gave but one present, and that
at the capital, but some authors prefer to bring it in here. 'Le presento
cantidad de alpargatas para el camino. ' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich. , 292; He.rrmi,
dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. x. ; Gomara, Hist. Max., 84-5; Cortes, Cartas, 66-7.

22 Herrera, loc. cit.

23 'Aun acord^me de una autoridad evangelica que dice: Omne regnum in
seipsum divisum desolabitur ; y con los unos y con los otros maneaba.' Corf ft,
Cartas, 70. According to Ixtlilxochitl quite a quarrel sprang up between the
Mexican and Tlascalan representatives in the presence of Cortes,- attended by
an exchange of epithets. Hist. Chich. , 292.

MEXICO AGAINST TLASCALA. 223

termined, the envoys begged that he would remain
at the camp for a few days while they communicated
with the emperor. This was granted, partly because
Cortes wished to await developments, not being at all
sure of the Tlascaltecs, and partly because he and
others needed a respite to recover from their wounds
and fevers.2*

The only result of the message to Mexico appears
to have been an instruction to the envoys to use
every effort to prevent the Spaniards from going
either to Tlascala or to Mexico; and to make their
representations more weighty a present was sent, con-
sisting of ten pieces of wrought gold, worth over three
thousand castellanos, says Bernal Diaz, and of several
hundred pieces of cotton fabrics, richly embroidered.25
It served but as another magnet to aid in attracting
the invaders. Cortes accepted the presents, but held
out no hopes of changing his determination.

The Tlascaltecs had meanwhile kept the camp
liberally supplied with provisions, for which they
would accept no recompense, and were daily urging
Cortes to depart for Tlascala. Alarmed at his delay,
the lords thought it best to go in person, accompanied
by the leading nobles, to entreat him.26 The last

24 Cortes gives only his suspicions of the Tlascaltecs as a reason for the
delay, without referring to any communication being sent to Mexico. Cartas,
G7. Meanwhile he wrote to Escalante at Villa Rica, informing him of occur-
rences, and asking for a supply of holy wafers and two bottles of wine, which
speedily came. Bernal Diaz, J list. Verdad., 51.

25 After an absence of six days, six leading men came from Mexico, who
brought, beside the ten pieces of jewelry, 200 pieces of cloth. Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 52. The envoys who had been sent to Mexico came back on
the sixth day with ten beautifully wrought jewels of gold and 1500 pieces of
cloth, far richer than the former. Gomara, Hist. Me.x. , 85-6.

26 ' Todos los sefiores me vinieron a rogar. ' Cortes, Cartas, 67. ' Vinieron
assi mismo todas las cabeceras y sefiores de Tlaxcallan a rogarle. ' Gomara,
J list. Mex., 86. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 52, names five lords, but the
names are very confused, except Xicotencatl and Maxixcatzin, which approach
nearer to the usual form. Ixtlilxochitl states that Cortes made it a condition
that the lords should come and ask him, whereupon they each select two high
representatives to proceed to the camp and escort him to Tlascala. They were
guided by the envoys Tolinpanecatl and Costomatl, and brought a few jewels
as presents. Hist. Chirk., 292-3. Nor docs Camargo allow the lords to go to
the camp, but Costomatl and Tolinpanecatl are sent. Hist. Tlax., 146.

224 ENTRY INTO TLASCALA.

envo}^ from Montezuma had just delivered his pres-
ents when they were announced. Descending from
their litters they advanced toward Cortes with the
customary salute,27 the lead being taken by Xico-
tencatl, ruler of Tizatlan, so blind and old that he
had to be supported by attendants, and by Maxix-
catzin, of Ocotehilco, the youngest and wisest of the
lords.28

Xicotencatl expressed his sorrow for their resist-
ance, but reminded the Spanish chief that, this being
forgiven, they had now come to invite him to their
city, and to offer their possessions and services. He
must not believe the slanderous insinuations which
they feared the Mexicans had uttered. Cortes could
not resist the evident sincerity of this appeal from so
prominent a bod}^, and he hastened to assure them
that preparations for the departure and other affairs
had alone detained him.29

The lords accordingly returned to prepare for the
reception, and to send five hundred carriers to assist
in the march, which began the following morning.
The Mexican envo}^s were invited to accompany the
Spaniards, in order that they might witness the
honors paid to them. The road to Tlascala, some six
leagues in length, passed through a hilly yet well
cultivated country, skirted on the east by the snow-
crowned peak which was soon to bear the revered
name of Malinche. In every direction were verdure-
clad slopes spotted with huge oaks, while above and
beyond the vista was closed by a dark green fringe of

27 ' Tocaro las manos en el suelo, y besaron la tierra. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Ve-dad,, 52.

28 Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 155. Maxixcatzin is put forward by the Spanish
writers as the principal lord, chiefly perhaps because he was the most devoted
to the conquerors, but also because his quarter of Ocotelulco was the largest
and richest. Camargo and Ixtlilxochitl place Xicotencatl first, and he
certainly takes the lead in speaking and in receiving the Spaniards at his
palace. His age, which Camargo raises into the hundred, may have had
something to do with this, however.

29 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. , 52, states that he pleaded the want of car-
riers, which was not very plausible, unless intended as a hint at Tlascaltec
hospitality.

TLASCALA. 225

the hardier fir, which seemed to rise like shielding
bulwarks round the settlements in the valleys. The
leading towns on the route were Tzompantzinco and
Atlihuetzin, where the population turned out en masse
to receive the Spaniards.

A quarter of a league from the capital they were
met by the lords and nobles, accompanied by a great
retinue, attired in the colors of the different districts.
Women of rank came forward with flowers in gar-
lands and bouquets; and a long line of priests in
flowing white robes, with cowls, and flowing hair
clotted with blood from freshly slashed ears, marched
along swinging their copal censers, while in the rear
and around surged a crowd estimated at one hun-
dred thousand persons.

Before them rose the capital, prominently located
upon four hills, " so great and so admirable," quoth
Cortes, "that although I say but little of it, that
little will appear incredible, for it is much larger than
Granada and much stronger, with as good edifices
and with much more people than Granada had at the
time it was captured; also much better supplied with
the things of the earth."30 There were four distinct
quarters, separated by high stone walls and traversed
by narrow streets. In each stood a lordly palace
for the ruler, and here and there rose temples and
masonry buildings for the nobles, but the greater
part of the dwellings were one-story adobe and mud
huts. The highest quarter in situation was Tepet-
icpac, the first settled, separated from Ocotelulco
by the river Zahuatl.31 The latter was not only
the largest and most populous, but the richest, and
held a daily market attended by thirty thousand
people, it is claimed.32 Quiahuiztlan lay below on

30 Cortes, Cartas, 67.

ai Now Atoyac.

82 Cortes proceeds to give an account of articles sold here, which is on a
par with his Granada comparison, and accords little with the declared sim-
plicity or poverty of the people. In the temple over 800 persons had been
sacrificed during some years. Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. ii.
Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 15

226 ENTRY INTO TLASCALA.

the river, and above it Tizatlan, the residence of the
blind chief.33

It was here that the Spaniards entered on Sep-
tember 23d,34 henceforth a feast-day to its people.
Through streets adorned with festoons and arches,
and past houses covered with cheering multitudes,
they proceeded to the palace of Xicotencatl, who came
forward to tender the customar}^ banquet. Cortes
saluted him with the respect due to his age,35 and was
conducted to the banquet -hall, after which quarters
were pointed out in the courts and buildings sur-
rounding the temple.36 Neat beds of matting and
nequen cloth were spread for the troops. Close by
were the quarters of the allies and the Mexican
envoys.

A round of invitations and festivities was tendered
the guests in the several quarters; yet Cortes allowed
no relaxation in the usual discipline and watches,
greatly to the grief of the lords, who finally remon-
strated against this apparent want of confidence. The
Mexicans must have poisoned the mind of Malinche
against them, they said. Malinche was becoming a
recognized name for Cortes amonor the Indians. It
seems strange that they should have fixed upon no
higher sounding title for so great a leader than ' master
of Marina,' as it implied, while the inferior Alvarado
was dubbed Tonatiuh, 'the sun.' The Tlascaltecs
had, however, another name for the general in Chal-
chiuitl, the term for their favorite precious stones, and
also a title of Quetzalcoatl, 'the white god.'37 Cortes

33 Gomara, Hist. Mex., 87-8; Herrera^ dec. ii. lib. vi. caps. v. xii. xiii. ;
Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 162; Las Casas, Hist. Apo/og., MS., 13-14.

3A Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. , 52. Gomara, followed by Herrera, says tlie
18th.

35 ' Se quito la gorra y les hizo una mtiy grande y humilde reverencia. y
luego abrazo a Xicotencatl, ' says Ixtlilxochitl, with an exactness which is
doubtless intended to impress the ruder Spanish population of his day. Hi4.
Chich. , 293. Camargo also describes ceremonies with some detail, Hist. Tlax. ,
147, and Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 425-7.

36 Gomara, Hist. Mex., 86. Camargo and Ixtlilxochitl quarter the Span-
iards in the palace. 'A las casas reales. ' Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 17.

37 Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 150; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 52.

EXCHANGE OF GIFTS. 227

was quite touched by the fervor of the lords in their
newly formed friendship. Untutored in some respects,
they appeared to rush like children from one extreme
to another — from obstinate enmity to profound devo-
tion, now worshipping the doughty little band who
had overcome their vast number, and admiring their
every trait and act, willing to yield life itself for the
heroic leader. He hastened to assure them of his
confidence, and declined the hostages they offered,
asserting that strict discipline was part of the military
system which he was in duty bound to maintain. This
seemed to convince the lords, and they even sought
to introduce among their own troops some of the
regulations which they learned to admire.

The second day of their sojourn Pad re Diaz said mass
in the presence of the two leading lords, who there-
upon presented Cortes with half a dozen fishes made
of gold, several curious stones, and some nequen cloth,
altogether worth about twenty pesos, says Bernal
Diaz.38 Insignificant as was the gift, they expressed
a hope that in view of their poverty he would accept
it as a token of friendship. Cortes assured them that
"he received it from their hand with greater pleasure
than he would a house filled with gold dust from
others."39 In return he gave them some of the robes
and other useful articles obtained from Montezuma,
beside beads and trinkets. They now proposed, as a
further proof of their good- will, to bestow on the cap-
tains their daughters, in order to have for relatives men
so good and brave. Cortes expressed himself pleased,
but explained that this could not be admitted till the
Tlascaltecs renounced idolatry and its attendant evils.40

38 Camargo calls it a rich present.

89 Bernal Diaz, Hint. Verdad., 53.

40 According to the somewhat mixed account of Bernal Diaz, Xicotencatl
offers his daughter at once to Cort6s, who accepts, and thereupon urges Padre
Olmedo to begin a raid against idolatry. The latter tells him to wait till the
daughters are brought. They are introduced on the following day, five in
number, and Xicotencatl joins the hands of the general with the one intended
for him. He accepts her, but declares that she and her companions must
remain with their parents till conversion is consummated. Finally the daughter
is transferred to Alvarado.

223 EXTRY IOTO TLASCALA.

He thereupon proceeded to expound to them the doc-
trines of his faith and contrast them with the impure,
cruel, and bloody rites practised by them. This was
ably interpreted by Marina and Aguilar, who were
by this time expert in preaching, and the cross and
virgin image were produced to illustrate the discourse.
The lords answered that they believed the Christian's
God must be good and powerful, since he was wor-
shipped by such men, and they were willing to accord
him a place by the side of their idols ;41 but they could
not renounce their own time-honored and benevolent
deities. To do so would be to create an uprising
among the people, and bring war and pestilence from
the outraged gods. Cortes produced further argu-
ments, only to be told that in time they would better
understand the new doctrines, and might then yield,
but at present their people would choose death rather
than submit to such sacrilege.

Finding that the religious zeal of Cortes threatened
to overcome his prudence, Padre Olmedo hastened to
interpose his counsel, representing the danger of losing
all that their valor and perseverance had gained if
they pressed so delicate a subject with a superstitious
and warlike people as yet only half gained over. He
had never approved of forcible conversion, and could
see no advantage in removing idols from one temple
wrhen they would be sure to rise in another. Indeed,
persecution could only tend to root idolatry more
deeply in the heart. It were better to let the true
faith work its way into the appreciation of the people,
as it would be sure to do if the natives were given an
opportunity to contrast their bloody rites with the
religion of Christ, provided the Spaniards wTould them-
selves follow the precepts of love and gentleness they
w^ere commending' to the Indians. The success of the
conquest owes much to Olmedo, whose heart, like
Las Casas', warmed for the benighted Indians, to
him wrayward children who must be won by moder-

41 A not uncommon practice in Mexico, carried out in the same manner as
among the Romans. See Native Races, iii., passim.

FATHER OLMEDO. 229

ation. Like a guardian angel he rose in defence of
his flock, saving at the same time the Spaniards from
their own passions.42 Alvarado, Velazquez de Leon,
and others, who had no desire to witness a repetition
of the Ce'mpoalan iconoclasm, supported the father in
his counsel, and Cortes agreed to content himself for
the present with having an appropriate place set aside
in the temple for an altar and a cross.43 And upon
this cross, say the credulous chroniclers, a white radiant
cloud, in form of a whirling pillar, descended at night
from the sky, impressing the natives with the sacred-
ness of the symbol, and guarding it till the conquest
had established the faith in the land.44 The Spaniards
succeeded further in abolishing human sacrifices, and
the fattening-cages being torn down, a large number
of intended victims sought refuge in their camp, laud-
ing their doctrines and aiding not a little to pave the
way for conversion.45

The inaugural mass for the new altar was followed
by the baptism of the brides, the daughters and nieces
of the lords being the first to undergo the ceremony.

42 Portrait in Carbajal Esp'uiosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 165, and Zamacois, Hist.
Mej., ii. 514.

43 ' En aquel templo adonde estaua aposentado, se hiziesse vn capilla. ' Her-
rera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. xv. A new temple near by was set aside for this.
Bern" I Diaz, Hist. Ferdad., 54. 'Hizo la sala principal de Xicotencatl Ora-
torio.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chick., 294. 'Hizo una iglesia en una casa de un
idolo principal.' Tapia, Bel., in Irazbalceta, Col. Hoc, ii. 572-3. This author
does not intimate that Corte\s sought to force conversion, Bernal Diaz alone
being responsible for the statement, though Herrera adopts it. Eager to
remove the reproach of infidelity from his people, Camargo relates that Cortes
insisted on the renunciation of idolatry, and that the chiefs finally yielded,
while placing upon him the responsibility of removing the images. When
the iconoclasm began, the people hastened to hide their cherished idols, which
they long worshipped in secret, although accepting baptism. Hist. Tiax., 150-8.
In a hieroglyphic painting still possessed by the cabildo, says Ixtlilxochitl, it is
shown that the lords were at this time baptized. He gives their new names.
Hist. Chick., 294.

41 'Dure tres, 6 quatro afios.' Bemesal, Hist. Chj/apa, 304; Ddvila, Teatro
Ecb'S., i. 78; Camaryo, Hist. Tlax., 140; Herrera, dec.ii. lib. vi. cap. xv. Solis
dwells upon the spiritual effect of the miracle, which occurred immediately
after the departure from Tlascala. Hist. Mex. , i. 324-5. Torquemada devotes a
whole chapter to it, and states that the first cross was raised by unseen hands
the night after the arrival of the Spaniards in the city. The high-priest placed
over it a guard, who was surprised by a celestial light which appeared at mid-
night and drove out the demon from the temple, iii. 200-3.

' 'Lo primero que mandaua nuestro Capitan era quebralles las tales car-
celes, y echar fuera los prisioneros.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 55.

230 ENTRY INTO TLASCALA.

Cortes pleading that he was already married, Tecuil-
huatzin, the daughter of Xicotencatl, destined for him,
was at his request given to Alvarado, his brother and
captain as he proclaimed him, and blessed with the
name of Luisa, while her sister Tolquequetzaltzin,
baptized as Lucia, was conferred on the brother,
Jor^e de Alvarado. Maxixcatzin's niece Zicuetzin, a
jDretty girl, was named Elvira and given to Velazquez
de Leon, it appears. Olid, Sandoval, Avila, and others
also received distinguished brides with dowries. Cortes
found it necessary, however, to decline accepting wives
for the whole company, as the lords proposed.46 In-
deed, they urged him to settle among them, offering
to give lands and to build houses for the whole party.47
Finding him determined to proceed to Mexico, they
offered their cooperation, and gave an account of the
wealth, power, and condition of the lake states, dwell-
ing in particular on the magnificence of Montezuma.
They did not omit a tirade against his tyranny, and
stated that whenever he proposed to attack Tlascala
no less than one hundred thousand men were placed in
the field. It was because they were forewarned that
their resistance was so successful, and because the
Aztec troops, gathered as they were to a great extent
from subject provinces, fought with less spirit.48

40 In order to obtain by them a race of heroes. Most writers, following
Bernal Diaz and the less explicit chroniclers, allow Xicotencatl to give only
one daughter, but Ixtlilxochitl names two, Hist. Chich., 294, and Juarros, in his
biography of the Alvarados, enumerates their different wives, and among them
the two sisters, with their full names and their descendants. Pedro de Alva-
rado's only surviving issue, he says, was a daughter Leonor, by Luisa, who
married first Pedro Puertocarrero and afterward Francisco de la Cueva,
nephew of the Duke of Alburquerque. The other sister also left a daughter.
Hi f>t. Gnat. , 347-8. Bernal Diaz mentions also a son, Pedro, by Luisa. Hist.
Verdad., 54; Claingero, Storia Mess., iii. 54. According to Camargo, 300
young and pretty slave girls, destined for the sacrifices, were the first women
offered. They were at first declined, but finally accepted for the suite of
Marina. Finding that they were well treated, the lords offered their own
daughters in marriage. Hist. Tlax., 14S-50. A number of women were added
to the suite of Marina and of the new wives, from the first families in the state,
another authority intimates. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 86; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi.
cap. xi.

17 Camarrfo, Hist. Tlax., 150-1. They opened a road to Cempoala, and
brought effects from Villa Rica, including presents for the lords. Ixtlilxochitl,
Hist. Chick., 294.

48Tapia writes, ' Yo que esto escribo pregunte' a Muteczuma y a otros sus

INVITATION FROM MONTEZUMA. 231

Cortes had now a further motive for going to
Mexico, which was the alliance proposed to him by
Ixtlilxochitl, the rebellious brother of Cacama, and
ruler of northern Acolhuacan, who hoped with
Spanish aid to overthrow the hated Montezuma, and
raise himself to the throne of Tezcuco, at least, and
to the head of the allied states. To this pleasing pro-
posal Cortes replied in a manner which could not fail
to promote his own interests by keeping alive the
spirit of dissension among his prey.49 Huexotzinco,
the ally of Tlascala, sent in her formal adhesion about
the same time.

Finding that the Spaniards could not be kept away
from Mexico, Montezuma thought it best at any rate
to hasten their departure from Tlascala. An urgent
invitation to visit him in his capital was accordingly
sent through four prominent caciques, attended by
followers bearing as usual a costly present; consisting
of ten bales of embroidered robes and a number of
gold articles, worth fully ten thousand pesos.50 A
council was held to consider the departure and the
route to be taken. The lords of Tlascala did not
relish the idea of a friendly visit to Mexico by their
new allies, to be won over perhaps by the arts of
the enemy. They sought to impress upon Cortes that

capitanes,' and was told that the Mexicans could readily have subdued little
Tlascala, but they preferred to use her as a means, close at hand, for exer-
cising their youth and armies in warfare, and for supplying war captives for
the sacrifices ! Tapia, Rel. , in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc. , ii. 572. ' Juntaua dozientos
y trezientos mil hombres para vna batalla. ' Gomara, Hist. Mex. , 89. The Tlas-
caltecs spoke of their descent from giants, and produced gigantic bones in
evidence thereof. Some of these were sent to Spain by Cortes, together with
the report. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. , 55.

49 Torquemada places the arrival of this embassy immediately after CorteV
entry into Tlascala, Monarq. hid., i. 433, while Cla\ igero dates it at Tecohuat-
zmco. Storia Mess., iii. 51-2. Brasseur de Bourbourg calls it the second
embassy, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 165, for he accepts the statement of Ixtlilxochitl,
Hist. Ckich., 288, that the first envoys saw Corte's at his camp by San Juan
de Ulua. For IxtlilxochitPs career, see Native Races, v. 474-7.

)0 Bernal Diaz relates that Corte's detained these men as hostages, while he
sent Alvarado and Bernardino Vazquez de Tapia to Mexico to communicate
With Montezuma, and to examine the route and approaches to the city. They
had hardly left before the company began to censure the rashness of sending
two valuable men on so risky a mission, and Cortes accordingly sent to recall
them. Tapia having fallen sick on the road, they gladly returned, but left
the guides to proceed to Mexico.

232 ENTRY INTO TLASCALA.

Montezuma was the incarnation of treachery 5 await-
ing only an opportunity to get them into his power
and to crush them. They were ready to join in an
armed descent upon the tyrant, proposing to spare
neither young nor old ; the former, because they might
grow up to be avengers, the latter because of their
dangerous counsel. Cortes suggested that he might
yet establish friendly relations between them and the
Mexicans, and reopen the trade in salt, cotton, and
other articles; but this aroused only an incredulous
smile. With regard to the route, they favored either
the Calpulalpan road, proposed by Ixtlilxochitl, or
that leading through Huexotzinco, friendly to them,
declaring that it would be preposterous to pass by the
way of Cholula, as urged by the Mexican envoj^s,
since this was the very hatching -place for Monte-
zuma's plots. The road to it, and every house there,
were full of snares and pitfalls ; the great Quetzalcoatl
temple-pyramid, for instance, being known to contain
a mighty stream which could at any moment be let
loose upon invaders, and Montezuma having a large
army hidden near the saintly city.51

The extraordinary accounts of Cholula served to
arouse Cortes' curiosity , and the representation of
dangers made him the more resolved to encounter
them, chiefly because he did not wish to appear in-
timidated. This route was beside easier, and passed
through a rich country. He accordingly decided in

51 'Me dijeron. . . .que para ello habia enviado Muteczuma de su tierra. . . .
cincuenta mil hombres, y que los tenia en guarnicion a dos leguas de la dieha
ciudad .... 6 que tenian cerrado el cam in o real por donde solian ir, y heclio otro
nuevo de muchos hoyos, y palos agudos liincados y encubiertos para que los
caballos cayesen y se mancasen, y que tenian muchas de las calles tapiadas, y
por las azoteas de las casas muchas piedras. ' Cortes, Cartas, 70. The stream
within the temple was a myth, which the Cholultecs sought to maintain in
order to frighten their enemies. Oviedo and Gomara relate that Xicotencatl
junior was concerned in these plots, and that, warned by his sister, the wife
of Alvarado, Cortes had him quietly seized and choked to death, iii. 497; Hist.
Max. , 90. Whoever may have been throttled, it certainly was not the general,
for he met his fate at a later date. According to Bernal Diaz the whole army
was consulted as to whether all were prepared to start for Mexico. Many of
those owning estates in Cuba raised objections, but Cort6s firmly declared that
there was no other way open than the one to Mexico, and so they yielded.
Hist. Verdad.y 56.

INTERCOURSE WITH CHOLULA. 233

favor of it, and when reminded of the suspicious
absence of any deputation from that city, he sent a
message to the rulers that they might remedy the
omission.52

The Cholultec council was divided on the answer
to be sent, three of the members being in favor of
compliance, and the other three, supported by the
generalissimo, opposing any concession.53 Finally a
compromise was effected by sending three or four
persons of no standing, and without presents, to say
that the governors of tjie city were sick and could not
come. The Tlascaltecs pointed out the disrespect in
sending such men and such a message, and Cortes at
once despatched four messengers to signify his dis-
pleasure, and to announce that unless the Cholultecs
within three days sent persons of authority to offer
allegiance to the Spanish king, he would march
forth and destroy them, proceeding against them as
against rebels.54

Finding that it would not do to trifle with the
powerful strangers, some of the highest nobles in'
the city were despatched to the Spanish camp, with
a suitable retinue, to tender excuses, pleading that
they had dreaded to enter Tlascala, a state hostile
to them.

They invited Cortes to their city, where amends

52 'Y dar la obediencia a nuestro Rey, y Sefior, sino que los ternia por de
malas intenciones. ' JJernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 56. According to Camargo,
Patlahuatzin of Tlascala was sent with the message. The Cholultecs seized
and flayed his face and arms, cutting off the hands, so that they were left
dangling by the skin from the neck. In this guise they sent him back with
the reply that thus would they receive the white gods whose prowess he had
extolled. The Tlascaltecs demanded that Cortes should avenge the cruelty and
the insult, and he did so in the massacre of Cholula. This, continues the nar-
rator, is commemorated in Tlascalan song, but the account is evidently mixed,
and probably refers chiefly to some earlier occurrence. Hist. Tlax., 1G1-2*
Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that Patlahuatzin is merely insulted and ill-
treated. The two peoples had once been friends and allies, but during the
last battle which they fought against their common enemy, the Aztecs, the
Cholultecs had suddenly changed sides and fallen on the rear of their unsus-
pecting allies, inflicting great slaughter. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. xviii.

3 Three of the members are imprisoned for favoring an alliance with the
'Spaniards, but they escape and come to CortCs, says Herrera, id.

54 Cortes, Cartas, 71, says that he sent this message by the Cholultec mes-
sengers.

234 ENTRY INTO TLASCALA.

would be made by rendering the obedience and tribute
which was considered due from them as vassals of his
king.55

55 ' E asi lo asento tin escribano. ' Id. , 72. ' Otro dia vinieron muchos sefiores
y capitanes de Chololla.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 91. According to Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Cortes is already en route for Cholula when the friendly council
members appear to bring excuses and invitations. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 169-70.
Bernal Diaz, indeed, appears to say that the Cholultecs sent to excuse them-
selves from appearing before Cortes so long as he remained in hostile territory.
Hist. Verdad., 57.

CHAPTER XIV.

SUBJUGATION OF CHOLULA.

October, 1519.

Departure from Tlascala — Description of Cholula — The Welcome —
Army Quarters in the City — Intimations of a Conspiracy between
the Mexicans and Cholultecs — Cortes Asks for Provisions and
Warriors — He Holds a Council — Preparations for an Attack —
The Lords Enter the Court with the Required Supplies — Cortes
Reprimands them in an Address — The Slaughter Begins — Destruc-
tion of the City — Butchery and Pillage — Amnesty finally Pro-
claimed— XlCOTENCATL RETURNS TO TLASCALA — RECONCILIATION OF

the Cholultecs and Tlascaltecs — Dedication of a Temple to the
Virgin — Reflections on the Massacre of Cholula.

The Spaniards had been three weeks beneath the
hospitable roofs of the Tlascaltecs, and now they de-
parted amid expressions of good-will mingled with
grief.1 A crowd as large as that which had welcomed
their arrival followed them for a considerable distance,
and this included all the available warriors of the
districts,2 who would gladly have joined the handful of
heroes in their quest for wealth and glory amongst
the hated Aztecs. Cortes did not think it well, how-
ever, to trammel his movements, or to intrude on his
various hosts with too large a force of undisciplined
and unmanageable men, whom he had not learned to
trust, and only about five thousand were allowed to
attach themselves to his army.3

1 ' Hico sacrificar treynta muchachos el dia. que se partieron.' Oviedo>
iii. 407.

timated by Cortes at a round 100,000. Others say he was offered
10,000 to 20,000 men.

; This is the figure deduced from later references. ' Quedaron en mi com-
pafha hasta cinco 6 seis mil.' Cortes, Cartas, 72. Dismissing the 109,000 with
presents, he retained only 3000. ' Por no ponerse en manos do gente barbara. '

(235)

236 SUBJUGATION OF CHOLULA.

Late in the afternoon the army reached the southern
border of Tlascala, and camped by a river two leagues
from Cholula. The city stood in a vast fertile plain,
so thickly covered with plantations and gardens "that
not a span of land remained uncultivated." A net-
work of ditches irrigated the fields wherein maize
and agave, cochineal and chile, swelled the resources
of the owners. " No city in Spain/' exclaims Cortes,
"presents a more beautiful exterior, with its even
surface and mass of towers," interspersed with charm-
ing gardens and fringed with alluring groves. Its
six sections were marked bv fine, straight streets,
lined with buildings, the neatness and substantial ap-
pearance of which fully corresponded to the reputed
wealth of the occupants. Cortes estimates the num-
ber of houses at twenty thousand, with as many more
in the suburbs, which implies a population of two
hundred thousand.4

Cholula was one of the most ancient settlements in
the country, with traditions reaching far back into the
mist}r past. It was here that Quetzalcoatl had left
the final impress of his golden age as ruler and prophet,
and here that a grateful people had raised to him the
grandest of his many temples, erected upon the ruins
of a tower of Babel which had been stayed in its
growth by divine interference. Notwithstanding the
vicissitudes of war, during which the frenzy of the
moment had overcome religious scruples to wreak
destruction, or during which reckless invaders less
imbued with veneration came to desecrate this western
Rome, she had maintained herself, ever rising: from
the ashes with renewed vigor and fresh splendor,
and she wTas at this time the commercial centre for

Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. i. 'Six thousand warriors,' says Ixtlilxochitl,
Hist. Ghich., 204. lie gives the names of their chiefs, which differ wholly
from those mentioned in Camarr/o, Hist. Tlax., 160. ' Fueron tabien con el
muehos mercaderes a rescatar sal y mantas.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 91.

* Cartas, 74-5. 'En el tiempo de la guerra salian en campo ochenta 6
noventa mill hombres de guerra.' Oriedo, iii. 40S. 'Ultra triginta nhllii
familiarum capiebat. ' Las Casus, Begio. Ind. Devastat., 23. ' Parecio . . . . en
elassiento, y prospetiua a Valladolid. ' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. i.

THE HOLY CITY. 237

the great Huitzilapan plateau, famous beside for her
pottery and delicate fabrics. The warlike Tlascaltecs
referred to her contemptuously as a city of cunning
and effeminate traders, and there was doubtless a
good deal of truth in this; but then her merchants
rivalled those of Mexico in wealth, while her citizens
were not behind the dwellers on the lake in refine-
ment.

But the chief renown of Cholula consisted in being
the holy city of Anahuac, unequalled for the frequency
and pomp of her festivals and sacred pageantry; in
being the religious centre for countless pilgrims who
journeyed from afar to worship at the shrines here
maintained, not only by the citizens, but by princes of
different countries. Her temples were estimated to
equal the number of days in the year, and as some
possessed more than one chapel, fully four hundred
towers rose to bewilder the eye with their gleaming
ornamentation. Chief among them was the semi-
spherical temple, with its vestal fire, devoted to
Quetzalcoatl, which stood upon a quadrilateral mound
of nearly two hundred feet in height, ascended by one
hundred and twenty steps, and with a larger base
than any old-world pyramid.5

The government was aristocratic republican, directed
by a council of six nobles, elected in the six wards. At
their head sat two supreme magistrates, the tlachiach
and aquiach, chosen respectively from the priesthood
and nobility, and corresponding to pontiff and captain-
general,6 the latter office held at this time by Tecuan-
huehuetzin.7

:' See Native Races, iii. iv.

* Native Races, v. 264; Camarr/o, Hist. Tlax., 160. 'Gouernauase por vn
capitan general, eligido por la republica, con el consejo do seys nobles, assist-
lan on el sacerdotes. ' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. caj). ii. Gomara mentions only
a captain-general or governor. 1 'list. Mex., 95. Torquemada gives the city
four lords, who divided between them the territory, ii. 350-1. The govern-
ment appears to have undergone several changes since the age of Quetzal-
coatl, and at one period four nobles appear to have represented the wards,
but these increased in course of time to six, and the council appears also to
have been increased by the attendance of other priests beside the pontiff.

' Chimalpain, Ills'. Conq., 100, 107-8. For history and description of city
and temples, see Native Races, ii.-v.

238 SUBJUGATION OF CHOLULA.

At the command of these chiefs a number of Cho-
lultec nobles appeared at the camp to offer welcome
and to bring provisions.8 In the morning the army
advanced toward the city and was met by a crowd
of fully ten thousand people, preceded by a stately
procession, at the head of which appeared the lords.
They showed themselves most obsequious, but re-
quested that the Tlascaltecs, as their enemies, should
not be allowed to enter the city, and Cortes ac-
cordingly persuaded these warriors to camp outside.
Some of their carriers alone entered with the
Cempoalans and Spaniards to receive a share in the
proffered hospitality. If the troops found no arches
and floral festoons, as at Tlascala, to honor them, nor
the same jubilant shouts of welcome, they were at
least heralded by clashing music, and dense crowds of
spectators lined the streets and roofs, while priests
in white robes went chanting by their side, swinging
the censers whence the copal rose to shed a halo on
the heroes. Cortes was struck with the superior
quality and quantity of dresses worn, the higher
classes being noticeable in their embroidered mantles,
not unlike the Moorish cloak. He also observed that
beggars abounded, as they did in " Spain and other
parts inhabited by civilized people."

The courts of one of the temples9 were offered as
quarters for the army, and presently servants ap-
peared with provisions, which, if not abundant, were
at least good.10 Cortes did not omit to vaunt the
grandeur of his king and to impress the advantages
of the true faith, but although the .lords bowed ad-
mission to the first they held firmly to their idols.

8 From a vague reference in Camargo, Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that
this party is headed by the three counsellors least friendly to the Spaniards.
A little later the other three come to Cortes for protection, after escaping from
the imprisonment imposed iipon them by their colleagues. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv.
174. Herrera places the arrival of the refugees at Tlascala. dec. ii. lib. vi.
cap. xviii. But there appears to be no ground for these statements.

9 ' Del gran Cu de Quetzalcoatl.'' Sahagan, Hist. Conq., IS.

10 'Les dieron aquella noche a cada vno vn gallipauo.' Goma.ra, Hist.
Me:i\, 92.

OMINOUS INDICATIONS. 239

The following day they failed to appear, and the
supply of food dwindled perceptibly, while none was
furnished on the third day, the populace even ap-
pearing to avoid the Spanish quarters. Cortes sent
to remind the chiefs of their neglect, but received
only the scantiest provisions, with the excuse that
the stock was nearly exhausted.11

The same day came envoys from Montezuma, un-
provided with the usual presents, who, after some
words with the confreres acting as guides to the
Spaniards, represented that to proceed to Mexico
would be useless, since the roads were impassable and
the food supply insufficient.12 Finding that these and
other statements had no effect on Cortes, they left,
taking with them the leading envoy stationed with
the Spaniards.13 All this was far from reassuring,
taken in connection with the warning of the Tlas-
caltecs still ringing in their ears, and with the report
brought by Cempoalans of barricades, of stone piles
upon the roofs, and of excavations in the main
street set with pointed sticks and loosely covered
over.1*

Now came messengers from the allied camp to
announce that women and children had been leaving
the city with their effects, and that unusual prepa-
rations seemed to be going on. Scarcely had this set
Cortes pondering when Marina appeared with the still
more startling information that a native woman of
rank, won by her beauty and evident wealth no doubt,
had just been urging her in a most mysterious man-
ner to transfer herself and her effects to the house
of the woman, where she should be married to her

11 'Lo que traian era agua, y lefia,' says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 58.

12 'Do Muteczuma estaba habiu niucho mimero de leones e tigres 6 otras
fieras, 6 que cada que Muteczuma quirie las hacie soltar, 6 bastaban para
comernos 6 despedazarnos. ' Tupia, Rel., in 1 cazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 574; Go-
mara, Hist. Mex., 92.

13 Cortes told them to wait, for he would start for Mexico on the following
day, and they promised to do so, says Bernal Diaz, Hint. Verdad. , 58.

11 On his entry into the city Cort6s also observed suspicious features.
'Algunas calles de la ciudad tapiadas, y muchas piedras en todas las azoteas. '
Cartas, 72.

240 SUBJUGATION OF CHOLULA.

son.15 By expressing gratitude and pretending ac-
quiescence, Marina elicited that envoys had been
coming and going between Mexico and Cholula for
some time, and that Montezuma had prevailed on
the chiefs, by means of bribes and promises,16 to
attack the Spaniards that very night or in the
morning. Aztec troops were stationed close to the
city, to the number of twenty or even fifty thousand,
to aid in the work and to carry the Mexican share of
the captives to their capital.17 Cortes at once secured
the communicative woman, who was awaiting the re-
turn of Marina with her valuables, and ascertained
further that the covered excavations, the stone piles,
and the barricades were no fiction.

He also secured two apparently friendly priests,18
and by bribing them with chalchiuite stones, and
showing that he was aware of the plot, obtained
a revelation which agreed substantially with the ac-
count already given. It appeared that Montezuma
had proposed to quarter his troops in the city, but
this the lords had objected to, fearing that once
within the walls the Aztecs would retain possession.19
The Cholultecs intended to do the deed themselves,
and it was only in case the Spaniards left the city,
or escaped, that the confederate Aztecs were to take
an active part.

Only three of the wards had consented to share in
the treachery,20 and the priests of the others had that

15 'Hermano de otro moco que traia la vieja que la acoinpaiiaua. ' Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 59. This is probably the young man who, according to
Peter Martyr, reveals the plot to Aguilar. A 'Cempoal maiden' was also
warned by a Cholultec woman, dec. v. cap. ii.

16 'Dieron al capitan-general vn atambor de oro.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 92.
This official was the husband of the old woman. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. , 59.

17 'Auian de quedar veinte de nosotros para sacrificar a los idolos de Cho-
lula.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 59. Others say half the captives.

18 Marina won them over. Id. 'Dos que andauan muy solicitos.' Ilerrera,
dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. i. Brasseur de Bourbourg supposes that the friendly
chiefs were those who gave the first intimation of the plot, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv.
174, and it is not unlikely that they did warn the Spaniards.

19 Oviedo regards the Cholultecs as having rebelled against Montezuma,
iii. 498. But they stood rather in the position of allies. See Native Races, v.
Bernal Diaz assumes that half the Aztec troops were admitted.

20 'Los Mexicanos. . . .trataron con los Sefiores de los Tres Barrios.' Tor-

PLAN OF ATTACK. 241

very day sacrificed ten children21 to the god of war,
and received assurances of victory. So confident were
they of securing the encaged guests that ropes and
stakes had been prepared to bind the captives.

Cortes called his counsellors, and placing before
them the state of affairs asked their views. A few of
the more cautious advised retreat to Tlascala, whose
friendly hospitality seemed alluring. Others suggested
an immediate departure by way of the friendly Huex-
otzinco, while the majority inclined to a prompt and
effective chastisement of the treachery as a warning
to others. This was what Cortes had determined upon.
He showed them how well the arrangement of the
courts would answer for the plan he had evolved, and
how strong they were in case of a siege.

Summoning the lords, he expressed his displeasure
at the inconsiderate treatment received, and said that
he would rid them of his presence on the morrow. He
reminded them of the allegiance they had tendered,
and declared that if loyal they would be rewarded;
if not, punishment would follow. Finally he demanded
provisions for the journey, and two thousand warriors,
beside carriers, to accompany the army.22 This ap-
peared to suit their plans, for they exchanged a look
of intelligence, and at once promised compliance, pro-
testing at the same time their devotion. " What need
have these of food," they muttered with a laugh,
"when they themselves are soon to be eaten cooked
with chile?"23 That very night preparations were

qwmada, i. 438. Herrera has been even more explicit, and Bernal Diaz con-
firms this in several places, without specifying the number. 'Otros barrios,
que no se hallaron en las traiciones.' Hist. Verdad., 60.

21 Three years old, half males, half females. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. ii.
Oviedo supposes the females to be young virgins, iii. 498. Bernal Diaz says
five children and two other persons.

22 Most authors, following Gomara and Herrera, assume that only carriers
were asked for, but Diaz writes warriors, and correctly, no doubt, since it
could not be CorteV plan or desire to wreak vengeance on helpless carriers,
but rather on the very men who proposed to attack him. According to
Tapia, followed by Gomara, Cortes upbraids the lords for lying and plotting,
but they assure him of their loyalty. Rd., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 575.
It is not likely that he would have roused suspicion by such language.

23 'Aguilar que los oya hablar.' Oviedo, iii. 498.

Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 1G

242 SUBJUGATION OF CHOLULA.

made, the Spaniards planting guns at the approaches
to the streets and courts, looking to the horses and
accoutrements, and sending a message to the Tlascal-
tecs to enter the city and join them on hearing the
first shot.

In the morning, so early indeed as to indicate a
decided eagerness, came the lords and leading priests,
with an immense throng. A force even larger than
had been demanded followed them into the Spanish
quarter, and was allowed to file into the court, which
was commanded at all points by the soldiers and the
cannon, the latter as yet innocent-looking instruments
to the Cholultecs.24 The lords and leading men, to the
number of thirty or forty, were invited to Cortes'
rooms to receive his farewell. He addressed them in
a severe tone, in the presence of the Aztec envoys,
representing that he had sought to win their friend-
ship for himself and their adhesion for his king, and
to further this he had treated them with every con-
sideration. They had withheld the necessary supplies,
yet he had respected their property and persons, and
for their sake he had left his stanch allies outside
the city. In return for this they had, under the mask
of friendship, plotted against the lives of his party,
the invited guests of themselves and of Montezuma,
with the intention of assassinating them. But they
had been caught in their own trap. The amazement
of the chiefs deepened into terror as he concluded.
" Surely it is a god that speaks," they murmured, " since
he reads our very thoughts." On the impulse of the
moment they admitted their guilt, but cast the blame
on Montezuma. This, rejoined Cortes, did not justify
treachery, and the excuse should avail them naught.
The lords who had been opposed to the plot, and a
few others less guilty or less responsible chiefs and
priests, were now taken aside, and from them further

24 Picked warriors were brought, pretending to be slaves and carriers.
Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 575. 'Co hamacas para lleuar los
Espaiioles.' Gornara, Hist. Mex., 93.

THE MASSACRE. 243

particulars were obtained, which implicated the Mexi-
cans only the more.

Returning to the envoys, who protested that their
emperor was wholly blameless, he reassured them by
saying that he believed not a word of the accusation.
Montezuma was too great a prince, he continued, to
stoop to such baseness, and had beside, by means of
presents and messages, shown himself to be his friend.
The Cholultecs should suffer the penalty not only of
their treason but of their falsehood. The fact was
that it did not suit Cortes to quarrel with Montezuma
for the present, but rather to lull him into fancied
security.25 A terrible punishment was now in store
for the Cholultecs.

The signal being given, volleys poured from cannon,
arquebuses, and cross-bows upon the warriors con-
fined in the court, and then the Spaniards rushed in
with sword and lance thrusting and slashing at the
packed masses. The high walls permitted no escape,
and at the gates gleamed a line of lances above the
smoking mouths of the guns. Pressing one upon
another, the victims offered only a better mark for the
ruthless slayers, and fell in heaps, dead and dying
intermingled, while many were trampled underfoot.
Not one of those who had entered the court remained
standing. Among the slain were the captain-general
and the most inimical of the lords and leading men.26

Meanwhile other guns had belched destruction
along the approaches from the streets, as the crowd
rushed forward in response to the cries and groans

2o According to Bernal Diaz the envoys are told of this on the preceding
evening, and are thereupon placed under guard. Hist. Verdad., 59.

20 Tapia states that most of the lords and chiefs whom Cortes addressed
were killed. lief.., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc.,ii. 575. 'Some of them,' say Ixtlil-
xochitl and Gomara, while Clavigero, Brasseur de Bourbourg, and others
suppose that all these leaders were pardoned, which is not likely, since so
many less guilty men fell. 'El que solia madar, fue vno de los que murieron
en el patio.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 60. He intimates that the real
carriers were allowed to leave the court, the warriors alone being detained for
slaughter. The two friendly priests were sent home to be out of harm's way.
1 his leads to the supposition that all the rest of the leading men fell. ' Los
otros seiiores naturales todos murieron.' Oviedo, iii. 499.

244 SUBJUGATION OF CHOLULA.

of their butchered friends. Terrified by the fiery
thunder and its mysterious missiles, they fell back;
and now the cavalry charged, trampling them under-
foot, and opening a way for the infantry and allies,
who pressed onward to take advantage of the con-
fusion and to repeat the scene enacted within. Panic-
stricken as the natives were by the strange arms
and tactics of the Spaniards, they offered little or
no resistance, though armed with' intent to attack.
Being also without leaders, they had none to restrain
their flight, but pressed one on the other, down the
streets and into buildings, anywhere out of the reach of
the cutting blades and fierce-tramping horses. The
Tlascaltecs27 were at the same time falling on their
flanks, glorying in the opportunity to repay their
enemies the treachery of years ago. A bloody track
they left. Unprepared for such an onslaught the
people of Cholula found little opportunity to make
use of the barricades and the stone piles, and where
they attempted it the fire-arm and cross-bow aided
the fire-brand. The strongest resistance was met at
the temples, wherein the fugitives mostly gathered,
but even these did not hold out long, for stones and
arrows availed little against armor.

All who could sought to gain the great temple of
Quetzalcoatl, which offered not only the best defence
from its height, but was held to be impregnable
through the special protection extended over it by
the deity. Within its walls la}r confined a mighty
stream, so it was said, which by the removal of a
few stones could be let loose to overwhelm invaders.
Now, if ever, in the name of all the gods, let it be
done! Reverently were removed, one by one, the
stones of the sacred wall, but no flood appeared, not
even a drop of water. In their despair the besieged
hastened to hurl the stones, and arrows, and darts28

27 Wearing crowns of rushes to be distinguished from their enemies. Ca-
margo, Hist. Tlax., 164.

28 Zamacois enters into an elaborate argument to disprove the unimportant

SIX THOUSAND BUTCHERED. 245

upon the enemy as they climbed the sides of the pyra-
mid. But there was little use in this. Quickly they
were driven by the sword from the platform into the
chapel tower. Not caring to lose time in a siege, the
Spaniards offered them their lives. One alone is said
to have surrendered. The rest, inspired by the pres-
ence of the idols, spat defiance. It was their last
effort, for the next moment the torch was applied,
and enfolding the building, the flames drove the
besieged, frenzied with terror and excitement, upon
the line of pikes inclosing them, or head -foremost
down the dizzy heights. To the last could be seen a
priest upon the highest pinnacle, enveloped in smoke
and glare, declaiming against the idols for having
abandoned them, and shouting: "Now, Tlascala, thy
heart has its revenge! Speedily shall Montezuma
have his!"29

During the first two hours of the slaughter over
three thousand men perished, if we may believe
Cortes, and for three hours more he continued the
carnage, raisin of the number of deaths according to
different estimates to six thousand or more.30 The
loss of life would have been still greater but for the
strict orders issued to spare the women and children,
and also the less hostile wards,31 and for the eagerness
of the Tlascaltecs to secure captives as well as spoils,
and of the Spaniards to hunt for treasures. The
hostile wards had besides been pretty well cleared of
inhabitants by the time Cortes returned to his quarters

statement that burning arrows were showered on the besiegers. Hist. Mej.,
ii. 707. This author has a decided faculty for singling out trifles, apparently
under the impression that important questions can take care of themselves.

29 Carnarr/o, Hist. T/ax., 1G3-4; Torqvemada, i. 440. 'Se dejaron alii
quemar.' Tapia, ReL, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 576.

30 Cortes, Carta*, 73-4; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 94; 6000 and more within two
hours. Ixtl'dxochitl, Hist. Chich., 294. Las Casas lets him first kill 6000
unarmed carriers and then proceed to devastate the city. Reyio. Incl. l)e-
vastat., 27.

31 'Eche toda la gente fuera de la ciudad por muchas partes della.' Cortex,
Cartas, 74. The statement of Bernal Diaz that the friendly priests were sent
home, to be out of harm's way, shows also that parts of the city were respected.
See notes 17 and 23. 'El marques mandaba que se guardasen de no matar
mujeres ni niiios.' Tapia, lieL, in Icazbatceta, Col. Hoc, ii. 576.

246 SUBJUGATION OF CHOLULA.

forbidding further butchery. When the amnesty was
proclaimed, however, numbers appeared from hiding-
places, even from beneath the heaps of slain, while
many who had pretended death, to escape the sword,
arose and fled.

The pillage was continued for some time longer,32
and as the Tlascaltecs cared chiefly for fabrics, feathers,
and provisions, particularly salt, the Spaniards were
allowed to secure all the gold and trinkets they could,
though these were far less in amount than had been
expected.33 When the real work was over, Xicoten-
catl appeared with twenty thousand men and tendered
his services; but Cortes could offer him only a share
in the booty for his attention, and with this he re-
turned to Tlascala to celebrate the downfall of the
hated and boastful neighbor.34

The prayers of the chiefs who had been spared,
supported by the neighboring caciques, and even by
the Tlascalan lords, prevailed on Cortes to stop the
pillage after the second day, and to issue a pardon,
although not till everything of value had been
secured. Some of the chiefs were thereupon sent
forth to recall the fugitive inhabitants, and with such
good effect that within a few days the city was again
peopled. The debris and gore being removed, the
streets speedily resumed their accustomed appearance,
and the shops and markets were busy as before,
though blackened ruins and desolated homes long
remained a testimony of the fearful blow.35 Im-

32 For two days, says Tapia, id., and Bernal Diaz intimates that it ended
with the second day. Hist. Verdad., 60.

33 ' Tomaron los Castellanos el oro, y pluma, auque se hallb poco. ' Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. ii. 'Ovo mucho despojo de oro 6 plata,5 says Oviedo,
iii. 499, probably because he knew Cholula to be rich ; but a great deal of pri-
vate treasure at least must have been taken out of the city when the women
were sent away. The Tlascaltecs carried off 20,000 captives, he adds.

31 H err era, ubi sup. Oviedo allows a reinforcement of 40,000 Tlascaltecs
to join in the massacre and pillage, iii. 498, and Bernal Diaz, Hint. Verdad., 60,
says the late comers joined in the pillage on the second day. The Tlascaltecs
brought the Spaniards food, of which they had fallen short. Ixtlilxochitl,
Hist. Chich., 295.

35 A very similar massacre and raid was perpetrated by the Chichimec-
Toltccs at the close of the thirteenth century. Native Races, v. 484-7.

RECONCILIATIONS. 247

pressed no less by the supposed divine penetration of
the white conquerors than by their irresistible prowess
and terrible revenge, the natives were only too ready
to kiss with veneration the hand red with the blood
of their kindred. To this they were also impelled by
finding that the Spaniards not only allowed no sacri-
fice of captives, but ordered the Tlascaltecs to release
the prisoners they had hoped to carry into slavery.
This was a most trying requirement to the allies, but
at the instance of Maxixcatzin and other lords they
obeyed in so far as to restore the greater proportion
of the thousands who had been secured.

The intervention of the Tlascaltec lords and chiefs
in behalf of the Cholultecs tended to promote a more
friendly feeling between the two peoples, particularly
since the one had been satiated with revenge and the
other humbled, and Cortes took advantage of this to
formally reconcile them. Whatever may have been
their sincerity in the matter, they certainly found no
opportunity to renew their feud.

The captain-general having fallen, the people, with
CorteV approval, chose a successor from the ranks of
the friendly chiefs.36 Cortes assured them of his good-
will and protection so long as they remained the loyal
subjects they now promised to be, and he hoped that
nothing would occur hereafter to mar their friendly
intercourse. He explained to them the mysteries of
his faith, and its superiority over the superstitious
worship of the idols which had played them false
during the late conflict, counselling them to cast aside
such images, and let their place be occupied by the
redeeming emblems of Christianity. The terrified
natives could only promise obedience, and hasten to
aid in erecting crosses, but the idols nevertheless re-
tained their places. Cortes was quite prepared to
take advantage of his power as conqueror to compel

36 Gomara, Hist. Mex. , 95. Finding that the brother of the deceased was,
according to custom, entitled to the office, CortCs appointed him. Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 60. Oviedo intimates that one governor was chosen to take
the place of all the other ruling men. iii. 499.

248 SUBJUGATION OF CHOLULA.

the acceptance of his doctrines by the now humbled
people, but Padre Olmedo representing the futility of
enforced conversion, he contented himself with break-
ing the sacrificial cages and forbidding the offering of
human victims. As it was, idolatry had suffered a
heav}r blow in this terrible chastisement of the holy
city, rich as she was in her sanctuaries and profound
in her devotion. The gods had proved powerless!
Although a number of temples were speedily restored
to their worship, the great pyramid was never again
to be graced by pagan rites. Twice had this temple
shared in the destruction of the city, only to rise
more beautiful than ever in its delusive attractions;
now a simple stone cross stood upon the summit,
erected by Cortes to guard the site on behalf of the
church which was there to rise a few years later.
This was dedicated to the Virgen de los Remedios,
whose image is said to have been left in the city by
her conquerors.37

The massacre of Cholula forms one of the darkest
pages in the annals of the conquest, and has afforded
much ground for reproach against Cortes, but it is
to be regarded from different stand-points. The dia-
bolical doctrines of the day may be said to have
forced on adventurers in America the conquest of
her nations, and cruel deeds were but the natural re-
sult, particularly when the task was undertaken with
insufficient forces. According to their own admission,
made also before the later investigating committee,
the Cholultecs had plotted to destroy their invited
guests, whom they sought first to lull into fancied
security, and in this they acted as treacherously and
plotted as cruelly as did their intended victims in re-

37 It is also said 'que la trajo un religiose- franciscano a quien se le apareci6
en Roma.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., i. 156. 'Disgusted with the idol which
had played them false, they installed another in its place,' says Bernal Diaz,
Hist. VerdacL, 61. The disregard shown by Spaniards even for the temples
and relics of Quetzalcoatl might have struck the natives as peculiar in men
whom rumor pointed out as his descendants, yet no chronicle refers to it.

EXCUSES FOR TREACHERY AND MURDER. 249

taliating. True, they had been forced by threats, and
by the exhibition of an apparently superior force, into
a submission which they could ill brook, and were
justified in striking a blow for liberty, especially when
encouraged, or bidden, by the great monarch; but
they had no right to complain if they suffered the
penalty everywhere affixed to treachery; and the
Cholultecs did bear an unenviable reputation in this
respect. The native records naturally assert their
innocence; but even if we ignore the confession of
the Indians, as prompted by fear of their judges and
masters, or as colored by Franciscans whose patron
Cortes was, and if we disregard all official testimony,
we must still admit that there was evidence enough
to justify the general in a measure which he regarded
as necessary for the safety of his men/

38

38 Spanish chroniclers as a rule approve the deed as necessary and just,
either in tacit or open comment, and a few devout missionaries, who have as-
sumed the rank of Indian apostles, are the only ones to take exception. Chief
among these stands Las Casas, as might be expected from his sympathy with
Velazquez, and from his character as Indian protector. He condemns it in the
most unmeasured terms as a base murder of innocent and defenceless people,
committed merely with a view to spread terror. Six thousand carriers, he
writes, were shut up in a court and put to the sword, while the many dis-
covered alive on the following days were thrust through and through. The
chiefs of the city and neighborhood, to the number of over 100, were chained
together to a circle of poles and burned alive, and the king, who fled with 30
or 40 followers to a temple, met the same fate there. While the soldiers were
butchering and roasting the captives, ' eorum Capitaneum summa loetitia per-
fusum in hunc cantum prorupisse :

Monte ex Tarpeio Romana incendla speotans
Ipse Nero planctus vidit, nee corde movetur.'

Las Casas, Reg. Lid. Devastat. , 26-8. A number of finely executed copper
plates are appended to illustrate these deeds.

Bernal Diaz expresses himself hotly against this version, and states that
several of the first Franciscans who came to Mexico held an investigation at
Cholula of the massacre. After examining the leaders, and other persona
who had witnessed it, they came to the conclusion that the story of the
conquerors was true, and that the slaughter was a well merited punishment
for a plot which involved the lives of Cortes' soldiers, and would, if success-
ful, have stayed the conquest for God and the king. Diaz had heard the pious
Motolinia say that although he grieved over the deed, yet, being done, it was
best so, since it exposed the lies and wickedness of the idols. Hist. Verdad. ,
61. The Franciscans did not probably care to weigh carefully the value of
testimony from new converts given before a tribunal composed of their re-
ligious and political masters, nor were they likely to favor a Dominican friar
like Las Casas when the interest of their patron Cortes was at stake. In awe
of the friars, and in terror of the conquerors whose encomienda slaves they
were, the Indians hardly dared to say aught to implicate the latter. This is

250 SUBJUGATION OF CHOLULA.

It might be claimed that by holding captive the
chiefs their safety would have been assured; but
treason was rife everywhere, and a lesson was needed.

doubtless the view Las Casas would have taken. Intent on pleading the
cause of his dusky proteges, he cared not to sift statements that might create
sympathy for them. Yet, had he foreseen how widely his accusations would
be used to sully Spanish fame, he might have been more circumspect. ' E' vero,
che f u troppo rigorosa la vendetta, ed orribile la strage, ' says Clavigero ; yet
he severely condemns Las Casas for his distorted account. Storia Mess. , iii. 63-4.
According to Sahagun's native record, the Tlascaltecs persuaded Cortes to
avenge them on the Cholultecs, and as the latter received him coldly, he
began to believe the accusations of his allies. Assembling the chiefs and
soldiers, together with citizens, in the temple court, he slaughtered them, de-
fenceless as they were. Hist. Conq., 18. Bustamante comments on this ver-
sion, and denounces the conquerors as atrociously cruel. Id. (ed. 1840), 56-63.
Duran's version is a little milder. His main object being to give the life
of Montezuma, he has passed by many events connected with the Spaniards,
and has suppressed many accounts of their cruelties. He accordingly refers
but briefly to the Cholula massacre, saying that 'the Indians, in their eagerness
to serve the Spaniards, came in such large numbers to their quarters with
provisions, grass, etc. , that Cortes suspected treasonable designs, and put them
to the sword.' Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 438-9. Ixtlilxochitl evidently struggles
between his fear of the Spanish rulers and the desire to tell what he regards
as the truth. He intimates that the only ground for suspicion against the
Cholultecs was the effort to dissuade Cortes from going to Mexico. The chiefs
and the citizens were assembled on the pretence of selecting carriers, and
over 5000 fell beneath the sword. Hist. Chick. , 294. An antagonistic view of
the affair is offered by Juan Cano, of Narvaez' expedition, who gave Oviedo
the hearsay statement that Cortds had asked for 3000 carriers, and wantonly
killed them. iii. 552. Carbajal Espinosa, a Mexican historian, like Busta-
mante, regards the victims as innocent and the deed as barbarous. Hist. Mex.,
ii. 182. Robertson considers that Cortes had good reasons for it, yet 'the
punishment was certainly excessive and atrocious.' Hist. Am., ii. 452. Solis
condemns those who seek to accuse the Spaniards of cruelty and to pity the
Indians — 'maligna compasion, hija del odio y de laenvidia.' The conquerors
gave religion to them, and that he regards as sufficient compensation. Hist.
Mex. , i. 345. ' Cortez felt but doubtful of their fidelity, and feared to leave
his rear to a people who might ruin his enterprise,' says Wilson, Conq., Mex.,
SS3, in explanation of the motive ; but he forgets that a few hostages, as taken
from other peoples on the route, would have secured CortCs far more than the
murder of a small percentage of this population. Prescott compares the deed
with European cruelties, and, considering the danger threatening the Span-
iards, he excuses it. He prefaces his comments by a consideration of the
right of conquest. Mex., ii. 29-39. Alas for honesty, humanity, decency,
when talented American authors talk of the right of one people to rob and
murder another people! See also Veytia, Hist. AM. Mcj., iii. 381-2; Pi-
zarro y OrcUano, Varones Ilvstres, 86-9; Peralta, Not. Hist., 112-13, 313-14;
Pimentel, Mem. Sit., 90-2. Although some of the early Dutch writers eagerly
copy and even exaggerate Las Casas' version, the contemporary German
writers are quite moderate. Cortes' version is given in the Welibuch Spiegel
mid bildtnis des gantz^n Erdtbodens von Sebastiano Franco Wordensi, Tubingen,
1534, ccxxxvii leaves, beside preface and register. This book was much sought
after in its day, and received several editions, in German and Dutch, as late as
the seventeenth century. The earliest mentioned by Harrisse is dated 1533.
The new continent was gradually receiving a larger space in the cosmographies
at this period, and Franck actually assigns it a whole section, as one of the four
parts of the world. The historic and geographic description of Africa occupies

SEBASTIANO FRANCO WOEDENSI. 251

Here among the greatest plotters, and in the holy
city, the lesson would be most effective. It might
also be claimed that the chiefs were the guilty ones,
and should alone have suffered, not the citizens and
soldiers; but they were also in arms, even if sub-
ordinate, and such discrimination is not observed in
our own age.

Outrages equally as cruel are to-day exculpated
throughout Christendom as exigencies of war. If
we, then, overlook such deeds, how much more ex-
cusable are they in the more bloody times of Cortes?
But neither now nor then can war, with any of its
attendant atrocities, be regarded by right-thinking,
humane men as aught but beastly, horrible, diabolical.

the first and smallest section; Europe follows and absorbs about half the
pages, while Asia receives 100 folios, and America the remainder, beginning
at folio 210. The heading reads: Von America dem vierdten teyl derwelt,
Anno M.CCCC.XCVII. erfunden; but after this chapter follow several pages
on Portuguese discoveries in Africa and eastward, till folio 220, when begins
the voyage of Columbus, ' sunst Dauber genant, ' the German translation of
the admiral's name. After several chapters on the physical features, natural
resources, and inhabitants of the new discoveries, comes one relating how
Americus Vespucius found the fourth part of the world. This is followed by
three pages of matter on Asia, as if the author, fearful of forgetting it, there
and then gave his story. Several interpolations occur, but the chief portion
of the remaining folios relates to Cortes' conquest of Mexico. The carelessly
compiled and badly arranged material of the volume claims to be based on over
sixty authorities, among which figure Apianus, Munster, Vespucci, Columbus,
and Cortes. The affix Wordensi indicates that Franck was a Hollander,
although he is often referred to as a German, probably because his life was
passed chiefly in Germany. Here he issued, among other works, a not very
orthodox chronicle, which was excommunicated at Strasburg. Franck was
chased from more than one place, but enjoys the honor of standing in the first
class among authors condemned by the Roman Church, and of having been
deemed worthy of special refutation by Luther and Melancthon. Even the
liberal-minded Bayle, after applying the term Anabaptist, refers to him as ' un
vrai fanatique.' Diet. Hist., ii. 1216.

CHAPTER XV.

FROM CHOLULA TO IZTAPALAPAN".
October-November, 1519.

Montezuma Consults the Gods — He again Begs the Strangers not to
Come to Him — Popocatepetl and Iztaccihuatl — News prom Villa
Rica — Death of Escalante — Return op the Cempoalan Allies —
Again en route for Mexico — Reception at Huexotzinco — First
View of the Mexican Valley — Exultations and Misgivings — Rest-
ing at Quauhtechcatl — The Counterfeit Montezuma — Munificent
Presents — The Emperor Attempts to Annihilate the Army by
Means of Sorcerers — Through Quauhtechcatl, Amaquemecan, and
Tlalmanalco — A Brilliant Procession Heralds the Coming of
Cacama, King of Tezcuco — At Cuitlahuac — Met by Ixtlilxochitl —
The Hospitality of Iztapalapan.

Elated by his success, Cortes again spoke to the
Aztec embassadors, telling: them in an aggrieved
tone that proofs existed connecting Mexican troops
with the recent plot, and that it would be only just
for him to enter and desolate the country for such
perfidy. The envoys protested their ignorance of any
such complicity, and offered to send one of their num-
ber to Mexico to ascertain what ground there was
for the charge. This Cortes agreed to, expressing at
the same time the opinion that Montezuma, after all
his friendly demeanor, could hardly have favored the
treachery. He regarded him as a friend, both for the
sake of his king and for himself, and it was out of
deference to him that he had spared the Cholultecs
from total extermination.1

When the envoy reached Mexico he found that his
master had retired to grieve over the fate of the holy

1 Cortes, Cartas, 75-6; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 96-7.

(252)

ANOTHER MIRACLE. 253

city, or more probably over the defeat of his plans,
and to appeal to the incensed gods by prayers and
fastings, while the priests supported the invocations
with reeking human hearts.2 But the holocaust was
in vain, for a miraculous incident frightened the idols
into silence. Among the victims, says a sacred
chronicle, was a Tlascaltec, who, while stretched on
the sacrificial stone, called loudly on the God of the
advancing Spaniards to deliver him. The words were
yet on his lips when a dazzling light enveloped the
place, revealing a bright -clad being with diadem and
large wings. The priests fell awe -stricken to the
ground, while the angel advanced to cheer their
victim with hopeful words of a happy future. He
was told to announce to the priests that soon the
shedding of human blood would cease, for those
destined to rule the land were at hand. This the
victim did, when the sacrifices were resumed, and
with the name of God the last upon his lips his spirit
rose to a brighter world.3

The downfall of Cholula resounded throughout the
land, and the Spaniards were now almost universally
confirmed as divine beings, from whom nothing could
be kept secret, and whose anger was fierce and de-
vastating. One effect was the arrival of envoys from
quite a number of surrounding chieftains, bearing pres-
ents, partly with a view of gaining the good-will of the
dreaded strangers, partly to offer congratulations.4 As
for Montezuma, his awe deepened into terror as the
reports came in and the half threatening message of

' Sacrificassen cinco mill personas para festejar e* aplacar sus dioses.
Oviedo, iii. 499. ' Estuuo encerrado en sus deuociones, y sacrificios dos dias
juntamente con diez Papas.' Bcrnal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 61. 'Estuuo en
oration, y ayuno ocho dias.' Gomara, Hist. Mcx., 97. 'Si ritird al palazzo
llUlanrcdmecatl, dcstinato pel tempo di duolo.' Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 69.

3 Mendicla, Hist. Edes., 182; Uemesal, Hist. Chyapn, 304. According to
Arias dc Villalobos, the idol was already stricken mute by the shadow of
the approaching cross; the angel released the captive, one of 500 destined for
slaughter, and he set forth to join the Spaniards. Vetancvrt, TeatroMcx., pt.
iii. 126. J i > i

4 From the lord of Tepeaca came 30 female slaves and some gold, and
from Huexotzinco a wooden box, bordered with gold and silver, containing
jewels worth 400 pesos de oro. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii.

254 FROM CHOLULA TO IZTAPALAPAN.

the invader was delivered him. It would be dangerous
indeed to admit these beings; but how prevent it?
Thus revolving the matter, Montezuma had recourse
once more to timid entreaties. His envoy returned
to Cholula within a week, accompanied by the former
chief of the commission, and brought ten plates of
gold,5 fifteen hundred robes, and a quantity of fowl
and delicacies, together with the assurance that he
not only had had no share in the plot, but desired to
see the Cholultecs further chastised for their treach-
ery. The Mexican troops near Cholula belonged to
the garrisons of Acatzingo and Itzucan provinces,
and had marched to the aid of that city without his
knowledge, prompted wholly by neighborly friend-
ship. He begged the Spanish leader not to proceed
to Mexico, where want would stare him in the face,
but to present his demands by messengers, so that
they might be complied with. Cortes replied that
he must obey the orders of his king, which were to
deliver to the emperor in person6 the friendly com-
munications with which he had been intrusted. With
this object he had crossed vast oceans and fought his
way through hosts of enemies. The privations and
dangers depicted could not deter him, for naught
availed against his forces, in field or in town, by day
or by night.

Finding objections futile, Montezuma again con-
sulted the idols. Their ruffled spirit had evidently been
soothed by this time, for now came the oracle to in-
vite the strangers to Mexico. Once there, it was
added, retreat should be cut off, and their lives offered
on the altar.7 This utterance was favored by the
counsellors on the ground that if the Spaniards were

5 'Ten thousand pesos de oro,' says Torquemada, i. 442.

6 Corfcs, Cartas, 7o-6; Torquemada, i. 442. Gomara is confused about
these messages between Cholula and Mexico, while Bernal Diaz ignores this
attempt to keep back the Spaniards.

7 ' Quitarnos la comida, e agua, 6 alcar qualquiera de las puentes, nos ma-
teria, y que en vn dia, si nos daua guerra, no quedaria ninguno de nosotros a
vida. ' This oracle came from Huitzilopochtli. The bodies should be eateu.
Bemal Diaz, Hist. Vtrdad., 61; Oviedo, iii. 499; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97.

POPOCATEPETL AND IZTACCIHUATL. 255

opposed they and their allies might ravage the coun-
try. The emperor accordingly sent an invitation,
promising that, although. the situation of the capital
made it difficult to provide food, he would do his best
to entertain them and give proofs of his friendship.
The towns en route had orders to supply all their
wants.8

The story is not without a parallel in classic litera-
ture. As Montezuma awaited the approach of Cortes,
so old King Latinus awaited the arrival of ^Eneas
and his Trojan warriors; refusing to give battle, or to
fight the destinies, and curbing his impetuous people
by quoting the oracle.

Along the western horizon of Cholula, at a distance
of eight leagues, runs the mountain range which
separates the plain of Huitzilapan from the valley of
Mexico. And like sentinels upon it stand, in close
proximity, the two volcanic peaks of Popocatepetl
and Iztaccihuatl, terms signifying respectively 'the
smoking mountain' and 'the white woman,' and indeed
most apt, the former being suggested by the frequent
eruptions, the latter by the snowy covering which falls
like a tilmatli mantle from a woman's shoulders. Tra-
dition has it that Iztaccihuatl was the wife of her
neighbor, whose noise and fumes were caused by the
agonies of tyrants who there underwent purification
ere they could enter final rest.9 While the Spaniards
were at Cholula, Popocatepetl was in eruption, an
evil omen with the Indians, foreshadowing the dis-
turbances soon to overwhelm the country. Interested
by a sight so curious and novel, and desirous of
ascertaining for himself and the king the " secret
of this smoke," Cortes consented to let Ordaz ascend
the volcano. The Indians sought to dissuade him

8 Cortes, Cartas, 77. Bemal Diaz relates that six chiefs brought this mes-
sage, together with a number of gold jewels, worth upward of 2000 pesos,
and some loads of robes. Hist, Verdad. , 62. Most authors are, like Gomara,
■amewhat confused about these messages.

9 Gomara, J list. Max., 96. 'Algunos querian decir que era boca del in*
fierno.' Motolinia, Hist, hid., 180; Torquemada, i. 436-7.

256 FROM CHOLULA TO IZTAPALAPAN".

from an undertaking which had never been attempted,
and which would in their opinion surely involve the
life of him who ventured on it. This made Ordaz only
more eager to exhibit his daring, and joined by nine
men he set out under the guidance of some citizens
and carriers who had been persuaded to go part of
the way. They had not climbed far into the cooler
region before the quaking ground and ash-rain caused
the party to halt. Ordaz and two of his men con-
tinued, however, beyond the limits of vegetation, and
over the stones and bowlders which covered the sandy
expanse fringing the region of perpetual snow. At
one time the outburst of ashes and heated stones
obliged them to seek shelter for an hour, after which
they sturdily climbed onward, turning from their path
for a while by the projecting rock now known as Pico
del Fraile, and almost losing themselves in the ash-
covered snow. One more effort they made, despite the
difficulties encountered in the rarefied atmosphere of
this altitude, and finally they reached the summit,
more than seventeen thousand seven hundred feet
above the level of the sea. A short distance to the
north rose the consort peak, three thousand feet less
in height, and at their feet extended the field of their
future campaign, in the valley to the east. The crater
was nearly half a league in width, though not deep,
and presented the appearance of a caldron of boiling
glass, as says Gomara. The situation was too op-
pressive to permit of further observations, and after
securing some snow and icicles as trophies, the men
hastened to retrace their steps by the. already trodden
path. On their return they were received with great
demonstration, the natives in particular extolling their
deed as something superhuman.10

10 'Vinieron muchos Indios abesarles la ropa, y a verlos, como por milagro,
6 como a dioses. ' Gomara, Hist. Mex. , 96. According to Cortes they failed
to reach the summit, although coming very near to it. But this statement is
open to doubt, for Cortes is not liberal in according credit to others where it
might tend to call attention from himself, particularly to a man like Ordaz,
who had, until quite lately, been his most bitter opponent. Gomara had
evidently good authority for his statement, since he in this case failed to fol-

SEBASTIAN" MUNSTER. 257

While preparing to leave Cholula, Cortes was
startled by news from Villa Rica of a conflict with
Mexicans, resulting in the death of Escalante and

low his patron's version; and Bernal Diaz, who is always ready to contradict
him, and who was no friend of Ordaz, does also admit that he reached the
summit. He gives him only two companions, however, and starts them from
Tlascala. Hist. Verdad., 55. Leading modern authors are inclined to doubt
their success. Prescott, Brasseur de Bourbourg, and others, from a misin-
terpretation of CorteV text, allow the ascent to be made while the army was
camped on the summit of the range, en route for Mexico.

Ordaz no doubt claimed to have reached the summit, since the emperor
granted him a coat of arms, wherein the achievement is commemorated by a
blazing mountain. Had he not merited it, his many jealous companions would
surely have raised a clamor. He became also a knight of Santiago, in acknowl-
edgment of his services during the conquest. Having beside acquired great
wealth, he might have rested on his laurels; but eager to emulate his late chief,
he in 1530 petitioned for and obtained the governorship of the tract between
Rio Maranon and Cabo de la Vela, in South America, with a right to ex-
tend the conquest. After suffering great hardship there he set out for
Spain, two years later, to recruit his health and seek redress against rival con-
querors. He died on the way. Oviedo, ii. 211-24; Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x.
cap. ix. ; dec. v. lib. i. cap. xi. Simon has him arraigned at Espaiiola for
cruelty to his men, etc. Ordaz insists on going to Spain for justice, and
fearing the result, since he stood in high favor there, his enemies poisoned him
during the voyage. Conq. Tierra Firme, 104-35. His portrait is given in Car
bajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 192, and Prescott's Mex. (Gondra ed. of Mex. ),
iii. 221. 'Su familia establecida en Puebla, en donde creo que todavia quedan
descendientes suyos.' Alaman, Disert., i. 101. Montano, among other con-
querors, made the ascent of the volcano not long after this, and he is even
said to have descended into the crater. Padre Sahagun also reached the sum-
mit. Hist. Gen., iii. 317; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. xviii. ; Torquemada, i.
436-7 ; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. ii. The next successful ascent was not made
till 1827, by Messrs Glennie. Sonneschmidt had explored Popocatepetl par-
tially only in 1772, but had reached the summit of the consort peak. Berkbeck
explored in the same year as the Glennies. Gerolt and Gros attempted the
ascent in 1833 and 1834, and succeeded in reaching the summit on the second
occasion. The record is given in Revista Mex., i. 461-82. In 1857 the Mexican
government sent up a successful exploring expedition under Sonntag and La-
verriere, whose report, with drawings, is given in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, vi.
218-45. Meanwhile the observations of Gerolt and Gros had led to the
examination of the crater for sulphur, an industry carried on pretty regularly
since 1836. The volcano was in frequent eruption about the conquest period,
as if in sympathy with the political turmoils around it. One of the heaviest
discharges recorded took place in 1539-40, which covered the neighboring
towns, as far as Tlascala, with ashes. Since then it has been comparatively
silent, the last two outbreaks being in 1663-4 and 1697. ubi sup., 204-5;
m nidi Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 55; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. xviii. The erup-
tion of 1663-4 created great terror in Puebla, as Vetancurt relates. Teatro
Mex. , pt. i. 26. Bustamante extends this activity to 1665. Sahagun, Hist. Gonq.
(ed. 1840), 75.

Rude cuts of the volcanic eruption of 1519 are to be seen in the old and
curious cosmographies of Sebastian Munster. This learned man, famous as a
Hebrew scholar, as mathematician and cartographer, was the author of some
forty printed works, and would probably have issued as many more had not
the plague cut him off at Basle, in 1552, at the age of 63. His editions of
Ptolemy's Geography began in 1540, and in the following year, according
to Labanoff's Catalogue, appeared the first edition of his Cosmographia Be-
Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 17

253 FROM CHOLULA TO IZTAPALAPAN.

several soldiers. On the northern border of the
Totonac territory, bathed by the Gulf of Mexico, lay
the town and district of Nautla, which together with

schreibung; but this date, accepted by several bibliographers, as well as that
of 1543 for a Latin edition, are evidently wrong, since Munster in his dedi-
cation of 1550, to King Gustavus I. of Sweden, remarks that ' Inn dise dritt
edition' he had hoped to include a description of Stockholm and other towns
under the king, but had not received a reply to his demands therefor. A
few lines above this he writes equally to the point : ' Als ich aber vor sechs
jaren noch mit diser arbeit vmbgieng, ist zii mir kommen E. K. M. diener,
der hochgelert herr, herr Georgius Normannus, dem ich vorhin auss etlichen
biichern vnder meinem namen aussgangen, bekat wz, vnd als er besichtiget
dise flirgenomen arbeit, schetzet er sie wol wirdig, das sie vnd dem kiinig-
liche schirm E. M. an tag karne. ' Nothing could more conclusively show that
the work had not appeared in print before 1544. The second edition appeared
in 1545. The title of the first reads: Cosmographia. Beschreibug alter Lender
Durch Sebasiianum Munsterum. Getruclct zii Basel durch Henrichum Petri.
Anno MDxliiij. The Gothic text is accompanied by marginals in Italics,
and illustrated with numerous small wood-cuts, some being of the charac-
ter which permits their reproduction in different chapters and for different
countries. In the African division we find beings of the Anubis and Poly-
phemus type, and animal monsters of different form. In the dedication to
Gustavus, Munster speaks of having spent eighteen years in collecting and
arranging his material, on the plan of ' de hochgelerten man Straboi,' which is
not very flattering to that geographer, if the method before us be accepted as
a specimen. He divides the volume into six books — the first devoted to mathe-
matical geography, the next three to a general rambling description of Europe,
chiefly with reference to the natural resources and settlements of the different
countries. In the third book, covering two thirds of the text, and relating to
Germany, each little province receives a historic notice, and every town and
castle of any note its description, with rude wood-cuts attached. The next
division given at some length is Asia, to which is appended half a dozen
pages on America, while Africa closes with the sixth book and about three
times that amount of text. The one chapter relating to our continent is
headed, Von den neuwen inseln, and gives a vague account of the discovery, the
physical features and natural products of the land, the inhabitants and their
customs, illustrated with several cuts, among them a volcano in eruption and
two cannibal scenes. The regular maps are grouped at the beginning of the
volume, each on the verso and recto of two leaves, bearing on the first recto
the title, inclosed in a border more or less ornamented with portraits, symbols,
and arabesque. The mappemonde shows Terra Florida and Francisia on each
side of a bay. Above this runs a wide strait marked Per hoc fretii iter paiit
ad Mohicas, which issues between Cathay regio and Temistitan. Below this
land are placed Hispaniola and Cuba, at the mouth of another wide strait,
bounded on the south by the large island of America *eu insula BrasiMj.
Further down is Fretii Magaliani, with a large island to the south. The map
for America bears the inscription : ' Die newe iceldt der grossen und viJen Inselen.'
The second edition of 1545 is considerably enlarged, the chapter on America
covering nine pages. In the third edition, of 1550, the wood-cuts are increased
by a number of large plans, views of towns, and other scenes by Deutsch,
making this the most attractive volume for collectors. A portrait of the author
in his sixtieth year is also given. The various editions in different languages,
issued even in the following century, vary considerably in arrangement and
extent, and that of 1614, although improved and enlarged to 1575 pages,
devotes only ten to America, while previous editions contain more material
thereon. The binding is provided with bosses, clasps, and vellum cover,
impressed with tracery, portraits, and emblems.

BATTLE OF NAUTLA. 239

its river had received from Grijalva the name of
Almeria.11 This was occupied by an Aztec garrison
under Quauhpopoca,12 whose Aztec pride and loyalty to
Montezuma could ill brook the independence achieved
by the Totonacs, and who probably grieved over the
loss of slaves and other contributions which once
swelled his income. No sooner had Cortes disap-
peared beyond the plateau border than my lord grew
audacious, encouraged no doubt by the express or tacit
consent of his sovereign, and demanded from the nei^h-
boring Totonacs the customary tribute, under penalty
of having their lands ravaged. They refused, pointing
out that they were now the subjects of the great white
king. Escalante being appealed to for protection, sent
a message explaining that the independence of the
people had de facto been recognized by Montezuma,
with whom he was on friendly terms. He would
allow no interference with them. Quauhpopoca re-
plied that his answer would be given on the battle-
field. Escalante, nothing loath, set out at once with
fifty men, two horses, and two cannon, attended by
several thousand Totonacs,13 and reached the vicinity
of Nautla, where Quauhpopoca was already commit-
ting depredations. The armies met, and a fierce battle
ensued. Awed by the remembrance of former defeats
at the hands of the Aztecs, the Totonacs comported
themselves so poorly14 that the brunt of the fight had
to be borne by the Spaniards, of whom several were
killed and wounded, while one was captured, and a
horse destroyed. The enemy was put to flight, but it
has been said as an excuse for their defeat the Mexican
officers declared to Montezuma that the virgin bearing
an infant led the Spaniards in their attack which spread

11 Cap. iii. note 1.

12 ' Quauhpopocatzin, seflor de Coyohuacan, uno de los grandes del imperio,
que asistia en Nauhtlan, y estaba d su cargo el gobierno de las costas del mar
delnorte.' Ixtiilxochitl, Hist. Chick., 296.

13Bernal Diaz writes, 40 soldiers, 2 cannon, 2 firelocks, 3 cross-bows and
2000 natives ; Cortes, 50 Spaniards and 8000 to 10,000 Indians, ' y doce tiros
de polvora. ' Cartas, 88.

11 'A la primera refriega huyeron, y dexaron al Juan de Escalante pele-

ando,' says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 74.

260 FROM CHOLULA TO IZTAPALAPAN".

terror and fearful slaughter in their ranks.15 Esca-
lante laid waste the district, and captured Nautla town,
which was sacked and burned. This lesson finished,
he hastened back to Villa Rica, and there within three
days succumbed to his wounds together with several
soldiers, so that the campaign cost the lives of seven
or nine men.16 From prisoners it was understood that
Quauhpopoca had acted wholly under orders from
Montezuma. The captured soldier was Arguello, of
Leon, a young man of powerful frame, with a large
head and a curly black beard. He appears to have
died from his wounds on the way to Mexico, and the
head was presented to the emperor. Its wild ap-
pearance, however, increased by the black, curly beard,
made so bad an impression upon him that he refused
to offer it to life idols, ordering it to be sent to some
other town.17

15 'And Montezuma believed this to be the great lady whom we claimed
for patroness. ' ' Todos los soldados que passamos con Cortes, tenemos muy
creido.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 74.

10 ' Seis soldados juntamente con 61. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. , 73. ' Nueue
Espanoles,' says Gomara, who assumes that two were previously assassinated
by Quauhpopoca. Hist. Ilex., 122, 129.

17 According to Bernal Diaz, whose version is chiefly adhered to, the death
of so many soldiers caused the Spaniards to fall somewhat in the estimation
of the Indians, who had looked upon them as invulnerable beings. 'Y
que todos los pueblos de la sierra, y Cempoal, y su sujeto, estan alterados. y
no les quieren dar comida, ni servir.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 73-4.
But this is probably an exaggeration, for Cortes would not have ventured to
send down a new comandante almost without escort, or to have remained
quietly at Mexico for months, had his rear been so threatened. Cortes, who
should be regarded as the best authority, gives a curious motive for the cam-
paign. Qualpopoca, as he calls him, sent a message to Escalante, offering to
become a vassal of the Spanish king. He had not submitted before, fearing to
pass through the intervening hostile country; but if four soldiers were sent to
escort him, he would come with them. Believing this protestation, Escalante
sent the four men, two of whom wounded returned shortly after with the
story that Quauhpopoca had sought to kill them, and had succeeded in despatch-
ing their comrades. This led to the expedition of Escalante. Cartas, 87-8.
It appears most unlikely that this officer should have so far forgotten the pru-
dence ever enjoined on his captains by CortCs, and trusted only four men
in an unknown country, in response to so suspicious a request. There was
beside no need for Quauhpopoca to go to Villa Rica, since his submission
through envoys would be just as binding. If he desired to see the Spanish
fort, he could have gone safely by water, for large canoes were used on the
coast. It is not improbable that the story was made up to justify the ex-
pedition sent against Nautla, since a campaign by a small force, merely on
behalf of a wretched tribe of natives, might have been regarded as unwar-
ranted. This story was also useful afterward, when Cortes first thought

DEPARTURE FROM CHOLULA. 261

Fearing that these tidings might dishearten the
men, Cortes said nothing about the affair;18 but it
had nevertheless a bad effect, for the Cempoalan
allies, who had learned a few particulars from the
messengers, requested at the last moment to be dis-
missed to their homes, pleading not only the long
absence from their families, but the fear of being
treated at Mexico as rebels. Cortes sought to reas-
sure them, declaring that no harm could reach any
one under his protection. Furthermore he would
enrich thenft But the larger portion still insisted, and
since they had served him well he did not wish to
compel them. Several packs of the rich robes ob-
tained from Mexico were accordingly divided among
the leaders, two packages being destined for Chico-
macatl and his nephew Cuexco, and with this parting
gift all but a small body returned to Cempoala.19

After a stay at Cholula of nearly three weeks20 the
Spaniards set out for Mexico, attended by about six
thousand natives, chiefly Tlascaltecs, with a sprink-
ling of Cempoalans, Cholultecs, and Huexotzincas

21

proper to reveal it, for rousing his men to action. Gomara follows Cortes,
with the difference that Pedro de Ircio, as he wrongly calls the captain at
V t'la Rica, having orders from Cortes to anticipate Garay by incorporating
Almeria, sent an order to Quauhpopoca to tender his submission. This he
agreed to do, provided the four Spaniards were sent to escort him. Gomara
appears to favor the view that Quauhpopoca acted on his own responsibility,
for he says that this chief *sent to warn Montezuma of Cortes' intention to
usurp the empire, and to urge upon him to seize the white captain. Jlist.
Mex., 122, 129. Bernal Diaz stamps this account as false. Peter Martyr,
dec. v. cap. iii., assumes that the two Spaniards were slain by robbers, so
that Quauhpopoca was innocent of any misdeed. Tapia's version is incom-
plete, but appears to favor Bernal Diaz. In Duran's native record, Coatlpo-
poca appears as the guide of the Spaniards. He treacherously leads them
along a precipice, over which two horsemen fall with their steeds, and are
killed. For this he is tried and executed. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 411-13.

18 He reveals it only after his arrival at Mexico, and thus leads Bernal Diaz
to assume that the news reached him there. In this he is followed by
Herrcra, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. i., and consequently by Torquemada, i. 455.

19 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., C2; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97; Torquemada,
i. 442.

20 The estimate varies from fourteen days, Herrcra, to over twenty days,
Gomara. By assuming that nineteen days were spent at Cholula, the army
has a week in which to reach Mexico., and this is about the time consumed.

21 Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97. 'Saliedo acompafiarlc los senores de Chulula,
y con gran marauilla de los Embaxadores Mexicanos.' Herrcra, dec. ii. lib.
vii. cap. iii. 'Andauamos la barba sobre el ombro, ' says Bernal Diaz, in allu-
sion to the precautions observed. Hist. Verdad. , 63.

262 FROM CHOLULA TO IZTAPALAPAN".

They passed through Huexotzinco by a route already
followed by Orclaz, and recommended as the best
and safest. The first camp was made at the Huexot-
zinca village of Izcalpan, over four leagues from Cho-
lula, where they met with a most friendly reception,
and received abundant provisions, together with some
female slaves and a little gold. Leaving behind them
the smiling plain of Huitzilapan, where they had
overcome so many dangers and obtained so many
proofs of good -will, on the following day they ap-
proached the mountains and came upon the regular
highway which leads across the range to the valley
of Mexico. The junction of the roads was at the
south-west border of Huexotzinco, where the Mexi-
cans had left a proof of their hostility toward this
republic, allied to Tlascala, by blocking up the way
with trees and other material.22 These were removed,
and the army began the steep ascent of the pass,

22 Bernal Diaz relates in a confused manner that at Izcalpan the Span-
iards were told of two wide roads beginning beyond the first pass. One, easy
and open, led to Chalco; the other, to Tlalmanalco, had been obstructed with
trees to impede the horses, and so induce the army to take the Chalco route,
upon which the Aztecs lay in ambush, ready to fall upon them. Hist. Verdad. , C3.
This finds some support in Sahagun, whose mythic account relates that Mon-
tezuma, in his fear of the advancing forces, had blocked the direct road to
Mexico and planted maguey upon it, so as to direct them to Tezcuco. Hist.
Conq., 21. CortCs indicates clearly enough that the Mexican envoys had at
Cholula recommended a route leading from that city south of Huexotzinco
to the usual mountain pass, and used by their people in order to avoid this
inimical territory. Upon it every accommodation had been prepared for
the Spaniards. This road was not only circuitous, but had been declared by
Tlasca.tecs and others as hard and perilous, with deep ravines, spanned by
narrow and insecure bridges, and with Aztec armies lying in ambush. Cortes,
Cartas, 76-8; Tapia, Bel., hxleazbalccta, Col. Doc., ii. 574. Peter Martyr, dec.
v. cap. ii. , calls this route shorter and easier, though more dangerous. Cer-
tain remarks by Bernal Diaz indicate that the ambush had been arranged in
connection with the plot at Cholula, and abandoned upon its failure, loc. cit.
There could hardly have been more than one route across the range, through
the pass wherein the Aztecs had erected their station for travellers, and this
the Spaniards did follow. Here also accommodation was prepared for them,
and here the embassy from Montezuma appeared. Hence the obstructions
spoken of must have been at the junction of the Huexotzinca road with the
main road from Cholula to the pass, and intended as an intimation to the
Huexotzincas or to the Mexicans not to trespass. They could have been of
no avail against the Spaniards, who were beside invited to enter on the
main road then at hand. These are facts overlooked by Prescott, Clavigero,
and writers generally who have lost themselves in the vague and confused
utterances of the chroniclers, and in seeking to elaborate a most simple affair.
Modern travellers follow the easier and less picturesque route north of Iztacci-

THE VALLEY OF MEXICO. 203

pressing onward against the chilling winds which
swept down from its frozen heights, and before long
they were tramping through the snow which covered
the summit.

Here they were cheered by a sight which made
them, for the moment at least, forget their hard-
ships. A turn in the road disclosed the valley of
Mexico — the object of their toil and suffering — ■
stretching from the slope of the forest-clad ranges at
their feet as far as the eye could reach, and presenting
one picturesque intermingling of green prairies, golden
fields, and blooming gardens, clustering round a series
of lakes. Towns lay thickly sprinkled, revealed by
towering edifices and gleaming walls, and conspicu-
ous above all, the queen city herself, placidly reposing
upon the mirrored surface of the larger water. Above
her rose the cypress-crowned hill of Chapultepec, with
its stately palace consecrated to the glories of Aztec
domination.23

The first transport over, there came a revulsion
of feeling. The evidently dense population of the
valley and the many fortified towns confirmed the
mysterious warnings of the allies against a pow-
erful and warlike people, and again the longing for
the snug and secure plantations of Cuba found ex-
pression among the faint-hearted, as they shivered in
the icy blast and wrapped themselves the closer in
the absence of food and shelter. In this frame of
mind the glistening farm-houses seemed only so many
troops of savage warriors, lurking amidst the copses
end arbors for victims to grace the stone of sacrifice
and the festive board; and the stately towns appeared
impregnable fortresses, which promised only to become
their prisons and graves. So loud grew the murmur

huatl, which skirts Mount Tclapon. This was the road recommended by
Ixtlilxochitl, leading through Calpulalpan, where he promised to join him
with his army; but Cortes preferred to trust to his own arms and to his Tlas-
caltec followers. Torquemada, i. 442.

23 'Dezian algunos Castellanos, que aquella era la tierra para su buena
dicha prometida, y que mientras mas Moros, mas ganancia. ' llerrera, dec. ii.
lib. vii. cap. iii.

264 FROM CHOLULA TO IZTAPALAPAN.

as to indicate mutiny; but Cortes, with his usual
firm words, quieted the soldiers, supported as he was
by the spirited majority.24

After descending for a short distance they came
to the travellers' station of Quauhtechcatl,25 whose
commodious edifices afforded room for the whole army.
The Mexicans had prepared for the arrival by fur-
nishing an abundance of provisions, with fires in all
the rooms, and the tired soldiers eagerly gave them-
selves up to repose.26 No less exhausted than they,
Cortes nevertheless could not think of rest till he
had seen to the security of the camp. His prudence
on this occasion came near costing him dearly, for
in the darkness a sentinel taking him for a spy
drew his cross-bow. Fortunately he heard the click
and announced himself.27 This promptness on the
part of the guard was by no means unnecessarj7 ;
during the night a dozen or more prowling natives
met the fate which the general so narrowly escaped.
They were supposed to have been the spies of an army
hidden in the forest, which, on observing the watch-
fulness of the Spaniards, abandoned the premeditated
attack.28

Montezuma's fears appeared to grow with the ap-
proach of Cortes, and so did his anxiety about the
import of the message which must be delivered to him
alone. Could there be a design upon his person? This
must be ascertained before the invaders came too

24 Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97; Oviedo, iii. 500.

25 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 295. Torquemada, followed by Brasseur de
Bourbourg and others, calls it Ithualco, which appears rather to have been a
general term for these stations, since ithualli, according to Molina, signifies a
court. Peter Martyr and Gomara refer to it as a summer palace.

26 Cortes, Cartas, 79. ' Aun que para los Tantiemes hizieron los de Moteccuma
chocas de paja. . . .y aun les tenian mugeres.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97. 'Los
Indios hizieron de presto muchas barracas,' says Herrera, who places this
'casa de plazer' in the plain below, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii. Tapia calls the
buildings 'casas de paja.' Re'acion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 578.

27 Martin Lopez was the watchful sentinel. Torquemada, i. 443.

28 Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 577; Cortes, Cartas, 80. Herrera
intimates that an attack on the summit, where the Spaniards were benumbed
with cold, might have succeeded in creating confusion, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap.
iii. Unless the naked Indians had been equally benumbed !

MONTEZUMA'S SUBTERFUGE. 265

near. Among his courtiers was a noble named Tzihu-
acpopoca, who greatly resembled him in person and
voice. Him he commanded to proceed to the Spanish
camp, attended by a large retinue, and by representing
himself as the emperor to ascertain from the white
chief what his intentions were, and to induce him with
liberal offers to turn back. The idea was based on
an incident which had occurred not many years before,
wherein one of the tripartite monarchs saved his life
by appearing in proxy at a treacherous court. Monte-
zuma hoped to derive from a similar trick more than
one advantage.

Tzihuacpopoca arrived at the mountain camp the
morning after the Spaniards had entered it, and created
no little excitement by the announcement that the
emperor was present in person. Preparations were
made to give him a brilliant reception. Unfortu-
nately for the envoy, his secret had too many keepers
in the large suite attending him; there were also
many among the allies who had been at Montezuma's
court, and who looked on this sudden arrival as
suspicious. They made inquiries and soon ascer-
tained the truth. Cortes received the great man
with courtesy, heralded as he was with a present of
three thousand pesos de oro, but he resolved to take
advantage of the discovery to impress him with his
penetration. After a few moments' conversation he
told the noble with a severe tone that he was nut
the monarch he represented himself to be.29 He also
referred to the attempts made during the night to
surprise the camp, as indicated by the dead spies, and
assured him that his men were always prepared against
plots and deception, and any attempts against them
would lead only to the discomfiture and grief of the
enemy. Awed by the superior intelligence and power
of the general, the envoy thought no longer of any-
thing else than to keep such a man from entering

29 He appealed to the Tlascaltecs by his side, and they declared that they
knew him to be Tzihuacpopoca. Torquemada, i. 440.

266 FROM CHOLULA TO IZTAPALAPAK

Mexico. He presented among other reasons that the
city could be reached only in canoes, and that pro-
visions were difficult to obtain there. He repeated
the offer already made of an annual tribute payable
in treasures on the coast, and promised as a bribe for
Cortes himself four loads of gold, and for each of his
officers and men one load.30 Dazzling as the offer
was, Cortes regarded it as but a faint reflection of
still richer treasures, the attainment of which must
procure for him greater glory than he had as yet
dreamed of. In his reply he accordingly pointed out
how strange it must appear to turn back now that he
was within view of the goal. Such conduct would
disgrace any envoy. No! he dared not disobey the
orders of his king, who had sent him upon a mission
of great benefit to Montezuma. He would leave as
soon as this was accomplished, if desired.31

Nothing abashed by this rebuff, Montezuma again
had recourse to the black art, and sent a number of
sorcerers, the native records say, to cast spells on
the Spaniards. They soon returned with the report
that on nearing Tlalmanalco, Tezcatlipoca had ap-
peared to them in the guise of a drunken peasant,
frightening them greatly, and saying: " Pools, return!
Your mission is in vain! Montezuma will lose his
empire in punishment for tyranny, and I, I leave
Mexico to her fate and cast you off!" The sorcerers
recognized the god, and prostrated themselves to
adore him, but he spurned their devotion, rebuking
them, and finally pointed to Mexico, saying : " Be-
hold her doom ! " Looking round they saw her
enveloped in flames, and the inhabitants in conflict

30 A load being at least 50 pounds, the bribe swells to over $5,000,000.

31 Cortes and Martyr call the envoy a brother of Montezuma. Cartas, 79;
dec. v. cap. ii. ; Gomaraand Herrera, a relative. Hist. Mcx., 98; dec. ii. lib. vii.
cap. iii. According to Bernal Diaz, the bribe is offered by four nobles at Tlal-
manalco. Hist. Verdad. , 64. Sahagun, who is the original authority for the
story of ' Tzioacpupuca's ' attempt to pass himself off for Montezuma, says that
CortCs was highly indignant at the deception, ' y luego con afrenta enviaron
a aquel principal y a todos los que con el habian venido. ' Hist. Conq., 19;
Torqucmada, i. 445-6.

CACAMA'S ADVICE. 267

with white men. On turning again to beseech the
god he was gone.32

Montezuma was in consultation with his advisers
when this report was brought. As if pierced by
death's dart, the monarch bowed low his head and
moaned: "We are lost! We are lost!"33 Less im-
pressed with superstitious fear by an incident which
he regarded as concocted by the sorcerers, Cuitla-
huatzin vividly presented the danger of admitting
such determined and powerful intruders within the
city, and he boldly urged that they be forbidden to
enter, by force of arms if need be. Cacama remon-
strated that after inviting them such a course would
savor of fear. The emperor owed it to his exalted
station and power to receive envoys. If they proved
objectionable, the city should become their tomb.
Surely his nobles and his armies were able to over-
come so small a number, assisted by the strategic
advantages of the place in its approaches and re-
sources. To the affrighted monarch anything was
acceptable that would stay prompt action, and conse-
quently defer the ruin which he feared. He at once
inclined to Cacama's advice, stipulating, however,
that he, king as he was, should condescend to meet
the Spaniards and sound their intentions. "May the

32 Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 20-1; Acosta, Hist. Ind., 519-20; Torquemada,
i. 447. Solis, the 'penetrating historian,' repeats and improves upon this as
an account taken from ' autores fidedignos. ' Hist. Mex. , i. 353. And with a
similar belief it has been given a prominent place in West-vnnd Ost-Indischer
Lusti/art, 131. Gaspar Ens L. , the author, was one of the editors of the famous
set of De Bry, from which he like so many others borrowed text, if not en-
gravings. The narrator of several individual European travels, he also issued
the Lidice Occidentalis Historia, Coloniae, 1612. The German version, pub-
lished at Collen in 1618 in a small quarto form, under the above title, has
for its guiding principle the appropriate maxim of Horace, Omne tulit punctum
qui miscuit utile dulci. The first part, relating to America in general, is
divided into three sections, for physical and natural geography and Indian
customs, followed by discovery, voyages, and conquests, and concluding with
a review of political history, and an appendix on missionary progress. This
arrangement, however, is nominal rather than real, and the confusion, extend-
ing into chapters as well as sections, is increased by the incomplete and
undigested form of the material, enlivened, however, by an admixture of the
quaint and wonderful.

' Ya estamos para perdernos .... mexicanos somos, ponernos hemos -A lo
que viniese por la honra de la generacion .... Nacidos somos, venga lo que
viniere.' Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 21.

268 FROM CHOLULA TO IZTAPALAPAN.

gods not place within your house, my lord, one who
shall cast you forth and usurp the empire," was the
solemn warning of Cuitlahuatzin, as he heard this
resolution.34

• The Spaniards had meanwhile descended the wooded
sldpe from Quauhtechcatl to the cultivated district
round Amaquemecan, a city which, together with its
suburban villages for two leagues around, numbered
over twenty thousand families.35 The lord, Cacamatzin
Teotlateuchtli, received them in his own palace, and
entertained them most liberally during their two days'
stay, presenting them gifts of forty female slaves and
three thousand castellanos in gold. The chiefs of
Tlalmanalco and other neighboring1 towns came to
tender their respects, and encouraged by the reports
of Spanish prowess they hesitated not to lay bare
their grievances against the Aztecs, who oppressed
them with heavy taxes, robbed them of wives and
daughters, and carried the men into slavery. Cortes
encouraged the chiefs with fair promises, and was not
a little delighted at finding disaffection in the very
heart of the empire, whose power had been so much
extolled.36

Passing by way of Tlalmanalco through a succession
of flourishing maize and maguey fields, the Spaniards
reached Ayotzinco, a town at the south end of Chalco
lake.37 Here was seen the first specimen of the peculiar

34 ' Este parccer de Cuitlahuac, abracaron muchos de los Presentes. ' Tor-
qaemada, i. 444-5.

3i With seven towns and over 25,000 families, says Chimalpain, Hist.
Conq., 115. Herrera states that at the foot of the descent from the range
felled trees obstructed the road, and appearances indicated that an ambush
had been intended. Ilerrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii. .

36 Cortes, Cartas, S0-1. Bernal Diaz places this occurrence at Tlalmanalco,
■where the chiefs jointly offer eight female slaves, two packs of robes, and 150
pesos' worth of gold. They urge Cortes to remain with them rather than
trust himself within Mexico. This being declined, twenty chiefs go with
him to receive justice from the emperor at his intercession. Hist. Verdad., 63.
' Se (lieron por sus confederados. ' Sa/tagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 74.

37 For map of route see, beside those contained in this volume, Carbajal
Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 201, 538, and Ataman, in PrcscoWs Hist. Conq.
(ed. Mex. 1S44), i. 337, 3S4. The last maps in these books illustrate the later
siege operations round Mexico, and so does Orozco y Berra's, in Ciudad Mexico,
xVo'icias, 233. Prescott's route map, in. Mex., i. p. xxxiii., claims to be based
on Humboldt's, with corrections from the chroniclers.

CACAMA'S VISIT. 269

aquatic cities of the lake region. Half of the town
stood on piles, and was intersected by canals, wherein
the traffic, with canoes, was far livelier than in the
streets. The other half lay at the foot of steep hills,
upon one of which the Spaniards were encamped.
Prompted either by curiosity or by evil purposes, a
number of Indians attempted during the night to
enter the Spanish quarter, only to pay with their lives
for the indiscretion.38

In the morning messengers arrived requesting the
Spaniards to await the coming of Cacama. Shortly
after appeared a procession more brilliant than any
yet seen. In a litter profusely ornamented with gold,
silver, and feather ornaments, and even inlaid with
precious stones, sat the king of Tezcuco, a young man
of about twenty-five, carried by eight powerful caciques.
As he stepped out, attendants proceeded to sweep the
road, removing even the straws, while nobles held
over his head a canopy of green feathers, studded
with gems, to shield him from the sun. With stately
steps the monarch advanced toward Cortes, saluting
him in the customary manner.39 He had come, he
said, with these nobles, in the name of Montezuma,
their master, to serve him, and to provide all that was
needed. He thereupon presented a rich gift, to which
Cortes responded with three fine marcasite stones40
for himself, and with blue glass diamonds for the
nobles. In order to sound him, Cacama represented
that there existed almost insurmountable obstacles to
his entry into Mexico, among them the fears of the
populace, which had been aroused by terrible accounts
of the cruelty of his followers.41 Cortes sought to

33 ' Mataron dellos hasta veynte.' Oomara, Hint. Mex., 98. The chiefs com-
plained in secret of Montezuma. Tapia, Rel., in IcazbaJceta, Col. Doc, ii. 578.

39 By touching the ground with the hand and then bearing it to the lips.

40 Cortes ' le die- tres piedras, que se llaman margaritas, que tienen dentro
de si muchas pinturas de diuersas colores. ' Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 64.
A certain vagueness in the phrase has led some to translate it as a present of
three fine pearls for Cortes.

41 'No les quedaba sino decir que me defenderian el camino. ' Cortes, Cartas,
81. ' Dieron a entender que les ofenderia alia, y aun defenderia el passo y
entrada.' (Jomara, Hist. Mex., 98.

270 FROM CHOLULA TO IZTAPALAPAN.

reassure him, and declared that no obstacles were in-
surmountable to his men, whereupon Cacama hastened
to state that Montezuma himself would willingly
receive them, and did tender an invitation. He now
returned to Mexico to prepare for the inevitable visit,
leaving among the Spaniards the impression that if
he, the inferior king, exhibited such grandeur, that of
the emperor must indeed be imperial.42

Proceeding along the lake they entered upon a
causeway in width a spear's length, leading through
the waters for over a half league to "the prettiest
little town which we had yet seen, both with regard
to its well built houses and towers, and to its situa-
tion," as Cortes remarks. The admiring soldiers
called it Venezuela, or little Venice, the native name
being Cuitlahuac. It was situated on an islet, con-
nected also with the northern shore by an extension
of the causeway, and contained a population of about
two thousand families, supported chiefly by flori-
culture, which was carried on to a great extent
by means of chinampas, or floating gardens.43 The
chiefs came forth, headed by Atlpopocatzin,44 and
showed themselves most attentive. Here aofain com-
pliants were uttered about Aztec oppression, with the
warning that the Spaniards would meet with no true
friendship at Mexico.45

The Mexican envoys suspected the disaffection of
Cuitlahuac, and prevailed on the Spaniards to pass
onward to Iztapalapan, where preparations had been
made to receive them. As they neared the densely
populated lake district, the crowds became larger and
more curious, wondering at the fair hue and bushy

42 Bcrnal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 64. Ixtlilxochitl contradicts himself about
the place of meeting, and makes Cacama invite Cortes to Tezcuco. Hist. Chich.,
295; Id., Relation, 411. Torquemada does the same. i. 449.

43 Native Races, ii. 345-6, 575. Cortes mentions another smaller town in
the lake, without land communication. Cortes, Cartas, S2.

*4 'Pariente del rey de Mexico.' Chimalvain, Hist. Conq., 1 16. • Prince du
quartier de Ticic' Brasseur de Boarbounj, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 203.

4j ' Cortes, ca yua con determinacion de parar alii, y hazer barcas o fustas ....
con miedo no le rompiessen las calcadas (to Mexico).' Gomara, Hid. Mex.,99.

IXTLILXOCHITL'S MOVEMENTS. 271

beards of the strangers, and admiring the comely
horses, and the glittering arms and helmets. " Surely
they must be divine beings," some said, " coming as
they do from where the sun rises." "Or demons,"
hinted others. But the old men, wise in the records of
their race, sighed as they remembered the prophecies,
and muttered that these must be the predicted ones
who were to rule the land and be their masters.46 To
prevent the natives from mingling with his men, and
creating not only disorder but diminishing the awe
with which they were regarded, the horsemen in the
van received orders to keep the Indians at a respectful
distance. Iztapalapan was already in sight when a
large force of armed warriors was seen advancing, so
large that it seemed as if the armies of Mexico had
come to overwhelm them. They were reassured, how-
ever, by the announcement that it was Ixtlilxochitl
with his escort, intent on having an interview with
his proposed ally. The prince had urged upon Cortes
to take a more northern route and join him at Cal-
pulalpan, but finding that the general preferred the
Amaquemecan road, he had hastened to meet the
Spaniards on the lake. The approach of this personage
had made the court of Tezcuco more pliable to one
whose designs were well understood. When Ixtlil-
xochitl therefore came near the citv, the elder brother,
Cohuanacotzin, made efforts for a closer conciliation
with himself and Cacama.47 The opportunity was
favorable, for the indisposition of Cortes to enter
actively into the plans of the former, and his advance
on Mexico, with proclaimed friendship for Monte-
zuma, made Ixtlilxochitl not averse to the advances
of his brothers, particularly since he intended this in
no wise to interfere with his schemes. The result of
the negotiation was that he found himself admitted
with great pomp into his paternal city, wherein he

46 Torqnemada, i. 451 ; Oviedo, iii. 500.

4' For an account of the dispute between Cacama and Ixtlilxochitl, see
Native Races, v. 474-7.

272 FROM CHOLULA TO IZTAPALAPAN.

hoped some day to displace Cacama. Imbued more
than ever with his ambition, he hastened to intercept
the Spanish captain, in order personally to promote
his views and induce him to come northward to
Tezcuco and to his own capital. Cortes was full of
promises, but it did not just then suit him to disar-
range the plan he had formed, and so Ixtlilxochitl had
to wait.

It is this meeting no doubt which has been wrongly
extended by several authorities into a visit to Tez-
cuco.48

As the Spaniards approached Iztapalapan,49 Cuitla-
huatzin, the brother of Montezuma and lord of the
city, came forth in company with Tezozomoc, lord
of the adjoining Culhuacan, and a number of other
caciques and nobles,50 to escort his guests to their
quarters in his palace. The city with its ten thousand
to twelve thousand houses was constructed partly on
piles, and crossed by canals, on either side of which
rose substantial buildings, chiefly of stone, a large
proportion being, according to the conqueror, "as fine
as the best in Spain, both in extent and construc-
tion." The Spaniards were awed by the beauty of
the place. The palace was particularly fine and spa-
cious, with courts shaded by awnings of brilliant colors

48 Tezcuco was entirely out of CorteV route, and the narratives of the
march show that no such detour could have been made. Torquemada, who
contradicts himself about the visit, describes with some detail the reception
at this capital, where the population kneel to adore the Spaniards as children
of the sun. They are entertained at the palace, and discover in one of the
courtiers, named Tecocoltzin,-a man of as fair a hue as themselves, who be-
came a great favorite, i. 444. Herrera takes the army from Ayotzinco to
Tezcuco and back to Cuitlahuac. dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iv. Impressed per-
haps by the peculiarity of this detour, Vetancurt, after repeating the story,
expresses a doubt whether the visit was really made. Teatro Mex., pt. iii.
127-8. But Clavigero brings arguments, based partly upon vague points in
CorteV later letters, to prove that it took place. Storia Mess. , iii. 74. Solis,
'the discriminating,' lets Cacama himself guide Cortes from Ayotzinco to
Tezcuco. Hist. Mex., i. 360-1.

49 ' Yxtapalapa, que quiere decir Pueblos donde se coge Sal, 6 Yxtatl ; y aim
hoy tienen este mismo oficio los de Yxtapalapa.' Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist.
N. Esp., 56.

50 Including Matlatzincatzin, lord of Coyuhuacan and brother of Monte-
zuma; Tochihuitzin of Mexicaltzinco, and Huitzillatl of Huitzilopochco.
Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 75; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., 116; Jlrasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 205.

IZTAPALAPAX CITY. 273

and bordered by commodious apartments. Adjoining
it, and overlooked by a large pavilion, was a vast
garden, divided into four squares by hedges of plaited
reeds, which were entirely overgrown with roses and
other flowers. Shaded walks led out in all directions,
now by beds of rare plants collected from remote
parts, now into orchards temptingly laden, and again
past groups of artistically arranged flowers. In ponds
fed by navigable canals sported innumerable water-
fowl, consorting with fishes of different species. In
the centre of the garden was an immense reservoir of
hewn stone, four hundred paces square, surrounded
by a tiled pavement from which steps led at intervals
to the water.51

Cortes was not only hospitably entertained, but
received a present of female slaves, packs of cloth,
and over three thousand castellanos in gold.52

The soldiers now prepared under more than usual
excitement for the final march, which was to bring
them to the longed-for goal. The reputed magnifi-
cence of the capital made most of the Spaniards

51 Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. ii. ; Gomara, Hist. Mex. , 99 ; CortCs, Cartas,
82. What with the retreating waters and the removal of native lords in wrhose
interest it lay to preserve the gardens and palaces, her glories are now de-
parted. The evaporation of the lake waters had been observed before the
conquest. After this it increased rapidly, owing to the thoughtless destruc-
tion of forests in the valley, as Humboldt remarks. In Bernal Diaz' time
already Iztapalapan lay high and dry, with fields of maize growing where he
had seen the busy traffic of canoes. Hist. Verdad. , 65. The fate of the lake
region was sealed by the construction of the Huehuetoca canal, which drained
the big lake to a mere shadow of its former self, leaving far inland the flourish-
in.; towns which once lined its shore, and shielding the waters, as it were,
from further persecution by an unsightly barrier of desert salt marshes — and
all to save the capital from the inundations to which blundering locators had
exposed her. Humboldt has in his map of the valley traced the outline of
the lake as it appeared to the conquerors, and although open to criticism it
is interesting. Essai Pol., i. 167, 173-5.

02 Cortes, Cartas, 82. Bernal Diaz reduces it to 2000 pesos. According to
Sahagun, CortCs summons the lords of the district and tells them of his
mission. The common people keep out of the way, fearing a massacre. Hist.
( onq., 21-2. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 205-6, assumes from
this that many of the chiefs promised to support CortCs against the government,
which is hardly likely to have been done in a city ruled by Montezuma's
brother, who was at heart hostile to the Spaniards. Here again, says Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. v., Montezuma sought to dissuade Cortes from entering
the capital ; Torqaemada, i. 449. His envoy being Cacama, adds Ixtlilxochitl.
Hiti. Chick., 295.

Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 18

274 FROM CHOLULA TO IZTAPALAPAtf.

eager to enter; but there were others who recalled
the rumors of its strength, and of the terrible plots
which their timid allies declared were to encompass
them. " Being men and fearing death, we could not
avoid thinking of this," says Bernal Diaz, frankly,
"and commending ourselves to God." And as he re-
members how warnings failed to deter them, the old
soldier bursts forth in self- admiration, "What men
have existed in the world so daring?"53

^Hist.Verdad., 64-5.

CHAPTER XVI.

MEETING WITH MONTEZUMA.

November, 1519.

Something of the City — The Spaniards Start from Iztapalapan—
Reach the Great Causeway — They are Met by many Nobles —
And presently by Montezuma — Entry into Mexico — They Are
Quartered in the Axayacatl Palace — Interchange of Visits.

From Iztapalapan the imperial city of the great
plateau could clearly be seen, rising in unveiled white-
ness from the lake. Almost celestial was its beauty
in the eyes of the spoilers ; a dream some called it, or,
if tangible, only Venice was like it, with its imposing
edifices sparkling amid the sparkling waters. Many
other places had been so called, but there was no
other New World Venice like this.

Sweeping round in sheltering embrace were the
green swards and wood -clad knolls on the shore,
studded with tributary towns and palatial structures,
crowned with foliage, or peeping forth from groves,
some venturing nearer to the city, and into the very
lake. " We gazed with admiration," exclaims Bernal
Diaz, as he compares with the enchanted structures
described in the Amadis their grand towers, cues,
and edifices, rising in the lake, and all of masonry.

Let us glance at the people and their dwellings;
for though we have spoken of them at length else-
where, we cannot in this connection wholly pass
them by.

Two centuries back, the Aztecs, then a small and

(275)

276 MEETING WITH MONTEZUMA.

despised people, surrounded and oppressed by enemies,
had taken refuge on some islets in the western part
of the saline lake of Mexico, and there by divine
command they had founded the city which, under the
title of Mexico Tenochtitlan, was to become the capi-
tal of Andhuac. The first building was a temple of
rushes, round which the settlement grew up, spreading
rapidly over the islets, and on piles and filled ground.
The city was enlarged and beautified by successive
rulers, and when first beheld by the Spaniards it had
attained its greatest extent — one it never again ap-
proached— and was reputed to be about twelve miles
in circumference. This area embraced a large suburb
of several villages and towns with independent names,
containing in all sixty thousand houses, equivalent to
a population of three hundred thousand.1

Four great avenues, paved with hard cement, ran
crosswise from the cardinal points, and divided the
city into as many quarters, which were again subdi-
vided into wards.2

Three of the avenues were connected in a straight
line, or nearly so, with the main land by means of
smooth causeways, constructed of piles filled up with
rubble and debris. The shortest of these was the
western, leading to Tlacopan, half a league distant,
and bordered all the way with houses. They were
wide enough for ten horsemen to ride abreast, and
were provided at intervals with bridges for the free
flow of water3 and of traffic. Near their junction
with the city were drawbridges, and breastworks for
defence. A fourth causeway, from the Chapultepec
summer palace, served to support the aqueduct which

1 The ruins of the old city, clearly traced by Humboldt, showed that it
must have been of far greater extent than the capital raised upon its site by
the Spaniards. This is also indicated by the size of the markets and temple
courts. The reason is to be found partly in the former prevalence of one-story
houses with courts inclosed.

2 For ancient and modern names of quarters see Native Races, ii. 563.

3 Cortes believed that the waters ebbed and flowed, Cartas, 102-3, ana
Peter Martyr enlarged on this phenomenon with credulous wonder, dec. v.
cap. iii.

CITY OF MEXICO. 277

carried water from trie mountain spring in that vi-
cinity.

Round the southern part of the city stretched a
semicircular levee, three leagues in length and thirty
feet in breadth, which had been constructed in the
middle of the preceding century to protect the place
from the torrents which after heavy rains came rush-
inor from the fresh-water lakes of Xochimilco and
Chalco. This levee was the chief resort of the
people — during tha day for bustling merchants and
boat crews, during the evening for promenaders, who
came to breathe the fresh air soft-blown from the
lake, and to watch the setting sun as it gilded the
summits of Popocatepetl and his consort.

Traffic, as may be supposed, was conducted chiefly
by canals guarded by custom-houses, lined with
quays, and provided in some places with docks.
Upon these abutted narrow yet well lighted cross
streets, connected by bridges, and leading to a num-
ber of open squares, the largest of which were the
market-places in Tlatelulco and Mexico proper,
wherein as many as one hundred thousand people
are said to have found room.

Viewed architecturally and singly, the buildings
did not present a very imposing appearance, the
greater portion being but one story in height. This
monotony, however, was relieved to a great extent
by the number of temples sacred to superior and local
deities which were to be seen in every ward, raised
high above the dwellings of mortals, on mounds
of varying elevations, and surmounted by towering
chapels. Their fires, burning in perpetual adoration
of the gods, presented a most impressive spectacle
at night. The grandest and most conspicuous of
them all was the temple of Huitzilopochtli, which
stood in the centre of the city, at the junction of the
four avenues, so as to be ever before the eyes of
the faithful. It formed a solid stone-faced pyramid
about 375 feet long and 300 feet broad at the base,

278 MEETING WITH MONTEZUMA.

325 by 250 feet at the summit, and rose in five super-
imposed, perpendicular terraces to the height of 86
feet. Each terrace receded six feet from the edge of
the one beneath, and the stages were so placed that
a circuit had to be made of each ledge to gain the
succeeding flight, an arrangement equally suited for
showy processions and for defence. Surrounding the
pyramid was a battlemented stone wall 4800 feet
in circumference, and through this led four gates,
surmounted by arsenal buildings, facing the four
avenues.*

The pyramid was quite modern, and owed its erec-
tion to Ahuitzotl, who for two years employed upon
it an immense force of men, bringing the material
from a distance of three, or four leagues. It was
completed in I486, and consecrated with thousands of
victims. The rich and devout brought, while it was
building, a mass of treasures, which were buried in
the mound as an offering to the gods, and served sub-
sequently as a powerful incentive for the removal of
every vestige of the structure. The present cathedral
occupies a portion of the site.5

The appearance of the city was likewise improved
by terraces of various heights serving as foundation
for the dwellings of rich traders, and of the nobles
who were either commanded to reside at the capital
or attracted by the presence of the court. Their
houses were to be seen along the main thorough-
fares, differing from the adobe, mud, or rush huts of
the poor, in being constructed of porous tetzontli
stone, finely polished and whitewashed. Every house
stood by itself, separated by narrow lanes or by gar-
dens, and inclosing one or more courts. Broad steps
led up the terrace to two gates, one opening on the

4 For a description of the interior see Native Races, ii. 582-8.

5 Ramirez and Carbajal Espinosa define the limits pretty closely with
respect to the modern outline of the city, Hist. Mex. , ii. 226-9, and notes in
PrescoWs Mex. (ed. Mex. 1845), ii. app. 103; but Alaman, in his Disert., ii.
202, 246, etc. , enters at greater length into the changes which the site has
undergone since the conquest, supporting his conclusions with quotations from
the Libro de Cabildo and other valuable documents.

HOUSES AND BELONGINGS. 279

main street, the other on the back lane or canal.
The terrace platform was particularly spacious in
front, where occasionally a small oratorio faced the
entrance. The facade was adorned with elegant
cornices and stucco designs of flowers and animals,
often painted in brilliant colors. Balconies were oc-
casionally to be seen, supported on monolith columns
without base or capital, though with incised orna-
mentation; but they were not common, owing to the
prevalence of flat roofs surrounded by battlemented
and even turreted parapets. Behind them rose flow-
ering plants, arranged in pots or growing in garden
plots, and aiding to render the spot attractive for the
family gathering in the evening. Flower-gardens
might be seen also in the courts, with a sparkling
fountain in the centre. Around ran the shady
porticos, lined with suites of apartments, the larger
reception rooms in front, the stores and kitchen in
the rear, and other rooms and chambers, with the
never failing temazcalli, or bath, arranged between
them, and provided with wicker screens or curtains in
lieu of doors.

Courts as well as rooms were covered with flags of
stones, tessellated marble or cement, polished with
ochre or gypsum; and the walls were decorated not
infrequently with porphyry, jasper, and alabaster, and
hung with cotton tapestry adorned with feather and
other ornaments. The furniture on the other hand
was scanty, consisting chiefly of mats of palm leaves,
cushions, low tables, and stools.6

6 For further description of streets, buildings, and people, see Native Races,
passim. Also Ramirez, Noticias de Mex., etc., in Monumentos Domin. JSsp.,
MS. no. 6, 309-50; Ddvila, Continuation de la Cronica, etc., MS., 296; Via-
gero Univ., xxvi. 203-6; Libro de Cabildo, MS., 1, 5, 11, 62, 105, 201-2;

ipplied to the city by some of the Spt
Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 339.

A curious view of Mexico is given in the edition of Cortes' letters issued at
Nuremberg in 1524, which exhibits six causeway connections with the main-
land. Both in situation, with respect to the surrounding towns, and in the
general plan, it accords very fairly with the descriptions of the conquerors.
Ihe temple of Huitzilopochtli occupies an immense square in the centre of

280

MEETING WITH MONTEZUMA.

It was in the morning of the 8th of November that
the Spaniards mustered for the entry into Mexico.

Temixtitan, as the city is called. Round the south-east corner extend the
palace and gardens of the emperor, other palaces being scattered on the lake,
and connected with the suburbs by short causeways. Less correct in its relative
position is the view presented in the old and curious Libro di Benedetto Bor-
done, which has been reproduced in Montnnus, Nieiiwe Weereld, 81, so famous
for its cuts, and, of course, with considerable elaborations which by no means
promote the correctness, however much the beauty of aspect is improved.

toiu>ff!&

Very similar to this is the view given in some of Solis' editions, that of
Antwerp, 1704, for instance, wherein is also found a view of Mexico with its
surrounding towns, as Cuitlahuac, Iztapalapan, and others, all grouped
closely together within the main lake ! A native pla-n of the capital, said to
have been given by Montezuma to Cortes, accords little with Spanish descrip-
tions, and is difficult to understand from its peculiar outline, illustrated with
Aztec hieroglyphics. Alaman doubts its origin and correctness. See PrescoWs
Mex. (Mex. ed. 1844), ii. 157. A good copy of it is given in Carbujal
Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 221.

The view in Libro di Benedetto Bordone, Nel qual si ragiona de tutte
Vlsole del mondo, Vinegia, 1528, 73 leaves, is accompanied by an interesting
description of La gran citta di Temistitan, remarkable from being perhaps the
first sketch of any value given in a cosmographic work. It occupies the
greater part of folios vi. to x., devoted to the terra da Ferdinando Cortese.
Five more folios describe the West Indies and Venezuela region, the only por-

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES. 281

Not far from Iztapalapan they came upon the longest
causeway, two leagues in extent, which with the ex-

tions of America known to Bordonewhen he wrote his book. It was com-
pleted in 1521, according to its pontifical license, although not issued till
1528. The versatile author, who figured both as artist and professor, died in
1531, and the later issues of the Libro, henceforth called Isolario, are by edi-
tors whose endeavor to keep apace with the demands of the times is instanced
by the edition of 1537, wherein appears a letter on the conquest of Peru. In
the mappemonde of the first edition before me, the smaller northern part of
the new continent is called terra del laboratore, while the southern part bears
the inscription poneti mudo nouo. The two are separated at the Isthmus, in
about the latitude of the Mediterranean, by a long strait, at the eastern
mouth of which, on the sectional map of folio vi. , is written, stretto pte del
modo nouo. Farther east lie the islands Astores, Asmaide, and Brasil. The
numerous sectional wood-cut maps and plans bear the conventional outline of
a series of concave segments, and of the ten referring to different parts of the
new world, seven apply to the Antilles.

The clearest account of Mexico given by any of the conquerors is to
be found in Relatione d'alcvne cose delta Nuoua Spagna, & delta gran
citta di Temistitan Messicd, fatta per vn gentiVliuomo del Signor Fernando
Cortese, wherein the description of the natives, their manners and customs,
their towns, the resources of the country, and above all, the capital
city, is to be found in concise form, arranged in paragraphs with appro-
priate headings, and illustrated by a cut of the great temple, which
appears far more correct than those given by most subsequent writers. A
view of the capital is also appended, showing the surrounding country,
and according very nearly with those of the Nuremburg type, except in
the faulty relative position to the neighborhood. Nothing is known of the
author, who is generally referred to as the Anonymous Conqueror, but the
opinion has been hazarded that he was Francisco de Terrazas, mayordomo
of Cortes. His account was evidently written in Spanish, but did not see
the light till Ramusio issued it in Italian under the above title. It forms
one of the most valuable documents for the history of Mexico to be found in
this prized collection of voyages and travels, the first large work of its class.
No branch of literature obtained a greater stimulus from the discovery of
Columbus. He it was who broke the barrier which had confined the ardor
of voyagers, and who led the revival of maritime enterprise, creating a
curiosity among the stayers-at-home that could be satiated only with re-
peated editions of narratives relating to expeditions and conquests. The
number of these narratives became, within a few years, so large as to require
their grouping into special collections for the sake of cheapness and conven-
ience. The earliest is probably the Paesi Nouamente retrovati, Et Nouo Mondo
da Alberico vesputio ; By Fracanzo or Fracanzano da Montalboddo, Vicenza,
1507, mentioned by Tlraboschi, Storia delta literatura italiana. This was re-
produced in 1508 by Madrignani, at Milan. According to Panzer, Ruchamer
issued the same year a somewhat fuller collection at Nuremberg, under
the title of Neive Unbekantlie landte Und elne Newe wddte, with eight pieces,
among them the voyages of Columbus, Ojeda, Pinzon, and Vespucci. A similar
work was issued by the Italian Angiolelo, in 1519.

The best known of these early collections, and by many regarded as the first
issued in German, is the Novvs Orbis Regionvm aclnsolarvm Veteribvs fncogni-
tarvm; Baslleai apvd I0 Hervagivm, Heme Martio, anno m.d.xxxii., 4to, 584
pages, beside unnumbered leaves. ' La plus ancienne de ces (Latin) collections, '
says Boucher, Bibl. Univ., i. 55. Although prepared by John Huttich, the
canon of .Strasbourg, it is better known under the name of Simon Grynaeus, who
wrote the introductory and revised it at the request of Hervagius, the pub-
lisher, a well known bookman, greatly esteemed by Erasmus. Meusel, Bibl.
Hist., iii. pt. i. 221, gives it with punctilious fairness the title of Collectio

282 MEETING WITH MONTEZUMA.

ception of a short angle near the shore led in a straight

Huttichio-Grynceo-IIervagiana, while others apply only the middle name or
the last two. The attribution to Grynseus is greatly due to his fame as a re-
former, as the personal friend of Luther and Calvin, as the discoverer of Livy's
lost books, and as the first of a long line of scholars celebrated under that
name. It is an excellently printed volume, with quaint head-pieces, and con-
taining as it does so many papers of which the original editions are now lost,
the collection must be esteemed of great value. The nineteen pieces of orig-
inal contributions, journals, and borrowed accounts, include the voyages of
Columbus, Alonso, and Pinzon from Madriynani; Alberici Vesputij nauiga-
tionum epito?ne, and nauigationes I III.; and Petri Martyris de insults. The
other narratives relate to Asia, to the Levant, and to Russia. With some
copies is found a mappemonde, but the only genuine one, according to Harrisse,
294, bears the inscription Terra de Cuba, in the northern part of the new
world, and in the south, Parias, CanibaU America Terra Nova, Prisilia, with
the word Asia in large type. Among the several editions the German of 1534,
by Herr, is rarer than the above original, while the Dutch of 1563. by Ablijn,
is the most complete.

After Huttich the voyage collections increased rapidly in number and size,
till they reached the fine specimen of Ramusio, forming not only the first
large work of this class, but, for a long time, the most extensive which bears
on America. Harrisse, 457, very justly observes that ' the publication of
Ramusio 's Raccolta may be said to open an era in the literary history of
Voyages and Navigation. Instead of accounts carelessly copied and trans-
lated from previous collections, perpetuating errors and anachronisms, we
find in this work original narrations judiciously selected, carefully printed,
and enriched with notices which betray the hand of a scholar of great critical
acumen. ' The first issue appeared as Primo Volume Delle Navigationi et Viaggi.
Pi Venetia appresso gli heredi di Lvcantonio Givnti, 1550, folio, 405 leaves.
'Les Juntes (le) publierent. . . .sous la direction de Jean-Baptiste Ramusio.'
Camus, Mem. Coll. Voy. , 7. Neither in this, nor in the third volume, issued
in 1553, nor in the second edition of the first volume, 1554, does the name
of Giambatista Ramusio, Rannusio, or Rhamusio, appear as author, and it is
only in the second volume that the publisher, Tommaso Giunti, resolves to set
aside the modesty of his friend, and to place his name upon the title-page.
The publication of this volume had been delayed till 1559, owing to the death
of the author and to the burning of the printing establishment.

In the preface Giunti refers to the close friendship between them, and
extols Ramusio as a learned man, who had served in foreign countries,
acquiring in this way a perfect knowledge of French and Spanish. He had
long been a devoted student of history and geography, inspired to some ex-
tent by the travels of his uncle, the celebrated Doctor Girolamo Ramusio.
As secretary to the powerful Venetian Council ' de Signori Dieci,' he was in
a position to maintain correspondence with such men as Oviedo, Cabot,
Cardinal Bembo, and others, part of which is to be found in Lett ere di XIII.
Huomini illustri, Venetia, 1565. All this served him in the formation of the
great work upon which he labored during the last 34 years of his life. He
died at Padua, July 10, 1557, 72 years of age.

The first volume relates chiefly to Asia and Africa, but contains Lettere due
and Sommario by Vespucci, and four papers on Spanish and Portuguese cir-
cumnavigation. The contents of the set have been somewhat changed and
increased during the several republications, but the best editions are those of
1588, 1583, and 1565, for the first, second, and third volume respectively.
Vol. ii. of this set relates chiefly to Asia, but is of interest to American
students for its narrative of the much doubted voyages of the brothers Zeno.
Its small size indicates the loss it sustained by the events above referred to.
' Etnd vi marauigliate, se riguardando gli altri due, non uedrete questo Secodo
volume, si pieno & copioso di scrittori, come il Ramusio gia s'haueua pposto
di fare, che la morte ui s'interpose. ' ii. 2.

RAMUSIO, VIAGGI. 283

line northward to the heart of the city.7 They passed
several towns, some on the shore, others touching the
causeway,8 and supported to a great extent by the
manufacture of salt from the lake water. The cause-
way had been reserved for the passage of the troops,
out of deference to the desire manifested to keep the
natives at a respectful distance,9 but both sides were
lined with canoes bearing an eager crowd of sight-
seers. About half a league from the city the cause-
way formed a junction with the road from Xochimilco
and Coyohuacan, at a spot called Acachinanco,10 where
a stout battlemented wall, fully ten feet in height, and
surmounted by two towers, guarded the two gates for
entry and exit.

Entering here the Spaniards were met by a pro-
cession of over one thousand representative people
from the capital,11 richly arrayed in embroidered
robes, and with jewelry of pendent stones, and gold.

The third volume is entirely devoted to America, and contains all the most
valuable documents known up to the time of its first issue, such as the rela-
tions of Martyr, Oviedo, Cortes, and his contemporaries in Mexico, Pizarro,
Verazzano, Carthier, the Relation di Nvnno di Gvsman, in several parts, and
the valuable Relatione j>er vn gentillmomo del Signor Fernando Cortese. The
volume begins with a learned discourse by Ramusio on ancient knowledge of
a land to the west, and of causes leading to the discovery. At the end of the
1565 edition is a map of America, showing Lower California as a wide penin-
sula, and Terra del Fuego joined to the land of the Circolo Antartko. The
comparative crudeness of the wood-cuts and maps has not made the work
much esteemed by collectors, but its value even now, for reference, is unques-
tioned. The set was dedicated to Hieronimo Fracastoro, the great poet and
physician, born mouthless, yet so eloquent. Scaliger, Aro3 Fracastoreai. At
the end of the Discorso sopra Perv, iii. 371, Ramusio says: 'Et questa nar-
ratione con breuita habbiamo voluto discorrere per satisfattionc de i lettori,
laquale piu distintamente legeranno nel quarto volume. ' According to Fonta-
nini, Bill., 274, the material for this volume lay prepared in manuscript, only
to perish in the disastrous fire of November, 1557.

7 It is still one of the main roads, known under Spanish dominion as
Calzada de Iztapalapan, now as S. Antonio Abad.

8 Cortes names the well built Mexicaltzinco, Niciaca, and Huchilohuchico
(now Churubusco), to which he gives respectively 3000, C000, and 4000 to 5000
families. Cartas, 83-4. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 99, names Coioacan instead of
Niciaca, and this change is generally accepted, for the latter name is probably
a mistake by the copyist or printer. Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iii.

' ' Mando que vn Indio en lengua Mexicana, fuesse pregonando que nadie
se atraucssasse por el camino, sino queriaser luego muerto.' Herrera, dec. ii.
lib. vii. cap. v.

,() Also referred to as Fort Xoloc. ' En donde hoy la garita de San Antonio
Abad,' says Ramirez, in Prescott (ed. Mex. 1845), ii. 104.

11 Herrera, who is usually moderate, swells the figure to 4000.

284 MEETING WITH MONTEZUMA.

These passed before the visitors in a file, touching the
ground with their hand and carrying it to the lip in
token of reverence. This ceremony occupied an hour,
after which the march was resumed. At the junc-
tion of the causeway with the main avenue of the
city was a wooden bridge ten paces wide, easily re-
movable, inside of which Cortes halted to await the
emperor, then approaching.12 On either side of the
street, closely along by the houses, came processions
of nobles, headed by lords and court dignitaries, all
of whom marched with bare feet and bowed heads.
This humility was owing to the presence of the
emperor, who in almost solitary grandeur kept the
centre of the road, borne in a richlv adorned litter
on the shoulders of his favorite courtiers, and fol-
lowed by a few princes and leading officials.13 Three
dignitaries preceded him, one of whom bore aloft
three wands, signifying the approach of the imperial
head of the tripartite alliance, so that all persons in
sigfht mi^ht lower their heads in humble reverence
till he had passed.

On nearing the Spaniards Montezuma stepped from
the litter, supported on either side by King Cacama
and Cuitlahuatzin, his nephew and brother, and fol-
lowed by the king of Tlacopan and other princes.
Four prominent caciques held over his head a canopy
profusely covered with green feathers set with gold
and silver, and precious stones, both fixed and pen-
dent, and before them attendants swept the road and
spread carpets, so that the imperial feet might not be

12 The avenue is now called el Rastro. The suburb here bore the name of
Huitzitlan. 'Vitzillan que es cabe el hospital de la Concepcion.' Sahagun,
Hist. Conq., 23. At Tocititlan, says Duran, Hist. Znd., MS., ii. 439. 'Junto
de la Hermita de San Anton. ' Torquemada, i. 450. ' Segun una antigua tradi-
cion conservada en el hospital de Jesus, el punto en que le encontro fue' frente
a 6ste, y porrecuerdo del sucesose hizo lafundacion en aquel parage.' Alainau,
DiserL, i. ]03; and Ramirez, note in Prescott (ed. Mex. 1845), ii. 103. The
previous authorities indicate, however, that the meeting took place farther
from the centre of the city.

13 Chimalpain mentions among others Tetlepanquezatl, king of Tlacopan,
Yzquauhtzin Tlacochcalcatl, lord or lieutenant of Tlatelulco, captain -general
Atlixcatzin, son of Ahuitzatl, and Tepehuatzin, son of Titotzin. Hist. Conq.,
125. Sahagun differs slightly in the names. Hist. Conq., 24-5.

MONTEZUMA APPEARS. 285

soiled. The monarch and his supporters were simi-
larly dressed, in blue tilmatlis which, bordered with
cold and richly embroidered and bejewelled, hung in
loose folds from the neck, where they were secured
by a knot. On their heads were mitred crowns of
gold with quetzal plumes, and sandals with golden
soles adorned their feet, fastenings embossed with
gold and precious stones.14

Montezuma was about forty years of age, of good
stature, with a thin though well-proportioned body,
somewhat fairer than the average hue of his dusky
race. The rather long face, with its fine eyes, bore
an expression of majestic gravity, tinged with a
certain benignity which at times deepened into ten-
derness. Hound it fell the hair in a straight fringe
covering the ears, and met by a slight growth of
black beard.15

With a step full of dignity he advanced toward
Cortes, who had dismounted to meet him. As they
saluted,16 Montezuma tendered a bouquet which he
had brought in token of welcome, while the Span-,
iard took from his own person and placed round the
neck of the emperor a showy necklace of glass, in

u For dress, see Native Ilctces, ii. 178 et seq. Cortds gives sandals only to
Montezuma, but it appears that persons of royal blood were allowed to retain
them before the emperor, as Ixtlilxochitl also affirms. Hist. Chick. , 295 ; Oviedo,
iii. 500; PurcJias, His Pilgrimes, iv. 1121.

15 ' Cenzeiio .... y el rostro algo largo, e alegre. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. ,
67. ' Moteccuma quiere dezir hob-re sahudo y graue. ' Gornara, Hist. Mex. ,
103; Acosta, Hist. Ind., 502-3. It is from this, probably, that so many de-
scribe him as serious in expression. A number of portraits have been given
of the monarch, differing greatly from one another. The best known is Pres-
cott's, taken from the painting for a long time owned by the Condes de Mira-
valle, the descendants of Montezuma; but this lacks the Indian type, and
partakes too much of the ideal. Clavigero's, Storia Mess., iii. 8, appears
more like him, though it is too small and too roughly sketched to convey a
clear outline. Far better is the half -size representation prefixed to Linati,
Costumes, which indeed corresponds very well with the text description. The
face in Armin, Alte Mex., 104, indicates a coarse Aztec warrior, and that in
Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, 244-5, an African prince, while the native picture,
as given in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex. , ii. 6, is purely conventional. The
text description, based chiefly on Bernal Diaz, is not inappropriate to the
weak, vacillating character of the monarch. Clavigero makes him nearly 54
years old, and Brasseur de Bourbourg 51 ; but 40, as Bernal Diaz calls him,
appears to be more correct.

1G ' Ellos y el ficieron asimismo ceremonia de besar la tierra. ' Cortes,
Cartas, 85.

286 MEETING WITH MONTEZUMA.

form of pearls, diamonds, and iridescent balls, strung
upon gold cords and scented with musk.17 With these
baubles, which were as false as the assurances of
friendship accompanying them, the great monarch
deigned to be pleased, for if every piece of glass had
been a diamond they would have possessed no greater
value in his eyes. As a further expression of his
good-will, Cortes offered to embrace the monarch,
but was restrained by the two princes, who regarded
this as too great a familiarity with so sacred a person.18
The highest representative of western power and
grandeur, whose fame had rung in the ears of the
Spaniards since they landed at Vera Cruz, thus met
the daring adventurer who with his military skill and
artful speech had arrogated to himself the position
of a demi-god.

After an interchange of friendly assurances the
emperor returned to the city, leaving Cuitlahuatzin to
escort the general.19 The procession of nobles now
filed by to tender their respects, whereupon the march

17 'De margaritas y diamantes de vidrio.' Id. 'Que se dizen margagitas.'
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 65.

18Solis assumes that Cortes was repelled when he sought to place the
necklace on Montezuma. The latter chides the jealous princes, and permits
him. Hist. Mex. , i. 370. 'Pareceme que el Cortes . . . . le daua lamano derecha,
y el Montecuma no laquiso, e se la di6 a Cortes.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad.,
65. This phrase, which applies equally to offering the right hand, has been
so understood by those who notice it; but as this would be confusing, Vetan-
curt, for instance, assumes improbably that Marina offers her right hand to
Montezuma, which he disregards, giving his instead to Cortes. Teatro Mex.t
pt. iii. 129.

19 Cortes, Cartas, 85. Ixtlilxochitl has it that Cacama was left with him;
and Bernal Diaz, that the lord of Coyuhuacan also remained. According to
Cortes, Montezuma accompanied him all the way to the quarters in the city,
keeping a few steps before. Gomara and Herrera follow this version. But
Bernal Diaz states explicitly that he left the Spaniards to follow, allowing
the people an opportunity to gaze; and Ixtlilxochitl assumes that he goes
in order to be ready to receive him at the quarters. Hist. Chick. , 295. It is
not probable that Montezuma would expose himself to the inconvenience of
walking so far back, since this involved troublesome ceremonies, as we have
seen, not only to himself but to the procession, and interfered with the people
who had come forth to gaze. The native records state that Montezuma at
once surrendered to Cortes the throne and city. 'Y se fueron ambos jun-
tos a la par para las casas reales. ' Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 23-4. Leading Cortes
into the Tozi hermitage, at the place of meeting, he made the nobles bring
presents and tender allegiance, while he accepted also the faith. Duran, Hist.
//ic/.,MS., ii. 440-1.

ENTRY INTO MEXICO. 287

was resumed to the sound of drums and wind in-
struments. At the head were scouts on horseback,
followed by the cavalry, under Cortes, who had by his
side two large greyhounds; then came the infantry,
with the artillery and baggage in the centre; and last,
the allies.20 The streets, which had been deserted by
the people out of deference to the emperor and to the
requirements of his procession, were now alive with
lookers-on, particularly in the entrances to the alleys,
in the windows, and on the roofs.21

At the plaza, wherein rose the great pyramidal
temple surrounded on all sides by palatial edifices,
the procession turned to the right, and Cortes was led
up the steps of an extensive range of buildings, known
as the Axayacatl palace, which faced the eastern side
of the temple inclosure.22 Here Montezuma appeared,
and through a court-yard shaded by colored awnings

20 About 6000 in all. 'Nosotros aun no llegauamos a 450 soldados.' Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Vtrdad. , 65. Prescott places the number at about 350.

21 According to Sahagun not a soul was to be seen, either upon the cause-
way or along the streets, the people having taken this manner to express their
indignation at the semi-forcible entry of the Spaniards. Montezuma came to
receive them purely out of a feeling of humanity. Startled at this solitude,
Cortes fears dangers, and vows, if all goes well, to build a church. This was
the origin, says Bustamante, of the Hospital de Jesus. Sahagun, Hist. Conq.
(ed. Mex. 1840), 79-84. See note 12, this chapter. Brasseur de Bourbourg
accepts this view. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 212-13. Still Sahagun describes the
interview with CortCs as most cordial. He is in fact contradictory, and it is
evident that the order issued to the people to keep the narrow causeway
clear, and the etiquette which required them to give way to the emperor,
have been hastily interpreted by the chronicler into 'deserted streets' and
' popular indignation. ' Had the citizens objected to receive the strangers, the
bridges could have been raised against them.

22 'Au coin de la rue del Indio triste et de celle de Tacuba,' says Humboldt,
Vues, i. 58, prudently, without attempting to give its extent. Ramirez and
Carbajal do so, however, and in allowing it about the same length as the
temple inclosure, they place it right across the eastern avenue of the city,
which like the other three is admitted to have terminated at one of the temple
gates. Carbajal Espinosa, J list. Mex., ii. 222; Ramirez, notes in Prescott'' s
Mex. (ed. Mex. 1845), ii. app. 103. 'Donde hoy las Casas de el Marques del
\ alio,' says Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist. N. Esp., 86, a statement disputed by
later writers. Prescott quotes Humboldt, but evidently does not understand
him, for he places the palace 'facing the western gate,' which is not only on
the wrong side, but across the western avenue. Mex. , ii. 79. 'Adonde ....
tenia el gran Montecuma sus grandes adoratorios de idolos. . . .nos lleuaron a
aposentar a aquella casa por causa, que como nos llamaua Teules, 6 por tales
nos tenian, que estuuiessemos entre sus idolos.' Bf-mal Diaz,, Hist. Verdad.,
66. The idea of being regarded as a god seems to have pleased the old soldier
immensely.

288 MEETING WITH MONTEZUMA.

and cooled by a playing fountain he conducted
him by the hand into a large hall. An attendant
came forward with a basket of flowers, wherein lay
" two necklaces made of the shell of a species of red
crawfish," so they said, and "much esteemed by the
natives, from each of which hung eight crawfish of
gold, wrought with great perfection, and nearly as
large as the span of a hand."23 These the emperor
placed round the neck of the general, and presented
at the same time wreaths to his officers. Seating him
upon a gilt and bejewelled dais,24 he announced that
everything there was at his disposal; every want
would be attended to. Then with delicate courtesy
he retired, so that the Spaniards might refresh them-
selves and arrange their quarters.

The building contained several courts, surrounded by
apartments, matted and furnished with low tables and
icjoalli stools. Everything about the place was neat
and of a dazzling whiteness, relieved by green branches
and festoons. The finer rooms were provided with
cotton tapestry, and adorned with figures in stucco
and color, and with feather and other ornaments set
with gold and silver fastenings. Here and there were
vases with smouldering incense diffusing sweet per-
fume. So large was the place that even the allies
found room. The halls for the soldiers, accommo-
dating one hundred and fifty men each, were provided
with superior beds of mats, with cotton cushions and
coverlets, and even with canopies. Cortes was glad
to find the building protected by strong walls and
turrets, and after arranging the men according to
their corps, he ordered the guns to be planted and
the sentinels posted, issuing also instructions for the
considerate treatment of the natives, and for inter-

23 They doubtless formed a double necklace, with gold setting and pen-
dants. Cortes writes that on the way to the palace Montezuma halted to place
them round his neck. Cartas, 85; Oomai'a, Hist. Mex\, 100-1; Sahayun, Hist.
Conq., 23.

2t 'A throne of gold,' is Peter Martyr's briefer yet grander term. dec. v.
cap. iii.

PROTESTATIONS OF FEALTY. 289

course generally. Meanwhile the servants had spread
a dinner, which Bernal Diaz describes as sumptuous.23

In the afternoon Montezuma reappeared with a large
suite. Seating himself beside Cortes,26 he expressed
his delight at meeting such valiant men, whose fame
and deeds had already aroused his interest during
their visits in the two preceding years at Potoncha^i
and Chalchiuhcuecan. If he had sought to prevent
their entry into the capital, it was solely because
his subjects feared them, with their animals and
thunder; for rumors had described them as voracious
beings, wTho devoured at one meal what sufficed for
ten times the number of natives, who thirsted for
treasures and who came only to tyrannize. He now
saw that they were mortals, although braver and
mightier than his own race, that the animals were
large deer, and that the caged lightning was an ex-
aggeration. He related the Quetzalcoatl niyth,27 and
expressed his belief that they were the predicted race,
and their king the rightful ruler of the land. "Hence
be assured," said he, "that we shall obey you, and
hold you as lord lieutenant of the great king, and this
without fail or deceit. You may command in all my
empire as you please, and shall be obeyed. All that
we possess is at your disposal."28

Cortes expressed himself as overwhelmed with these
kind offers and with the many favors already received,

85 Hist. Verdad., 65-6; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. v.; Sahagun, Hist.
Cow/., 25-6.

26 Bernal Diaz states that the emperor always addressed him as Malinche,
and, indeed, it was common among Mexicans to address persons by a name
given them in later life in connection with some peculiarity, deed, or incident.
Hence Cort6s, as master of the prominent female interpreter, received a name
implying that relationship.

r' For which see Native Races.

28 Cortes, Cartas, 86. This is in substance the speech of Montezuma, as given
by native as well as Spanish records; yet it appears improbable that the
emperor should have been so ready, at the first interview, and in presence of
his courtiers, to humble himself so completely before a few strangers whom
he regarded as mortals. See note 19. 'Myself, my wife and children, my
house, and all that I possess, are at your disposal,' says the Spaniard, even in
onr day, to the guest whom he wishes to impress with his hospitality. Per-
haps Montezuma was equally profuse with hollow words, which have been
recorded as veritable offers.

Hist. Mex.. Vol. I. 19

290 MEETING WITH MONTEZUMA.

and hastened to assure the emperor that they were not
misplaced. He and his men came indeed from the
direction of the rising sun, and their king, the might-
iest in the world, and the ruler of many great princes,
was the one he supposed. Hearing of the grandeur
of the Mexican monarch, their master had sent the
former captains, brethren of theirs, to examine the
route, and to prepare the way for the present com-
mission. He had come to offer him the friendship of
their great king, who wished in no wise to interfere
with his authority, but rather that his envoys should
serve him and teach the true faith.

The reference to Montezuma's grandeur led the
emperor evidently to suppose that the rumors con-
cerning him current in the outlying provinces might
have reached the ears of the Spanish king, for he
now alluded to the tales which raised him to a divine
being inhabiting palaces of gold, silver, and precious
stones. " You see," he added with a sad smile, wherein
seemed to linger regrets arising from his departing
glory, " that my houses are merely of stone and earth;
and behold my body," he said, turning aside his vest-
ment, "it is but of flesh and bone, like yours and others.
You see how they have deceived you. True, I possess
some gold trinkets left me by my forefathers; but all
that I have is yours whenever you may desire it."29

Cortes' eyes sparkled with satisfaction as he ex-
pressed his thanks. He had heard of Montezuma's
wealth and power, and had not been deceived in the
expectation, for a more magnificent prince he had not
met with during his entire journey. . Such fine words
must be rewarded. At a sign the attendants came
forward with a rich collection of gold, silver, and
feather ornaments, and five thousand to six thousand
pieces of cloth, most fine in texture and embroidery.

30

29 Cortes, Cartas, 86-7. Bernal Diaz introduces this paragraph during the
next interview.

30 Id. ' A cada vno de nuestros Capitanes di6 cositas de oro, y tres cargas
de mantas de labores ricas de plumas, y entre todos los soldados- tambien uos
dio a cada vno a dos cargas de mantas. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. , 66; Gomara,

RETURN VISIT. 291

Being asked what relationship the men bore to
one another, Cortes said that all were brothers,
friends, and companions, with the exception of a few
servants.31

Montezuma afterward elicited from the interpreters
who the officers and gentlemen were, and in conferring
favors he sent them more valuable presents through
the mayordomo, while the rest obtained inferior gifts
by the hand of servants.32 At his departure from the
Spanish quarter the soldiers with redoubled alacrity
fell into line to salute a prince who had impressed
them both with his gentle breeding and his gener-
osity, and the artillery thundered forth a salvo, partly
to demonstrate that the caged lightning was a fearful
reality.33

The following forenoon Cortes sent to announce
that he would make a return visit, and several officers
came to escort him. Arrayed in his finest attire, with
Alvarado, Velazquez de Leon, Ordaz, Sandoval, and
five soldiers, he proceeded to the residence of Monte-
zuma, in the new palace as it has been called, situated
in the south-east corner of the great temple plaza,34
If they had admired the palace forming their own

Hist. Mex., 101-2; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iii. ; Duran, Hist. Ind., MS.,
ii. 441-2; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. vi. ; Torquemada, i. 452-3; Ixtlilxochitl,
Hist. Chich., 296; Peralta, Not. Hist., 107-8. Acosta implies that Cortes now
reconciled the Tlascal tecs with the Aztecs. Hist. Ind., 521.

31 ' Eramos hermanos en el amor, y amistad, 6 personas mui principales, ' is
the way Bernal Diaz expresses it. Hist. Verdad., (36.

32 Gomara, Hist. Mex., 102-3. ' Los hacia proveer luego, assi de mugeres de
servicio, como de cama, e les daba a cada uno una joya que pessaba hasta diez
pessos de oro.' Oviedo, iii. 500-1.

33 Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex. , pt. iii. 129. Sahagun, followed by Acosta, Brasseur
de Bourbourg, and others, states that the artillery was discharged at night to
startle the natives. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 85.

3i It is so depicted in the old Nuremberg view of the city, already referred
to. Ramirez, Carbajal Espinosa, and Alaman give the extent, and the latter
enters into quite a lengthy account of its situation with respect to present
and former outlines of the quarter. Disert., ii. 202, etc.; Carbajal Espinosa,
Hist. Mex., ii. 221-2; Ramirez, notes in Pre scoWs Mex. (ed. Mex. 1845), ii.
app. 103. Humboldt places it opposite the southern half of the western
temple side, Essai Pol., i. 190, but that site is assigned by all the above
historians to the old palace of Montezuma, so called — not the Axayacatl
where Cortes was quartered. The mistake is probably owing to his igno-
rance of the fact that the residence of the Cortes family stood first on the
site of the new palace of Montezuma, whence it was moved to that of the old
palace when the government bought the former.

202 MEETING WITH MONTEZUMA.

quarter, how much more charmed were the}T with
this, "which has not its equal in Spain," exclaims
Cortes.

The exterior presented an irregular pile of low
buildings of tetzontli, raised upon high foundations,
and communicating with the square by twenty doors,
over which were sculptured the coat of arms of the
kings of Mexico. The buildings were so arranged as
to inclose three public squares, and contained an im-
mense number of rooms and halls, one of them large
enough to hold three thousand men, it is said. Several
suites were reserved for royal visitors, envoys, and
courtiers, while others were assigned for the emperor's
private use, for his harem and his attendants. Large
monoliths adorned the halls or supported marble
balconies and porticos, and polished slabs of different
kinds of stone filled the intervening spaces or formed
the floors. Everywhere, on projections and supports,
in niches and corners, were evidences of the artist's
skill in carvings and sculptures, incised and in relief.

After being conducted through a number of courts,
passages, and rooms, partly for effect, the Spaniards
were ushered into the audience-chamber, and removed
their hats as Montezuma advanced to receive them.
Leading Cortes to the throne, he seated him at his
right hand, the rest being offered seats by the attend-
ants. Around stood with downcast eyes a number
of courtiers, who in accordance with etiquette had
covered their rich attire with a coarse mantle and
left their sandals outside the room.35 The conversa-
tion fell chiefly on religious topics, the favorite theme
with Cortes, who aside from his bigotry was not
averse to use the faith as a means to obtain a secure
hold on the people. In any case it afforded a shield
for other objects. He explained at length the mys-
teries of Christianity, and contrasted its gentle and

35 The Spaniards were also ' costretti a scalzarsi, ed a coprirsi gli abiti
sfarzosi con vesti grossolane,' says Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 83, but that is
unlikely.

FIRST LESSON IN CHRISTIANITY. 293

benevolent purposes with those of the idols, which
were but demons intent on the destruction of their
votaries, and trembling at the approach of the cross.
Aware of the inefficiency of himself and his interpreters
as preachers, indicated indeed by the passive face of
the proposed convert, Cortes concluded by intimating
that his king would soon send holy men, superior to
themselves, to explain the truths which he had sought
to point out. Meanwhile he begged the emperor to
consider them, and~ to abandon idols, sacrifices, and
other evils. "We have given him the first lesson, at
any rate," said Cortes, turning to his companions.36

The ruler of a superstitious people, himself a high-
priest and leader of their bloody fancies, was not
to be touched by this appeal of Cortes. The preju-
dices of a lifetime could not be so easily disturbed.
He had well considered the words, he replied, trans-
mitted already from the sea-shore by his envoys, and
had found many of the points identical with those
held by his people; but he preferred not to dwell on
the subject at present. The god depicted was doubt-
less good; so were their own, for to them they and
their forefathers owed health and prosperity. Suffice
it that he believed his guests to be the men predicted
to come. "As for your great king," he added, "I hold
myself as his lieutenant, and will give him of what I
possess." As a tangible proof thereof, he again before
dismissing them distributed presents, consisting of
twenty packs of fine robes and some gold-ware worth
fully one thousand pesos.37

3G 'Con esto cumplimos, por ser el primer toque.' Bernal Diaz, Hist.

Verdad., G7.

17 'A nosotros los soldados nos dio a cada vno dos collares de oro, que val-
i cada collar diez pesos, e dos cargas de mantas. ' The rest went to their

officers. Id.

CHAPTER XVII.

CAPTURE OF THE EMPEROR.

November, 1519.

Cortes Inspects the City — Visits the Temple with Montezuma — Dis-
covery of Buried Treasure — Pretended Evidences of Treachery —
Cortes Plans a Dark Deed — Preparations for the Seizure of
Montezuma — With a Few Men Cortes Enters the Audience-Cham-
ber of the King — Persuasive Discourse — With Gentle Force
Montezuma is Induced to Enter the Lion's Den.

Cortes failed not to make diligent inquiries and
examinations into the approaches, strength, and to-
pography of the city, but he longed for a view from
one of the great temples which, rising high above all
other edifices, would enable him to verify his ob-
servations. He also desired to obtain a closer insight
into the resources of the place. With these objects
he sent to Montezuma for permission to make a tour
through the town to the Tlatelulco market and tem-
ple.1 This was granted; and attended by the cavalry
and most of the soldiers, all fully armed, Cortes set
out for that suburb, guided by a number of caciques.
It was here that the largest market-place in the city
was situated.2

1 They had now been four days in Mexico, without going farther than the
palace, says Bernal Diaz. A page named Orteguilla,~who had already acquired
a smattering of Aztec, was sent with the interpreters to ask this favor. Hist.
Verdad., 69.

2 Soldiers who had been in Rome and Constantinople declared that never
had they seen so large and orderly a market, with so large an attendance.
Bernal Diaz indicates the site of the plaza to have been where the church ol
Santiago de Tlatelulco was erected, and this still remains under the same
name, over a mile north-west-by-north of the central plaza of Mexico. Hist.
Verdad., 70-1. The old maps of Mexico already spoken of give the same
site, and Alaman's investigations point out correctly the street which led ami
leads to it, although he has failed to notice the above authorities, which give
the very site. Disert. , ii. 282-5.

TLATELULCO TEMPLE. 295

From this centre of trade the Spaniards proceeded
to the lofty temple, which occupied one end of the
Tlatelulco market-place,3 and whither Montezuma had
already gone to prepare for their reception, and to
propitiate the idols for the intrusion by prayers and
sacrifices. He hoped, no doubt, that his presence
would prove a check upon the impulsive hands and
tongues of the guests. Dismounting at the gate, the
riders advanced with most of the soldiers through the
temple court, and climbed the one hundred and more
steps which led to the summit. Some priests and
chiefs had been sent by Montezuma to assist Cortes
to ascend, but he preferred to trust to himself. This
pyramid, unlike that in Mexico proper, appears to
have had but one continuous stair- way leading up the
western slope.4 The first sight which met the Span-
iards on reaching: the summit was the sacrificial cage
for holding victims, and a large snake -skin drum,
whose sombre tones gave appropriate effect to the
horrible rites enacted around it.

Montezuma came out of one of the chapels to
welcome them, expressing a fear that they must have
been fatigued by- the ascent, but Cortes hastened to
assure him that Spaniards never tired. Calling their
attention to the view here afforded of the city and its
surroundings, he stood silent for a while to let the
beauteous vision work its own enchantment. Around
on every side spread the lake and its connecting waters,
bordered with prairies and fields. Forests and towns
intermingled on the green carpet, and extended far
away till they disappeared in the shadows of the
hills. The soldiers recognized the settlements and

& It has been generally accepted that the temple in the centre of the city-
was visited, but Bernal Diaz, who is the only narrator of this excursion, states
distinctly, in several places, that the pyramid ascended was situated in the
Tlatelulco market-place, 'adonde esta aora senor Santiago, que se dize el
Taltelulco.' Hist. Verdad., 70-1. The description of the temple court and
interior is somewhat confused, and evidently combines points which belong
to the central temple.

4 Hence the contradictions between descriptions and views furnished by-
different chroniclers, which have so greatly puzzled modern writers.

296 CAPTURE OF THE EMPEROR.

towns which they had passed, and saw the cause-
ways which on three sides connected with the main-
land. Beneath them lay a vast expanse of terraced
roofs, intersected by streets and canals teeming with
passengers and canoes. Here and there rose palatial
edifices and towering temples, interspersed with open
squares, and with gardens shaded by trees and relieved
by the silvery jets of the fountain. At their feet lay
the market through which they had just passed, alive
with busy Lilliputians, whose talk and cries reached
their ears in a confused murmur. Cortes could not
fail to be impressed by scenes so varied and so at-
tractive, but the aesthetic aspect was in him speedily
overshadowed by the practical sense of the military
leader. Then rose on high his soul as he thought to
secure for Spain so rich an inheritance as the great
city with its vast population, and turning to Father
Olmedo he suggested that the site ought to be ob-
tained for a church; but the prudent friar remon-
strated that the emperor appeared to be in no mood
to listen to such a proposal.

Cortes accordingly contented himself with asking to
see the idols, and after consulting the priests Monte-
zuma led them past the piscina with the vestal fire
into the chapel. Withdrawing a tasselled curtain he
displayed the images, glittering with ornaments of
gold and precious stones, which at first drew the at-
tention of the beholders from the hideous form and
features. Before them stood the stone of sacrifice,
still reeking with gore, and around lay the instru-
ments for securing the human victim and for tearing
open the breast. On one altar could- be seen three
hearts, and on the other five, offered to the idols,
and even now warm and palpitating with life. The
interior walls were so smeared with human blood as
to obscure their original color, and to emit a fetid
odor which made the Spaniards glad to reach the
open air again.

Forgetting his prudence, Cortes expressed his won-

AN ALADDIN'S CAVE. 297

dcr to Montezuma that so great and wise a prince
should worship abominable demons like these. "Let
me but plant a cross on this summit," he said, "and
within the chapel place an image of the virgin, and
you shall behold the fear of the idols," The eyes of
the priests were at this aflame with anger, and .the
emperor could hardly suppress his indignation as he
replied, "Malinche, had I suspected that such insults
were to be offered, I would not have shown you my
gods. They are good; they give us health, suste-
nance, victory, and whatever we require. We adore
them, and to them make our sacrifices. I entreat vou
say not another word against them." Observing the
effect his remarks had produced, Cortes thought it
best to restrain himself, and to express regrets at
his hastiness. Then with a forced smile he said
that it was time to depart. Montezuma bade them
farewTell. As for himself, he must remain to appease
the ido^s for the insult offered.5

Not at all abashed by his rebuff at the temple,
Cortes asked Montezuma to let him erect a church
in his own quarters. Glad probably at finding the
Spanish pretensions in this respect so modified, he not
only assented, but gave artisans to aid in the work.
This was concluded within three days, and services
henceforth held therein, at which the Indians were
always welcomed. A cross was also erected before
the entrance, so that the natives might be impressed
by the devotion of their visitors.

This effort in behalf of the faith was not to go un-
requited. While looking for the best site for the altar,
says Bernal Diaz, Yaiiez, the carpenter, discovered
signs of a door- way recently closed and plastered over.
Cortes was told of this, and ever on the guard against
plots, he ordered the wall to be opened. Aladdin on
entering the cave could not have been more surprised

* Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 70-1. Siguenza y Gongora, the well-known
Mexican scholar of the seventeenth century, follows Bernal Diaz. Anotaciones
frit., M.S., 1-2.

298 CAPTURE OF THE EMPEROR.

than the Spaniards were on stepping into the chamber
there revealed. The interior fairly blazed with treas-
ures; bars of gold were there, nuggets large and small,
figures, implements, and jewelry of the same metal;
and then the silver, the rare bejewelled and em-
broidered fabrics, the prized chalchiuite and other
precious stones ! Cortes allowed the favored beholders
to revel in the ecstasy created by the sight, but to
their greed he set a check. He had reasons for not
disturbing the treasures at this time, and gave orders
to restore the wall, so that no suspicions might be
aroused that the deposit had been discovered.6

One reason with Cortes for not touching the treas-
ures was to hold out an alluring bait to those who,
more prone to listen to the warnings of timid allies
than to the ambitious promptings of their leader, were
ever ready to take alarm and urge withdrawal from a
position which they regarded as dangerous. Unbend-
ing in his resolution, the general had nevertheless
grasped all the perils of their position. Hitherto
no firm ground existed for alarm. They had been
a week in the capital, and were still receiving from
all hands the kindest treatment and the most gener-
ous hospitality. Cortes was aware, however, that
this depended on the favor of the emperor, whose
power over the submissive people resembled that of a

6 'No dexarian de quedar aprobechados . . . . y satisfacer a su necesidad,'
says Vetancurt, who knew the avarice of his countrymen too well to believe
in denials. Teatro, pt. iii. 131. Bernal Diaz says that Yafiez, as the servant
of Velazquez de Leon and Lugo, revealed the discovery to them, and they told
Cortes. The soldiers all heard of it, and came quietly to gaze on the treas-
ures, which rumor had already located somewhere in the palace. ' Being then
a young man,' says the old soldier, ' and having never seen such wealth, I felt
sure that there was not anything like it in the world.' Hist. Verdad., 72;
Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ii. Tapia and Gomara state that Cortes dis-
covered the door- way as he was walking in his room one evening, pondering
on his plans for seizing Montezuma. ' Cerro la puerta .... por no escanda-
lizar a Moteccuma, no se estoruasse por esso su prisio. ' Gomara, Hist. Mex.,
123; Tafia, Bel., in Icazbaketa, Col. Doc, ii. 579. Duran intimates that on
hearing of the existence of treasures in the palace, the Spaniards, including
the ' Santo Clerigo,' occupied themselves more in searching for them than in
promoting the faith. They did not find them, however, till Montezuma re-
vealed the hiding-place, under the pressure of questions and, it seems, of
hunger. Hist, hid., MS., ii. 445-6.

REVIEWING THE SITUATION". 299

£0(1, and whose person appeared to them as sacred as
his will was absolute. He had also learned that this
monarch was a man affrighted by his superstitions,
and often influenced by trifling circumstances; ready
to strike where he had fawned the moment before,
and little bound by words or pledges, particularly
when they involved his own sovereignty. One mis-
step by the Spanish leader or any of his men, ill-
behaved and importunate as they were, according to
his own statement; might precipitate the change. The
presence of the hated Tlascaltecs was itself a burden,
and the drain for supporting the self-invited guests
would soon be felt. The religious topic had already
created a momentary irritation, which might rankle
and grow under the promptings of the priests, who
must naturally object to rival interference.

Emperor and subjects were evidently restrained
only by the military prestige of the Spaniards, and to
some extent by the belief in their divine mission; but
they were also aware that, whatever might be the
prowess of the visitors and the power of their weapons .
and steeds, they were mortals, for this had been
proved quite lately by the unfortunate defeat of
Escalante, and in the Nautla campaign. The soldiers
of Montezuma had but to raise the bridges of the
causeways and cut off retreat, then stop supplies and
reduce them by starvation. True, there was the fate
of Cholula before the Mexicans; but they had gained
experience, and could mass vastly more warriors and
arms, while the Spaniards would have no allies in
reserve to operate in the rear. Besides, what mattered
the destruction of a part, or even of the entire city,
when thereupon depended the safety of the throne,
menaced by a horde of cruel, avaricious monsters!

Cortes had considered all these points, and knew
the expediency of resolute action. He had undertaken
an enterprise wherein one bold move must be sup-
ported by another, and to these all means had to be
subordinate. He had not come all this way to place

300 CAPTURE OF THE EMPEROR.

himself within the power of a suspicious and vacil-
lating despot, nor to waste his time in waiting for what
events might bring forth, while his enemies, headed
by Velazquez, were arranging for his overthrow. He
had formed his plans long beforehand, as indicated in
his first letter to the king, wherein he promised to
have the great Montezuma " a prisoner, a corpse, or
a subject to the royal crown of your Majesty."7 Con-
quest, followed by settlement and conversion, was his
aim. It would not pay him to play for a smaller
stake.

Just now rumors began to circulate tending to
stir anew the fears which Montezuma's friendly and
hospitable demeanor had soothed. One was that the
nobles had actually prevailed on the emperor to
break the bridges, to arm the whole city, and to
fall on the Spaniards with all available strength.8
Soldiers were readily found who fancied that the
mayordomo was less obsequious than formerly, and
that he gave scantier supplies. It was also under-
stood from Tlascaltecs that the populace appeared less
friendly during the last day or two. These reports
may have sprung wholly from timid minds still agi-
tated by the warnings uttered by Tlascaltecs before
the departure from Cholula, or they may have been

7 He refers to this promise in the second letter to the king, saying, 'porque
certifiqiie a V. A. que lo habria preso 6 muerto 6 siibdito. ' Cortes, Cartas, 52.

8 ' En la verdad era asi e lo tinien acordado, ' affirms Tapia, Bel. , in Icazbal-
ceta, Col. Doc, ii. 579. 'Estas nueuas, falsas, o verdaderas,' is the non-com-
mitting phrase of Gomara. Hist. Mex., 123. Ixtlilxochitl takes firmer ground.
'According to an oiiginal letter in my possession, signed by the three heads
of New Spain, and written to his Majesty the emperor, our master, they excul-
pate Motecuhzoma and the Mexicans of this and other charges, declaring them
inventions of the Tlascaltecs and of some Spaniards who feared that they
would never see the hour when they might leave the city and place in security
the riches they had obtained.' Hist. Chick., 296. Clavigero adopts the view
that Cortes called for such testimony from certain chiefs among his allies,
whose dislike of the Mexicans would be sure to prompt it. 'Per giustificar
vieppiu il suo attentato, e muovere i suoi Spagnuoli ad eseguirlo, fece chia-
mar parecchie persone principali de' suoi alleati (la cui informazione dovrebbe
sempre essergli sospettosa).' Storia Mess., iii. 90-1. Vetancurt has a story
that, a drought prevailing at the time, the Spaniards induced the heavens by
means of .masses and prayers to send rain. This made the priests and idols
jealous, and the emperor was prevailed on to rid himself of the Spaniards.
The Tlascaltecs learned of the plot and reported it. Teatro, pt. iii. 130.

A DARING PROJECT. 301

promoted by Cortes himself in furtherance of his
plans. He at any rate seized the pretence to hold a
council, composed of Alvarado, Leon, Ordaz, and
Sandoval, together with twelve soldiers whose advice
he most valued, "including myself," says Bernal Diaz.
His chief reason was to persuade them of the neces-
sitv for the measure he had resolved on, and to win
their hearty cooperation. Laying before them the
current rumors which confirmed the warnings for-
merry received, and representing the unreliable and
suspicious character of Montezuma, his great power,
and the peculiar position and strength of the city, he
concluded by proposing the daring venture of seizing
the emperor and holding him a hostage.9

Here was folly run mad! Four hundred men, after
penetrating formidable barriers and gaining the very
heart of a great empire, whose vast armies could
oppose a thousand warriors to every Spaniard there,
coolly propose to take captive the worshipped monarch
of this vast realm, and then to defy its millions of
subjects! The wildest tales of mediaeval knights
hardly equal this project. Reckless as was the con-
ception, it was the fruit of yet greater audacity.
Cortes reared his structure of folly insensate upon
the platform of still greater insensate folly. If it was
true that he had practically placed himself in the
position of a captive, then he would cut the knot by
capturing the captor. And yet, foolhardy as might
appear the scheme when coolly viewed from the isle
of Cuba, situated as the Spaniards were, it was doubt-
less the best they could do ; it was doubtless all they
could do. The efficiency of hostages had been fre-

9 According to Bernal Diaz the members of this council suggested not only
the seizure but the reasons for it. Cortes responded that he had not been
oblivious of the danger, but saw not how the seizure could be effected. The
captains proposed to beguile the prince to their quarter and detain him. If
Cortes hesitated they were willing to undertake the task. The old soldier is
evidently misled, as he was in the scuttling affair, to assume too much credit
for himself and his fellow-soldiers. Cort<5s had no doubt adopted his common
tactics, so frequently admitted by Bernal Diaz himself, of inspiring his comrades
to suggest what he had resolved on. This is proved by the promise made to
the emperor in his first letter, four months before, to capture Montezuma.

302 CAPTURE OF THE EMPEROR.

quently tried by the conquerors in the Antilles, and
the opportune seizure of the Cempoalan lord had not
been forgotten; but this had been effected under the
impulse of the moment, while the chieftain was sur-
rounded by Spaniards. Here was required not only
a calm resolution, unflinching to the end, but a well
laid stratagem. Cortes stood prepared with both.

Producing the letter from Villa Rica, which had
been kept secret all this time, he gave an account of
the unfortunate successes at Almeria, describing in
exaggerated terms the treachery of Quauhpopoca,
and consequently of Montezuma as his master, and
stirring the feelings of the council by an appeal to
avenge their comrades.10 Here was a pretence11 which
served also to set aside the suggestion that the em-
peror would be only too glad to let them depart in
peace, for it was argued that a retreat now, since the
Spaniards stood revealed as mortals, would draw upon
them not only the contempt of allies and countrymen,
but a general uprising, with the most fatal results.
Retreat meant also the surrender of all hopes of
wealth, preferment, and honor, to be followed by
punishment and disgrace for their irregular proceed-
ings so far. With Montezuma in their power, they
possessed a hostage whose sacredness in the eyes of
his subjects insured their safety, and made the people
pliable to their will, while disaffected vassals could be
secured by alliances, or by the promise of reforms.
Should the seizure result in the monarch's death,
the succession would doubtless become the cause of
division and dissension, in the midst of which the
Spaniards might influence affairs in their own in-
terest. Thus were answered the various objections
raised.

10Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 73, followed by a number of other writers,
states that the letter was received at Mexico the morning after this meeting,
but it has been shown that he must be wrong. He mentions as one of the
statements in the letter that the Totonacs were in revolt, and it is probable
that Cortes may have said so to show the soldiers that retreat was cut off,
and that seizure was the only recourse.

11 As both Peter Martyr and Gomara call it.

THE MANNER OF IT. 303

As for the manner of seizure, the safest plan would
doubtless be to inveigle Montezuma to their quarters
and there detain him; but this would cause delay,
and might arouse suspicion/2 and, since prompt action
was considered necessary, the best way would be to
seize him in his own palace. This was agreed upon,
and the same evening the facts and arguments were
effectively presented to the men and preparations
made.

"All night," writes Bernal Diaz, "we passed in
earnest prayer, the priests devoutly imploring God
to so direct the undertaking that it might redound to
his holy service."13

In the morning Cortes sent to announce that he
would visit the emperor. He then despatched a num-
ber of small parties as if for a stroll, with orders to keep
themselves in and near the palace, and on the way to
it, ready for any emergency. Twenty -five soldiers
were told to follow him, by twos and threes, into the
audience -chamber, whither he preceded them with
Alvarado, Sandoval, Velazquez de Leon, Francisco
de Lugo, and Avila.14 All were armed to the teeth,15
and as the Mexicans had been accustomed to see
them thus equipped no suspicions were aroused.
Montezuma proved on this occasion to be particularly
gracious, and after a brief chat he offered several
presents of finely wrought gold, and to Cortes he
presented one of his daughters, the captains being
given women of rank from his own harem, which

12 The neglect of this less speedy plan does indicate that the rumors of
danger were credited to a great extent at least.

13 Hist. Verdad.,74:. Cortes in his quiet way writes to the king that, after
passing six days in the great city, and finding that for various reasons ' it suited
the royal interest and our safety to have this lord in my power, and not wholly
at liberty, lest he change in the proposal and desire manifested to serve Y.
H .... I resolved to seize and place him in the quarter where I was. ' Cartas,
88-9.

u ' Mand6 que su gente dos a dos 6 cuatro a cuatro se fuesen tras el .... 6
con el entramos hasta treinta espanoles 6 los demas quedaban a la puerta de
la casa, e" en un patio della,' says Tapia, who appears to have been one of
those who entered. ReJ. , in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc. , ii. 579.

lj'Co armas secretas,' says Gomara, Hist. Mex.f 123, and probably they
did bear extra weapons beneath their cloaks.

304 CAPTURE OF THE EMPEROR.

was a mark of great favor.16 Cortes sought to decline
for himself the favor, on the ground that he could
not many. Montezuma nevertheless insisted, and he
yielded not unwillingly.17

Assuming a serious tone, the latter now produced
the letter from Villa Rica, and informed the emperor
that he had received an account of the outrageous
conduct of Quauhpopoca, resulting in the death of
some of his men, and that he, the sovereign, had been
accused of beinof the instigator. Montezuma gave
an indignant denial,18 and Cortes hastened to assure
him that he believed the charge to be false, but as
commander of a party he had to account for the men
to his king, and must ascertain the truth. In this
Montezuma said he would aid him ; and calling a trusted
officer, he gave him a bracelet from his wrist bearing
the imperial signet — a precious stone graven with his
likeness19 — bidding him to bring Quauhpopoca and his
accomplices, by force, if necessary.20 Cortes expressed
himself pleased, but added that, in order to cover his
responsibility as commander, and to convince his men

16 ' Yotras liijas de seilores a algunos de mi compania.' Cortes, Cartas, 89.
But the customary mark of favor was to give them from his harem. See
Native Races, ii.

17 ' Per non dar disgusto al Re, e per avere occasione di farla Cristiana,'is
Clavigero's excuse for the acceptance. Storia Mess., in. 93. Brasseur de Bour-
bourg, and some other writers, assume that Cortes declined; but the original
authorities all say or intimate that he accepted. Even Cortes himself writes
in his letter to the emperor, 'despues. . . .de haberme el dado algunas joyas
de oro y una hija suya,' etc. Cartas, 89. 'Le persuadi6,' says Ixtlilxochitl,
Hist. Chich., 29G. Gomara is even more explicit, and Herrera says that
Montezuma insisted, ' porque queria tener nietos de hombre tan valeroso.' dec.
ii. lib. viii. cap. ii. The affair is perhaps less important in itself than as index
to the character of Cortes, who could accept so intimate an offer with one hand
while he prepared a blow with the other. It might also be made to indicate
that Montezuma could have had no base designs against him when he made
the uncalled-for offer of intrusting a daughter (if such she was) to his keeping.
Still the imperial character would not have suffered had it been shown that
this was but an artifice to lull his intended victim into a false security.

18 Some authors, like Herrera and Torquemada, say that he denied all
knowledge of the occurrence, calling it an invention of enemies.

19 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 297. 'Q tenia la figura de Vitzilopuchtli,'
Gomara, 123; and so says Bernal Diaz. Tapia states that Montezuma told
Cortes to send two Spaniards with the messengers ; but he doubtless declined
to risk two lives on such a trip. Bel. , in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc. , ii. 583-4.

20'Ingrato rey !' exclaims Gallo, in commenting upon this surrender of a
devoted officer. Hombres Ilust. Mex., i. 318.

INFAMOUS INVITATION. 305

that the emperor was indeed as innocent as Cortes
believed him to be, it would be advisable for him to
come and stay at their quarters till the guilty parties
had been punished.21

Montezuma was dumfounded at this unhallowed
impudence. He, the august sovereign, before whom
even princes prostrated themselves, at whose word
armies sprang into existence, and at whose name
mighty rulers trembled, he to be thus treated by a
score of men whom he had received as guests and
loaded with presents, and this in his own palace ! For
a moment he stood mute, but the changing aspect of
his countenance revealed the agitation within. At last
he exclaimed that he was not the person to be thus
treated. He would not go. They could always find
him at his palace.

Cortes pleaded that his presence among the soldiers
was necessary, not merely as a declaration, of his in-
nocence, but to allay the rumors which had reached
them that he and his people were plotting for their
destruction. Montezuma again made an indignant
denial ; but added that, even if he consented to go, his
people would never allow it. His refusal, insisted the
general, would rouse the worst suspicions of his men,
and he could not answer for their acts. Mexico might
meet the fate of Cholula, and he with it.22

Montezuma now began to implore, and offered to
surrender his legitimate children as hostages if he
were but spared the disgrace of being made a prisoner.
This could not be, was the reply. The Spanish
quarter was his own palace, and he could readily per-
suade his subjects that he went there for a short time
of his own accord, or at the command of the gods.23

21 Bernal Diaz makes Cortes accuse the emperor of perfidy, and of having
instigated the Cholula massacre. Hist. Verdad. , 74. But this he would hardly
do, since his purpose was clearly to persuade, not to arouse anger.

J*Xo querria comencar guerra, ni destruir aquesta Ciudad que si

alboroto, 6 vozes daua, que luego sereis muerto de aquestos mis Capitanes, que
no los traigo para otro efeto,' is Bernal Diaz' blunt version. Hist. Verdad., 74.
23'Auia tenido platica de su idolo Huichilobos .... que convenia para su
salud, y guardar su vida, estar con nosotros. ' Id. , 7o.
Hisi. Mex., Vol. I. 20

306 CAPTURE OF THE EMPEROR.

He would be treated with every consideration, and
should enjoy his usual comfort, surrounded by favorites
and councillors. The plan involved no change bej^ond
that of residence, to a place where he would be under
secret surveillance.

Montezuma still objected, and time was passing.24
The companions of Cortes becoming nervous at this
delay, Velazquez de Leon exclaimed in his sten-
torian voice: "Why so many words, your worship?
Let us either carry him off or despatch him. Tell
him that if he calls out or creates a disturbance
we shall kill him!"25 Turning in alarm to Marina,
Montezuma inquired what was meant. Full of pity
for the troubled monarch, she told him that the men
were becoming impatient at his delay. She besought
him, as he valued his life, to accede to their wishes
and go with them. He would be treated with all the
honor due to his rank. A glance at the frowning
faces of the Spaniards confirmed the mysterious words
of the interpreter, and chilled him to the heart. He
had heard too many accounts of the resolution and
cruelty of these men not to believe them capable of
anything. Were he to call for aid they would no
doubt kill him and destroy the city; for few as they
were they had proved themselves equal to hosts of
natives.

The unhappy monarch yielded, since it was so
decreed — by the sublime audacity of this score of
adventurers. The spirit of Axayacatl had evidently
not survived in the son, and the prestige of his early
career as military leader had dwindled to a mere
shadow in the effeminate lap of court-life.26 Sum-
moning his attendants, he ordered a litter brought.

24 ' Estuuieron mas de media hora en estas platicas. ' Id. , 74. Tapia and
others say four hours, which is unlikely.

25 ' Porque mas vale que desta vez asseguremos nuestras vidas, b las per-
damos.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 75.

26 'Era, 6 muy falto de animo, 6 pusilanime, 6 muy prudente.' Oriedo, iii.
289. 'En el se cumpli6 lo que de el se decia, que todo hombre cruel es co-
barde, aunque a la verdad, era ya llegada la voluntad de Dios. ' Ixtlilxochitl,
Bel., 411.

HE GOES WITH HIS ENEMIES. 307

Everything had been quietly conducted, and since
none ventured to question the emperor, his com-
mand was silently obeyed; but the mysterious in-
terview and his agitation roused their suspicions,
and the rumor spread that something extraordinary
was about to happen. Wondering and murmuring
crowds had already collected along the. route between
the twTo palaces when the emperor appeared. On
seeing the sorrowing faces of the favorites who bore
him, and observing how closely it was surrounded
by the Spanish soldiers who acted as guard of honor,
their fears became confirmed. The distance to the
quarters was too short, however, and the news had
not yet travelled far enough, to allow a serious dem-
onstration.27 But not long after the plaza in front

27 Bernal Diaz intimates clearly enough that no demonstration was made
till after his arrival. Hist. Verdad., 75. And so does Cortes. ' Llorando lo
tomaron en ella [the litter] con mucho silencio, y asi nos fuimos hasta el
aposento donde estaba, sin haber alboroto en la ciudad, aunque se comenz6 a
mover. Pero sabido por el dicho Muteczuma, envio a mandar que no lo hubiese;
y asi, hubo toda quietud. ' Cartas, 90. Ixtlilxochitl, however, allows Monte-
zuma to stay long enough in his palace, after ordering the litter, to enable the
lords and nobles to come and offer their services. A delay like this, which
the Spaniards certainly never could have permitted, might have given time for
the tumultuous gathering which he describes. Hist. Chick., 297. Prescott, in
following this version, makes the emperor so far overstep his usual dignity
as to 'call out' to the people to disperse. ' Tambien detuvieron consigo a
Itcuauhtzit i , gohern&dor del Tlatilulco, ' says Sahagun, while the leading nobles
'cuando fue preso Mocthecuzoma le desampararon y se escondieron. ' Hist.
Cow/., 25.

The seizure has, like the equally prominent episodes of the massacre at
Cholula, and the scuttling of the fleet, aroused no little comment in justifica-
tion or condemnation. ' Now that I am old, ' says Bernal Diaz, ' I stop to
consider the heroic deeds then performed, and I do say that our achievements
were not effected by ourselves, but were all brought about by God; for what
men have existed in the world who, less than 450 soldiers in number, dared to
enter into so strong a city as Mexico, larger than Venice, and so remote from
Castile, to seize so great a lord?' Hist. Verdad., 76. ' Never Greek or Roman,
nor of other nation, since kings exist, performed a like deed, only Fernando
Cortes, to seize Moteccuma, a king most powerful, in his own house, in a
place most strong, amid an infinity of people, while possessing but 450 com-
panions.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 124. Commenting on this, Torquemada adds
that ' it was indeed a deed for daring never seen, and must be attributed
to God rather than to human heart. ' i. 458. Solis of course fails not to extol
the genius and daring of his hero, whose deed 'appears rather in the light of
a fable' than in consonance with simple history. Hist. Mex., i. 448. 'A deed
which makes one tremble even to conceive, and much more to carry out. ] >ut
God had so determined it. ' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chick. , 296. ' History contains
nothing parallel to this event, either with respect to the temerity of the
attempt, or the success of the execution, ' etc. Robertson's Hist. Am. , ii. 60. 'An
expedient, which none but the most daring spirit, in the most desperate ex-

303 CAPTURE OF THE EMPEROR.

of it was blocked with an excited multitude, and a
number of leading personages and relatives made
their way into the presence of their sovereign, asking
with tearful eyes and knitted brows how they might
serve him. They were ready to lay down their lives
to rescue him. He assured them with a forced smile
that there was no cause for alarm. Too proud to dis-
close his pusillanimity, he readily echoed the words
of Cortes, that he had come of his own free-will, and
at the intimation of the gods, to stay awhile with his
guests. He told them to calm the people with this
assurance, and to disperse the gathering.

tremity, would have conceived.' Prescotfs M ex., ii. 159. 'An unparalleled
transaction. There is nothing like it, I believe, in the annals of the world.'
Helps' Cortes, ii. 351. Clavigero is less carried away by the incident, for he sees
therein the hand of God. Nevertheless, he sympathizes with Montezuma.
Storia Mess. , iii. 95, etc. Pizarro y Orellana finds the deed eclipsed by the
similar achievement, with a smaller force, under his namesake Pizarro. Varones
Jivstres, S9-90. And later Mexican writers,, like Bustamante, see, naturally
enough, nothing but what is detestable in the incident, for according to the
native records which form their gospel, Montezuma was guiltless of any base
intents. Unfortunately for them, these very records paint him a blood-thirsty
despot who punishes the slightest offence against himself, even when merely
suspected, with the most atrocious cruelty ; one who is continually seeking
his aggrandizement at the expense of inoffensive, peace-loving tribes, who
oppresses not only conquered peoples, but his own subjects, with extortionate
taxes and levies to satisfy his inordinate appetite for pomp and for new con-
quests. These records also admit that he had repeatedly sent sorcerers, if not
armies, to entrap and destroy the Spaniards. He who looked calmly on heca-
tombs of his own subjects, slaughtered before his very eyes, would not hesi-
tate to condemn strangers for plotting against the throne which was dearer
to him than life itself. The Spaniards may have anticipated events consider-
ably, but there is no doubt that numerous personages, from Cuitlahuatzin down-
ward, were bitterly opposed to their enforced guests, and they would sooner
or later have realized the rumors which the allies began to circulate. Placed
as lie was, CorteV duty to himself, to the men intrusted to him, to his king,
aad to the cause of religion, as then regarded, required him to give heed to
such rumors, and, after weighing their probability, to take the precautionary
measure of seizing the monarch, since retreat not only appeared fraught with
disaster and dishonor, but would be regarded as a neglect of opportunity and
of duty. With Cortes, naught but the first steps in assuming the conquest,
and in usurping certain credit and means, can be regarded as crimes, and the
former of these was forced upon him by circumstances of his age and sur-
roundings. Every project, then, conceived by him for the advancement of his
great undertaking must redound to his genius as soldier and leader. Of course,
among these projects appear many which did not advance the great object,
and which must be condemned. But where do we find greatness wholly free
from stain?

CHAPTER XVIII.

DOUBLY REFINED DEALINGS.

1519-1520.

Hollow Homage to the Captive King — Montezuma has his Wives and
Nobles — He Rules his Kingdom through the Spaniards — The
Playful Page — Liberality of the Monarch — The Sacred Treas-
ures— Cortes Resents the Insults of the Guard — Diversions —
quauhpopoca, his son and officers, burned alive — plantations
Formed — Villa Rica Affairs — Vessels Built — Pleasure Excur-
sions.

A pompous reception was accorded the imperial
prisoner. With no small ceremony was he conducted
to apartments adjoining those of Cortes, as selected
by himself, and there surrounded by all accustomed
comforts and every show of greatness. At hand were
his favorite wives, his most devoted servants; he held
court daily, received ambassadors, issued orders, and
with the aid of his learned jurists administered justice.
To outward appearance the monarch was as absolute
as ever; yet Montezuma knew that his glory had
departed, that the continued forms of greatness were
hollow, and that his power was but the power of a
puppet. He was wise enough to know that a strong
man is not to be trusted who is officiously kind to a
weak one.

Henceforth the power of the nation, in the hands
of these insidious strangers, was to be directed against
himself. It was a cunning policy, craftily conceived
and deftly executed.

Cortes took care that everything round the pris-
oner should move smoothly, and that his presence in
the Spanish quarters should appear to the natives a

(309)

310 DOUBLY REFINED DEALINGS.

voluntary rather than an enforced visit. To his more
intimate lords and subjects, however, who knew better
his condition, and who sometimes urged him to return
to his palace, the poor captive would say, "Ah, no!
it is the will of the gods that I remain with these
men and be guided by their counsel." But on no
account must the imperial influence be allowed for the
present to decline before the people. The deception
must be continued, and the dignity of the sovereign
upheld by a deferential attention as profound as that
which was shown before his imprisonment. Daily,
after prayers, the Spanish general came to pay his
respects, attended by several of his captains, more
frequently Alvarado, Velazquez, and Ordaz, and to
receive the imperial commands with respect to his
comforts, pleasures, and duties. On these occasions,
and indeed whenever he appeared before the emperor,
says Bernal Diaz, Cortes set the example to his
followers by doffing his hat and bowing low, and never
did he presume to sit in the royal presence until
requested to do so.

Yet a most unpleasant reminder to the monarch
of his circumscribed authority was the ever present
guard in and around his apartments.1 This was under
the command of Juan Velazquez de Leon, who en-
forced the strictest watch, particularly when it became
known that Montezuma's courtiers lost no opportunity
to urge escape, and that he lent them a not unwilling
ear, despite the professed desire to remain with the
Spaniards. Among the several schemes with this
object are mentioned bored walls, .tunnels beneath
the palace, and an attempt b}^ the emperor himself
to leap from the summit of the building into a safe
receptacle prepared for him.2

1 ' Le did en guarda a un capitan, 6 de noche e" de dia siempre estaban
espaiioles en su presencia.' Topia, 7?e/. , in Ieazbalceta , Col. Doc, ii. 580. This
captain appears to have been Jnan Velazquez, whose place was taken by Olid,
when required. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 77, 86.

- ' Se quiso echar de viia acutea de diez estados en alto, para que los suyos
le recibiessen, sino lc detuuiera vn Castellano. . . .Denoche y de dia procurauan
de sacarle, oradando a cada passo las paredes, y echando f uego por las azutcas. '

THE CAPTIVITY. 311

Espionage was also established on the emperor
in his intercourse with courtiers, by placing in the
apartment the page Qrtcguilla, who had acquired a fair
knowledge of Aztec. Of prepossessing appearance,
agreeable and sprightly in manner, the youth became
a favorite with the captive king. Among other things,
the little spy gave the monarch an insight into Spanish
customs and proceedings at home and abroad, into
the power and grandeur of the Castilian king, and
into the mysteries of the faith. Being constantly
together they grew familiar, Montezuma delighting
to play pranks on the boy, throwing aloft his hat,
and lau^hinGT at his efforts to regain it. These tricks
were always followed by a liberal reward.3

Montezuma was indeed most liberal with all who
came in contact with him, as became the character of
a great and rich prince. Not only jewels, robes, and
curiosities, but male and female slaves, were freely
dispensed, partly no doubt with a view to secure good
treatment from the guard. A considerate thought-
fulness and gentle manner added to his popularity,
and " whenever he ordered," says the old soldier, "we
flew to obey." The inconsiderate pride and selfishness
of the independent monarch seems to have disappeared
in the prisoner, yet like the captive hawk he was sub-
missive only to his masters. Orteguilla kept him
informed of the rank and character of the men, and
became the recognized medium for his favors. He rep-
resented, for instance, that Bernal Diaz longed to be
the master of a pretty maiden, and Montezuma,
having noticed the exceeding deference of the soldier,
called him, saying that he would bestow on him a

The result was an increase of the guard, Alvarez Cliico being placed with
GO men to watch the rear of the quarters, and Andres de Monjarraz the front,
with the same number, each watch consisting of twenty men. Herrera, dec.
ii. lib. viii. cap. iii. Bernal Diaz intimates that the guarding of Montezuma
proved a severe strain on the soldiers ; but, situated as they were, vigilance
was ever required, and still greater must have been the danger had he not
been ia their power.

Jllerrera calls him Peiia, which may have been one of his names, dec. ii.
lib. viii. cap. v. Bernal Diaz assumes that Montezuma asked Cortes to give,
him the page, after the execution of Quauhpopoca. Hist. Verdad., ~to.

312 DOUBLY REFINED DEALINGS.

fine young woman, whom he must treat well, for she
was the daughter of a chief. He also gave him three
quoits of gold and two loads of robes.4 The gift came
from the emperor's harem, from which he frequently
drew to please those whom he delighted to honor.
The vacancies thus created were filled from noble
families, who like those of more advanced countries
regarded it an honor for a daughter to occupy the
position of royal concubine. After his imprisonment
Montezuma seems to have disposed of his wives quite
rapidly, a number of them falling to leading Span-
iards.5 To Cortes he offered for the second time a
daughter, prettier than the one given him on the day
of his capture, but in this instance the gift was de-
clined in favor of Olid, who accepted her, together
with any number of presents, and was henceforth
treated as a relative by her imperial father. Both
she and the sister with Cortes were baptized.6

The soldiers generally were by no means forgotten
in the distribution of women and other gifts, and in
course of time the quarter became so crowded with
male and female attendants that Cortes found it nec-

4 The bride was named Francisca. Hist. Verdad. , 77. As an instance of
Montezuma's eagerness to gratify the Spaniards, and at the same time to ex-
hibit his own power, it is related that one day a hawk pursued a pigeon to the
very cot in the palace, amid the plaudits of the soldiers. Among them was
Francisco the dandy, former maestresala to the admiral of Castile, who loudly
expressed the wish to obtain possession of the hawk and to tame him for fal-
conry. Montezuma heard him, and gave his hunters orders to catch it, which
they did. Id.; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 125.

5Duran states that the soldiers discovered a house filled with women,
supposed to be wives of Montezuma, and hidden to be out of the reach of the
white men. He assumes that gratitude would have made the Spaniards
respect them ; or, if the women were nuns, that respect for virtue must have
obtained.

6 CorteV protegee being named Ana. Quite a number of the general's fol-
lowers declare in their testimony against him, in 1528, that he assumed the
intimate protectorship of two or even three of Montezuma's daughters,
the second being called Ines, or by others Isabel, the wife of Grado, and
afterward of Gallcgo. ' Tres fijas de Montezuma e que las dos dellas an parido
del e la otra murio prenada del quando se perdio esta cibdad. ' Tirado, in Cortes,
Rosideuria, ii. 39, 241, 244; i. 63, 99, 221, 263. Intrigues are mentioned with
other Indian princesses. Vetancurt assumes that two noble maidens were
given, one of whom Olid received. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 133; Torquemada, i.
402. Bernal Diaz supposes that this is the first daughter offered by Monte-
zuma, and he believes evidently that Cortes accepts her, to judge, by a later
reference. Hist. Verdad., 85, 102.

GATHERING IN OF TREASURES. 313

essary to issue an order reducing the number to
one female servant for each man. Informed of this,
Montezuma instructed his mayordomo to provide
good accommodation and sustenance for them else-
where.7

Encouraged by this generosity, Cortes approached
him one day regarding the secreted treasures, which
had been so long respected, but which he desired to
have in his possession. He regretted to say that
his graceless soldiers had come upon the treasure-
chamber, and regardless of his instructions had ab-
stracted a number of jewels. The emperor hastened
to reassure him; perhaps he understood the hint.
The contents of the chamber belonged to the gods,
he said; but the gold and silver might freely be taken
so long as the rest was left.8 He would give more,
if required. Cortes did not scruple to avail himself of
the permission, by appropriating for himself and his
intimate friends a large share. So charged the dis-
contented soldiers, but the main portion appears to
have been reserved for the general distribution not
long after. Although the most valuable part of this
collection had been freely surrendered, the soldiers
hesitated not to seize also upon other effects, such as
liquid amber and several hundred loads of cotton
fabrics. Cortes wished to restore them, but Monte-
zuma declined, saying that he never received anything
back.9 On another occasion the Spaniards discovered
the imperial warehouse for cacao beans, the most
common currency of the country, and for some time

1 Herrera states that Cortes' order was prompted by a consideration for
the heavy expense to Montezuma. The latter remonstrated at this economical
fit, and commanded that double rations should be provided for the exiled,
dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. iv.

8 Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 580. 'Purche non tocchino disse
il Re, le immagini degli Dei, ne ci6 che e destinato al loro culto, prendano
quanto vogliono,' is Clavigero's free interpretation of Ojeda's version. Storia
Maw., iiiL97; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 125.

1 'Lo ([ vna vez daua no lo auia de tornar a recibir.' 'Las caxas donde la
ropa estaua, ^eran tan grandes que llegauan a las vigas de los aposentos, y
tan onchas, q despues de vacias, se alojaua en cada vna dos Castcllanos.
Sacaron al patio mas de mil cargas de ropa. ' Herrera, ii. viii. iv.

314 DOUBLY REFINED DEALINGS.

made nightly raids on it with their Indian carriers.
Cortes proposed to mete out punishment for this,
but finding that Alvarado was a leading culprit, he
dropped the matter with a private reprimand.10

Montezuma's good nature was imposed upon in more
wa}7s than one, and with all his kindness he could not
command consideration from the rougher soldiers and
sailors. One of the guard, after being requested, with
a gift, to discontinue certain unseemly acts, repeated
the offence in the hope of receiving another bribe ; but
Montezuma now reported him to his captain, and he
was removed. Cortes, who was determined to enforce
respect for the captive, inflicted severe punishment
on offenders in this respect. Tired of patrol duty,
Pedro Lopez said one day in the hearing of Monte-
zuma, "Confusion on this dog! By guarding him
constantly, I am sick at stomach unto death!" Told
of this, the general had the man lashed in the sol-
diers' hall, and this regardless of his standing as a
good soldier and an archer of great skill. Another
who showed insolence to the emperor was ordered
hanged, but escaped with a lashing at the intercession
of the captains and of Montezuma.11 This strictness
insured respect not only for the emperor, but for
Cortes, so that the quarter became most exemplary
for its good order.12

The Spaniards united heartily with the native court-
iers to entertain the captive and to remove so far as
possible whatever might remind him of his lost lib-
erty. He found great delight in their military exer-
cises, which recalled the faded prowess of his youth

10'Casa de Cacao, de Motecuhcuma, adonde avia mas de quarenta mil
Cargas, que era Gran Riqueca, porque solia valer cada Carga quarenta Cas-
tellanos. ' Alvarado alone emptied six jars of 600 loads. Torquemada, i. 472.

11 The man had insisted that Montezuma should have a search made for
two of his missing female attendants. The emperor did not wish Spaniards
punished for pilfering, as he told Cortes, only for offering insult and violence.
In such cases he would have his own courtiers lashed. Herrera, dec. ii. lib.
viii. cap. v.

12 ' Tinie el marques tan recogida su gente, que ninguno salie un tiro de
arcabuz del aposento sin licencia, 6 asimismo la gente tan en paz, que se ave-
riguo nunca rehir uno con otro.' Tapia, Rcl., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 5SG.

THE CAPTIVE'S PASTIMES. 31.5

and exhibited the tactics which contributed so power-
fully to Spanish supremacy over native arms. He
also enjoyed sports, and -among games the totoloque
was his favorite. This consisted in throwing small
golden balls at pieces of the same metal set up as
targets at a certain distance. Five points won the
stakes. Cortes often played it with him, and Alva-
rado, who kept count for the general, usually marked
more points than he was entitled to. Montezuma
playfully protested against such marking, although
what Cortes won he gave to the Mexican attend-
ants, while Montezuma presented his gains to the
Spanish guard.13

Montezuma was at times allowed to visit his
palaces, and to enjoy the hunting-field, but these trips
were of rare occurrence, owing to the danger of
popular demonstrations.14 On such occasions, says
Cortes, the escort of prominent Mexicans 'numbered
at least three thousand. The first time Montezuma
requested this privilege it was for the purpose of
offering prayer and sacrifice at the great temple, as
required by his gods, he said; and although Cortes
did not like the arrangement, his prisoner convinced
him that this public demonstration was necessary,
in order to show the people that he was not kept
in compulsory confinement, but remained with the

13 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 77. ' Un giuoco, che gli Spagnuoli chiama-
vano il bodoque.' Clavigero, titoria Mess., iii. 97. Bodoque signifies balls in
this connection. When Alvarado lost, he with great show of liberality paid in
chalchiuites, stones which were highly treasured by the natives, but worth
nothing to the Spaniards. Montezuma paid in quoits, worth at least 50 ducats.
One day he lost 40 or 50 quoits, and with pleasure, since it gave him the
opportunity to be generous. B. V. de Tapia testifies that Alvarado used to
cheat in playing cards with him and others. Cortes, Residencia, i. 51-2. Another
way of gratifying this bent was to accept trifles from the Spaniards and liber-
ally compensate them. Alonso de Ojeda, for instance, had a silk-embroidered
satchel with many pockets, for which Montezuma gave him two pretty slaves,
beside a number of robes and jewels. Ojeda wrote a memoir on the conquest,
of which Hen-era makes good use. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. v.

11 'Fiie muchas veces a holgar con cincoo seis espanoles a una y dos leguas
raera de la ciudad.' Cortes, Cat tas, 92. Both the times and the number of the
Spaniards are doubtful, however. 'Quando salia a cacar. . . .Lleuaua ocho o
diez Espanoles en guarda de la persona, y tres mil Mexicanos entre senores,
cyualleros, criados, y cacadores.' Gomara, Hist. 21 ex., 124; Ixtlilxoeh'dl, Hint.
Chich., 297.

316 DOUBLY REFINED DEALINGS.

strangers at the order of the deity he was about to
consult. Four captains were appointed to escort him
with a guard of one hundred and fifty soldiers, and
he was warned that any attack upon them, or any
attempt at rescue, would result in his own death. He
was carried in a rich litter, attended by a brilliant
procession of nobles, and preceded, according to cus-
tom, by a dignitary bearing the triple wand which
indicated that the emperor was approaching and de-
manded loyal veneration.

On reaching the temple the imperial worshipper
stepped forth, leaning on the arms of his relatives,
and was assisted to the summit. Human sacrifices
had been forbidden, and Father Olmedo came to
watch over the observance of the order; but it appears
that four captives had been offered during the night,
and despite the remonstrances of the friar the at-
tendant rites went on.15 The captains thought it
prudent not to exceed a protest, and congratulated
themselves when the ceremony was ended and the
emperor safely back in their quarters.

A fortnight after the seizure of Montezuma, Quauh-
popoca arrived in the capital, accompanied by his son
and fifteen of his staff. He made his entry with the
pomp befitting a powerful governor and a relative of
the sovereign, and hastened to the palace. As was
customary with subjects who were about to appear in
the imperial presence, the rich robes were covered with
a coarse cloak, in token of humiliation. His master
received him with a stern countenance, and signified
his displeasure at the proceedings which under pretext
of his authority had caused loss of Spanish life. No
attention was paid to explanations, and he was sur-
rendered with his followers to the Spaniards, to be
dealt with as they thought fit.16 Cortes held a trial:

15 Bernal Diaz intimates that more sacrifices were made in their presence.
' Y no podiamos en aqnella sazon hazer otra cosa sino dissimular con el.' Il<?t.
Yen lad., 78.

10 Bernal Diaz admits that he knows not what occurred between governor

QUAUHPOPOCA BURNED. 317

he was a shrewd inquisitor, and his sentence was sure
to accord with his own interests. "Are you a vassal
of Montezuma?" he asked of Quauhpopoca. "What
else could I be?" was the reply. "Did you attack
Spaniards by his order?" The prisoner was in a most
serious dilemma. At first he refused to implicate the
emperor, but finding that his fate was sealed he con-
fessed having acted under his orders.17 This could
not avail him, however, for in obeying his master he
had injured the subjects and outraged the laws and
majesty of the Spanish king, who was sovereign of
all, and this demanded punishment.

The fact was that Spanish prestige, on which so
much depended, had suffered through the machina-
tions of the governor, and it was considered necessary
to restore it. Therefore it was decreed that Quauh-
popoca, with his son and officers, should be burned
alive in the plaza, before the palace. Cortes availed
himself of the opportunity to seize all the arms in the
arsenals,18 and therewith build a pyre worthy such
noted offenders.

When all was ready Cortes presented himself before
the emperor, and announced with a severe tone that the
evidence of the condemned showed their acts to have
been authorized by him, and as a life called for a life,
according to Spanish laws, he deserved death. Cortes,
however, loved him — for himself, his generosity, and
services he loved him. too dearly to let justice have

and monarch, but Herrera claims to be better informed. Barefooted, and with
eyes upon the floor, Quauhpopoca approached the throne and said : 'Most great
and most powerful lord, thy slave Quauhpopoca has come at thy bidding, and
awaits thy orders. ' He had done wrong, was the reply, to kill the Spaniards,
and then declare that he had orders so to do. For this he should suffer as a
traitor to his sovereign and to the strangers. He was not allowed to make
any explanations, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ix. It is not unlikely that Montezuma
commanded him not to reveal anything that might implicate his master,
hoping that Cortes would out of regard for his generous host inflict a com-
paratively light punishment.

' ' J^xaminaron los segunda vez, con mas rigor, y amenazas de tormento, y
sin discrepar todos confessaron,' says Herrera, loc. cit.

1 ' En vna de las casas reales dicha Tlacochalco. ' Herrera, loc. cit. ' E
serien mas que quinientas carretadas.' lyapia, ReL, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc,
ii. oS4.

318 DOUBLY REFINED DEALINGS.

its course, and would take on himself tc appease
its demands by a nominal punishment.19 He then
turned on his heel, while one of the soldiers clasped a
pair of shackles round the prisoner's ankles, and the
mighty emperor of the Aztecs was ironed. For a
moment Montezuma stood rooted to the floor. Then
he groaned with anguish at this the greatest indignity
ever offered his sacred person. He trembled with ap-
prehension at what might yet follow. His courtiers
were no less afflicted, and with tears in their eyes they
knelt to lessen the weight at least of the shameful bonds,
and with bandages to relieve the imperial limbs.20

Meanwhile the troops formed an imposing cordon
in front of the palace to prevent a rescue of the con-
demned as they were led out and tied to the stake.
Writhing with pain, yet mute as became brave war-
riors, with the ascending smoke from Aztec shields
and darts they rendered up their anguished souls. It
was rare strategy thus with the offenders to destroy
the means of offence. Supposing that the execution
was by imperial sanction, the populace tacitly assented,
gazing on the horrid spectacle with pallid faces and
bated breath. Though accustomed to scenes like this
iii connection with their religious festivals, it appeared
terrible when perpetrated by foreigners, to the dreary
sound of muffled drums.21

19 ' Me has negado no auer madado a Couatlpopoca q matasse a mis com-
paueros, no lo has hecho como tan gran seiior que eres, .... porque no quedes
sin algun castigo, y tu y los tuyos sepays quanto vale el tratar verdad, te ma-
dare eehar prisiones. ' Herrera implies with this that Cortes laid more weight
on the disregard for truth than on the authorization of the outrage, dec. ii. lib.
viii. cap. ix. ' Que ya que aquella culpa tuuiesse, que antes la pagaria el Cortes
porsu persona, que verselapassaral Montecuma. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. , 75.

20 ' Esto hizo por ocupar le el pensamiento en sus duelos, y dexasse los
ajenos. ' Gornara, Hist. Ilex. , 129. ' Todo a fin de espantarle mas. ' Ixtl'dxochitl,
Hist. Chick., 298.

21 Solis seems to say that the bodies were burned after execution, Hist. Mex.,
i. 4G1-2, but Cortes and others are frank enough about the actual burning,
which was not regarded in that cruel age with the same aversion as by us.
Instances are to be found in the Native Race*, ii. — iii. , where this ordeal was
undergone by criminals as well as temple victims among the Aztecs. Bernal
Diaz gives the names of two of Quauhpopoca's companions in misfortune,
Quiabuitle and Coatl. Hist. Verdad., 75. Prescott, Mex., ii. 173, states that
the execution took place in the court-yard; but this is probably a misprint, to
judge by his own text.

THE FOX'S DEEP LOVE. 319

All being over, Cortes reentered the apartments
of Montezuma with his captains, and kneeling down
he himself took off the fetters, declaring that he felt
deeply grieved at the infliction, for he loved him as a
brother. The monarch became almost hysteric with
joy at this deliverance, and with falling tears he ex-
pressed himself in abject terms of gratitude, like the
dog licking the hand which has chastised it. Every
fresh incident reveals some new trait in the character
of this unhappy man which calls for pity or contempt.
"Yet further," continued Cortes, "to show my deep
regard and confidence, you are now at full liberty to
return to your own house." But Montezuma under-
stood well enough that these were but words, an
empty offer ; indeed he had been informed by the well
prompted page that, although the general might wish
to release him, the Spanish captains would never permit
it.22 He accordingly expressed his thanks, and said that
he preferred to remain with him, giving as a reason
that, were he free, the importunities of his relatives
and nobles to attack the Spaniards might prevail over-
his friendship for them and their king, and this would
entail not only loss of life on both sides, but the ruin
of the city. Thereupon Cortes embraced him with
every appearance of deep devotion, and said, " Next
to my king you shall be king; vast as are your pos-
sessions, I will make you ruler of more and greater
provinces.23

We can imagine the words by which the Spaniards
might justify to themselves the death of Quauhpo-

22 'A lo que entendimos, e" lo mas cierto, Cortes auia dicho a Aguilar la
lengua, que le dixesse de secreto, que aunque Malinche le mandasse salir de
la prision, quelos Capitanes nuestros, e soldados no querriamos. ' BernalDiuz,
Hist. Verdad., 75.

ffl ' Fu6 tanto el buen tratamiento que yo le hice, y el contentamiento que
de mi tenia, que algunas veces y muchas le acometi con su libertad, rogandole
que fuese a su casa, y me dijo todas las veces que se lo decia, que el estaba
bien alii,' etc. Cortes, Cartas, 91. 'No osaua, de miedo que los suyos no le
matassen .... por auer se dexado prender, ' is one of the suppositions of Gomara,
who calls him a man of little heart. Hist. Alex. , 129-30. Peter Martyr appears
to be moved rather by pity for him. dec. v. cap. iii. ' Non gli conveniva ritor-
nare al suo "lalagio, mentre fossero nella Corte gli Spagnuoli. ' Clavigcro. Storia
Mess., iii. 102.

320 DOUBLY REFINED DEALINGS.

poca, but we cannot understand the object in degrading
the emperor in the eyes of his subjects — an act which
they had hitherto been so careful to avoid — unless it
was to lift themselves in their own esteem and that
of the natives, far above the highest American princes
and powers, and to impress the sacredness of their
persons on the minds of the Indians. Further than
this, they seemed to think some punishment of the
emperor necessary, either because he had authorized
the Nautla outrage, or because he had countenanced
it by neglecting to reprimand the perpetrators. At
all events, the effect was salutary, so much so that
Spaniards were to be seen wandering singly about the
country without fear of molestation.24

This effect, which extended also to adjoining inde-
pendent provinces, enabled Cortes to carry out the
long -cherished project of gathering information on
the condition of the country, particularly its political
feeling and its mineral resources. Montezuma readily
gave the aid requested by providing maps and officials
to guide the exploring parties. The first investigations
were directed to the upper parts of Rio Zacatula and to
Miztecapan, some eighty leagues south of the capital,
and to the northern branches of the Papaloapan,
whence most of the gold was said to come.25 The

24 'Como este castigo se supo en todas las Prouincias cle la Nueua-Espafia,
temieron, y los pueblos de la costa, adonde mataron nuestros soldados,
bolvieron a servir. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 75-6, comments upon the
daring of the Spaniards in carrying out these and similar high-handed acts.
For a short time after this, says Herrera, the soldiers were ordered to sleep
on their arms, in case of any demonstration, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ix. Clavi-
gero regards the burning as unjustifiable, since the emperor was regarded as
having authorized it. If he was not guilty, the Spaniards were ungrateful to
treat him as they did. Storia Mess., iii. 101. Robertson finds some excuse
for Quauhpopoca's punishment, but calls the humiliation of Montezuma a
wanton display of power. Hist. Am., ii. 63, 453-4. Prescott, on the other
hand, regards the humiliation as politic, on the ground that by rendering the
monarch contemptible in the eyes of his subjects, he was obliged to rely
more on the Spaniards. Mex., ii. 177. But this would hardly have been
necessary since he was in their power, and considering that the object of
keeping him so was to control the country, it would have been better not to
degrade him.

25 'Donde mas oro se solia traer, que era de vna Provincia que se dize,
Zacatula. . . .de otra Provincia, que se dize Gustepeque, cerca de donde des-
embarcamos . . . . e que cerca de aquella Provincia ay otras buenas minas, en

EXPEDITIONS. 321

Zacatula party was headed by Pilot Gonzalo de Um-
bria, in compensation perhaps for the loss of his feet
at Villa Rica. He returned before the other parties,
within the forty days allowed for the trip, and brought
about three hundred pesos' worth of gold dust, washed
out in dishes from three rivers, by order of the ca-
cique. Two chiefs accompanied him, bearing gold
presents of nearly the same value as the dust, and
offering allegiance to the Spaniards in the name of
their caciques.26 Small as was the treasure, it afforded
a substantial proof of the glowing report of Umbria.
He had passed through three beautiful and fertile
provinces, filled with towns containing buildings equal
to any in Spain. He described a fortress finer in
appearance and stronger than the castle of Burgos,
and the people of Tamazulapan as most superior in
dress and intelligence.27

Another party, under one Pizarro,28 proceeded south-
eastward, through Tochtepec and Malinaltepec, both
of which yielded them gold dust to the value of about
three hundred pesos. . Descending along the northern,
fork of Papaloapan, they reached the country of the
Chinantecs, hostile to the Aztecs who had taken some
of the border towns. Their independence had not
otherwise been affected, owing to their mountain
fastnesses, their warlike spirit, and their formidable
weapons, which were pikes about twenty feet in length.

parte que no son sujetos, que se dizen, los Chinartecas, y Capotecas.' Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 81. Montezuma detailed two persons for each of four
provinces where gold was to be had, and Cortes gave two Spaniards for each
couple. The provinces named were Cuzula, Tamazulapa, Malinaltepeque,
Tenis. Cortes, Cartas, 92-3. Of the eight Indians, four were miners or gold-
smiths, and the others guides. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 130. Chimalpain names
the provinces: Tamaz61an, in upper Miztecapan, Malinaltepec and Tenich,
both on the same river, and Tututepec, twelve leagues farther, in the Xicayan
country. Hist. Conq., i. 254-5.

26 'Con tal, que los de Culua no entrassen en su tierra.' They were re-
assured and dismissed with presents. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. i.

27 'Cortes se holgo tanto con el oro como si fueran treinta mil pesos, en
saber cierto que avia buenas minas.' Bernal Diaz intimates beside that Um-
bria and his two companions had provided themselves with plenty of gold.
Hist. Verdad., 81-2.

28 A young man of 25 years, whom Cortes treated as a relative. With him
went four Spaniards who understood mining, and four chiefs. Id.

Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 21

322

DOUBLY REFINED DEALINGS.

They invited the Spaniards to enter, but would not
allow the Mexican escort to cross the boundary. The
guides warned Pizarro not to trust himself to what
they termed a treacherous people, but after a brief
hesitation he advanced and received a hearty recep-
tion. Aid was given to search for gold, of which
seven hundred pesos' worth was obtained from several

rivers, most of it in rough grains.29 On his return he
brought two chiefs, who bore presents of gold from
their chief cacique Cohuatlicamac, and tendered his
allegiance on condition that the Aztecs should not
be allowed to enter the country. Finding the inhab-
itants so friendly and the province rich in resources,
Pizarro left four of his small party behind to establish
cacao and maize plantations and to search for more
gold.30

29 ' En granos crespillos, porque dixeron los mineros, que aquello era de
mas duraderas minas como de nacimiento. ' Id., 82.

30 Bernal Diaz names them, ' Barrietos, y Heredia el viejo, y Escalona el

0RDAZ VISITS THE COAST. 323

The project appears to have found favor with Cortes,
who besought Montezuma to form plantations for the
king also in his adjoining province of Malinaltepec.
This was at once attended to, and within two months
four substantial houses and a vast reservoir had been
constructed, and a large tract of land brought under
cultivation, the improvements being valued at twenty
thousand pesos de oro.31

Another important object was to find a better har-
bor than Villa Rica, and the emperor being consulted,
he at once ordered a map to be made, which showed
very accurately not only the rivers and inlets already
known to the Spaniards, between Panuco and Tabasco,
but the yet unknown Rio Goa,zacoalco, beyond the
Mexican border. This being said to have a large and
deep entrance, Cortes availed himself of Ordaz' offer
to examine it. Ten men, chiefly sailors and pilots,
and some guides, accompanied him, and- authority
was given to take escorts from the frontier garrisons.
He proceeded to Chalchiuhcuecan or San Juan de
Ulua, and thence followed the coast examining the
inlets.

On reaching the frontier complaints became nu-
merous against the native garrisons by reason of raids
and outrages, and supported by the chiefs who attended
him he reprimanded the commanders, threatening them
with the fate of Quauhpopoca unless they restrained
the troops. They used to extend their raids into the
Goazacoalco province, but were at present somewhat

11109a, y Cervantes el chocarrero, ' and says that Cortes, displeased at soldiers
being left to raise fowl and cacao, sent Alonso Luis to recall them. Hist. Verdad. ,
82; Uerrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. i. He is evidently mistaken, as shown by
his own later text, for Cort6s himself states that he sought to form plantations
in that direction. The recall was made later and for a different reason.

31'Estaban sembradas sesenta hanegas de maiz y diez de frijoles, y dos
mil pi£s de cacap [cacao] .... hicieron un estanque de agua, y en el pusieron
quinientos patos . . . y pusieron hasta mil y quinientas gallinas. ' Cortes, Cartas,
94 ; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iii. Oviedo writes that farms were established
for the king in two or three provinces, one in Chimanta [Chimantla]. The
two Spaniards left in the latter were saved, but elsewhere, subject to the
Aztecs, they were killed during the uprising originated by Alvarado. iii. 370.
Tapia refers to an expedition at this time against a revolted province, 80
leagues off. RvL, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 584.

321 DOUBLY REFINED DEALINGS.

guarded, owing to a repulse wherein a number of
comrades had perished.32

Ordaz' proceedings served him well, for Tuchintlec,
the cacique of this province, sent a deputation of
leading men to extend a welcome, and furnished
canoes and men to aid in sounding the river. The
bar was found to be at least two fathoms and a half
deep at low water, and above this, for twelve leagues,
the soundings showed fully five fathoms, with a pros-
pect of an equal depth for some distance, whereupon
the pilots expressed the opinion that the channel might
be a strait leading to the southern sea.33 Ordaz re-
ceived not only presents of gold and pretty women
for himself, but brought with him messengers bearing
jewels, tiger-skins, feathers, and precious stones for
Cortes, together with an offer of allegiance and tribute
similar to those already tendered by the neighbors of
Tabasco. His report, which extolled the agricultural
resources as well as the port, induced the general to
send with the returning messengers another party to
examine these features more thoroughly and to test
the disposition of the inhabitants. They again sounded
the river, selected a town site, and reported in favor of
a settlement. The cacique also expressed himself eager
to receive settlers, and offered to begin at once the con-
struction of houses. This decided Cortes to establish
a colony on the river, and in April Juan Velazquez
and Rodrigo Rangel set out with one hundred and
fifty men to carry out the project. This, however,
was not destined to be so speedily accomplished.34

Meanwhile Villa Rica had been a source of no small
anxiety to Cortes. He had appointed Alonso de Grado

32 1 por aqUella causa llaman oy en dia, donde aquella guerra passo, Cuilo-
nemiqui.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 82.

33 Herrera, loc. cit. 'Creyan lo que desseauan,' remarks Gomara, Hist.
Mex., 131.

3i Cortes, Cartas, 95, 116; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 131-2. Bernal Diaz throws
boubt on the expedition of V elazquez, but is evidently forgetful. Hist. Ver-
dad. , 81-2. ' El sefior de la provincia . . . .luego hico seys [casas] en el assiento
e" parte que para el pueblo se sefiald. ' Oviedo, iii. 293. Peter Martyr .calls these
buildings ' Tributaries' houses. ' dec. v. cap. iii. ; Cortes, Residencia, ii. C, 49.

GRADO AT VILLA RICA. 325

to fill the vacant place of Escalante, as commander of
the fortress, and as his lieutenant in the district. Grado
was a man of agreeable presence and conversation, and
with some fame among his comrades as a writer and
musician, but more of a braggart than a soldier, with de-
cided sympathies in favor of Velazquez. Indeed, Bernal
Diaz charges him with having been the ringleader of
the mutinous demonstration at Tlascala. Cortes was
well acquainted with the character of the man ; but his
glib tongue had evidently overcome the prudence of
the general, or else he preferred a less bold spirit than
Escalante's at this post. "Now, Seiior Grado," said
he in handing him his commission, "here is the ful-
filment of your long felt desire of going to Villa Rica.
Take care of the fort, treat the Indians well, and do
not undertake any expeditions like that of Escalante,
or you may meet his fate." "In saying this," adds
Bernal Diaz, "he gave us soldiers a wink, -which we
readily enjoyed, knowing well enough that Grado
would not venture to do so, even under penalty of
disgrace." The office of alguacil mayor, held by the
former commander, was not included in the present
commission, but was given to Sandoval, and when
Grado remonstrated he was promised compensation
in due time.

On reaching Villa Rica the evil nature of the man
came to the front. He assumed pompous demeanor,
and expected the settlers to serve him as a great lord,
while the Totonacs were pressed for gold and female
slaves. The fort and the duties connected with it were
neglected, and the commander spent his time in gor-
mandizing and gambling, not to mention the secret
efforts to undermine his general's influence and to gain
adherents for Velazquez. This soon reached the ears of
Cortes, who felt not a little annoyed at having trusted
such a fellow. He recognized the necessity of intrust-
ing this district to one thoroughly devoted to himself,
since a fleet from Cuba might at any moment arrive
and create mischief. Therefore he sent Sandoval,

326 DOUBLY REFINED DEALINGS.

who was brave and prudent, as well as loyal, and with
him Pedro de Ircio, a former equerry, of insinuating
manners and gossiping tongue, whom Sandoval elevated
to a commanding position.35

Grado was immediately sent up to Mexico under a
native guard, and when he arrived, with hands tied
and a noose round his neck, the soldiers derided him,
while Cortes felt half inclined to hang: the fellow.
After a few days' exposure in the stocks he was re-
leased, and soon his smooth persuasion paved once
more a way to the favor of his general, with whom
he became so reconciled as to obtain the office of con-
tador not long afterward.

Among the instructions to Sandoval was one to
send to Mexico two shipwrights with ship-building
implements, also chains, iron, sails, rope, compass, and
everything needful to fit out four vessels which had
been placed on the stocks shortly after the seizure of
the emperor.36 The object was to afford a means for
the ready movement of troops and for escape in case
of an uprising, when the bridges would doubtless be
raised. In asking Montezuma for aid to fell and pre-
pare timber, it was pretended that it was for pleasure-
boats wherewith to entertain him. Under the able
direction of Martin Lopez aided by Alonso Nunez,
the master carpenters, they were completed within a
few weeks, and provided with four guns and tiers of
oars, affording transport for three hundred men.

35 He had served as equerry in the noble houses of the Conde de Urena and
Pedro Giron, of whose affairs he was always prating. - His propensity for tale-
telling lost him many friends, but he managed to keep intimate with Sandoval,
whose favors he afterward repaid with ingratitude. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Vcrdatl.,
70, 246. Gomara insists on naming him as the comandante, but this dig-
nity he attained only after Sandoval and Rangel had held it. Cortes, Reddendo,,
i. 250; Torquemada, i. 456.

30 ' Luego que entre" en la dicha ciudad di mucha priesa a facer cuatro ber-
gantines .... tales que podian echar trecientos hombres en la tierra y llevar los
caballos.' Cortes, Cartas, 103; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iv. ' Quatro f ustas. '
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 146. ' Dos vergantines. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 7(3.
The cedars of Tacuba, numerous enough at this period, j'ielded much of the
timber, and the slopes of Iztaccihuatl and Telapon the harder portion for masts,
keels, etc. Mora, in Soc. Mex. Oeoij., Boletin, ix. 301.

BOATING AND HUNTING. 327

A hunting -trip to one of the imperial reserves
across the lake was at once arranged.37 The largest
vessel had been provided with awnings and other com-
forts for the reception of Montezuma, his suite, and
a strong guard, while other notables were accom-
modated in the other craft. A volley from the guns
announced their arrival, and did more probably to in-
spire respect than even the presence of majesty. The
vessels were accompanied by a fleet of canoes, some
holding forty or more courtiers, hunters, or attendants.
All were curious to see how the winged water-houses
would behave, for their immense size was supposed
to render them slow and clumsy. A fair breeze was
blowing, however, and as the large sails unfurled, the
vessels bounded forward with a speed that in a few
moments left the occupants of the canoes far behind.
Montezuma was delighted, and the trip was repeated.
Hunting parties were likewise formed; for the royal
captive enjoyed the chase and used the blow- pipe
with great skill.31

38

3T ' En la lagima a vn peiiol, que estaua acotado, q no ossauan entrar en el
a montear, por muy principales que fuessen, so pena de muerte. ' Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 78.

3S Native Races, ii. 411. 'Quaclo yua a caca de monteria, le lleuauan en
ombros, con las guardas de Castellanos, y tres mil Indios Tlascaltecas .... Acom-
paiiauanle los seiiores sus vassallos. ' Hen-era, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. iv.

CHAPTER XIX.

POLITICS AND RELIGION.

1520.

Growing Discontent among the Mexicans — Cacama's Conspiracy — He
openly Defies both Montezuma and Cortes — The Council op
Tepetzinco — Seizure of Cacama — The Tezcucan Ruler Deposed —
Cuicuitzcatl Elevated — Montezuma and his People swear Fealty
to the Spanish King — Gathering in the Tribute — Division of
Spoils — The Spaniards Quarrel over their Gold — Uncontrol-
lable Religious Zeal — Taking of the Temple — Wrath of the
Mexicans.

With their hand so securely on the spring that
moved a mighty empire, there is little wonder that
these Spanish adventurers became somewhat insolent
toward the people they so injured. The Mexicans
were not slow to mark this, and there were those
among them, and others beside them, who began to
think of taking matters into their own hands, of
destroying the invaders and releasing the emperor.

Montezuma's occasional appearance in public, and
the assertion that he remained with the Spaniards of
his free-will, and because the gods desired it, had for
a time satisfied the nobles; but the hard irons on
his limbs and the cruel burning of patriotic men
had opened their eyes somewhat to the true state of
affairs. No one knew when his turn might come.
Life was insecure enough subject to the caprice of their
own sovereign, but the dark uncertain ways of these
emissaries of evil were past finding out. These things
were thought of and talked of in high places. Race
aversions and the political systems of the tripartite
alliance caused more than one party to be formed,

(328)

MEXICAN RESOLVES. 329

each with aspirations that could not be entertained by
the others. The most prominent leader at this time
was Cacama, who had at first favored the strangers
in their character as envoys. And now he began the
endeavor to direct the movement of the Aztec nobil-
ity, but jealousy of Acolhua influence rose uppermost,
and his efforts tended only to create a reaction in
favor of abiding by the will of the emperor.1

Although there were enough of sympathizers in
Mexico for his purpose, Cacama found that he must
rely almost wholly on the northern provinces, and in
connection with Cuitlahuatzin, Totoquihuatzin II. of
Tlacopan, his own brothers, and others, he organized a
conspiracy which had for its aim the expulsion of the
Spaniards and the release of his uncle. Beneath this
was harbored a design upon the Aztec throne, which
would probably become vacant; and even if Cacama
was not sure of gaining this for himself," he had at
least the expectation of assuming the leadership of the
Andhuac confederacy.2 He presented to the council
in the most dismal aspect the purposes of the Span-
iards, who evidently sought to become absolute masters
and reduce them all to slavery. It was time to rise
for religion and liberty. Their honor and welfare de-
manded it, and this before the Spaniards rendered
themselves too powerful by reinforcements and al-
liances. With heedless confidence he vaunted that
Mexico should be his within a few hours after setting
out against her, for there were many of her citizens
ready to aid in such a work. The Spaniards were
overrated, and could effect little, surrounded as they
were on all sides, and without other supplies than
those provided by the Mexicans.

1 'Visto por el rey Cacama el poco ammo y determinacion de los Mexi-
canos, se sali6 de la ciudad y se fu6 a la de Tezcuco, para juntar sus gentes.'
Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chick., 298, and Torquemada, i. 459. But it is doubtful
whether he remained many days in Mexico after the seizure of his uncle, if
indeed he was there then.

2 Bemal Diaz assumes, naturally enough for a Spanish conqueror, that one
of the main objects of Cacama was to rescue the imperilled treasures at
Mexico. IJiat. Verdad., 79-80.

330 POLITICS AND RELIGION.

The motives and the necessity were recognized,
though the means proposed met with some objections;
but when the question of spoils and rewards came
forward there were still greater differences. Among
others, the brave and powerful lord of Matlaltzinco
advanced pretensions, founded in part on his close
relationship to Montezunia, which Cacama above all
could not admit. The result was disagreement, fol-
lowed by the withdrawal of several members.3

No attempt had been made to keep the movement,
or its ostensible motive, a secret from Montezuma, nor
could it have been kept from him who was the still
powerful ruler of a servile race; but, even if the deeper
lying aim was not revealed him, he could not fail to
foresee the troubles that might arise, particularly under
such a leader. He still hoped the Spaniards would
soon leave, or that his release might be effected by
other means, for he dreaded a conflict with the power-
ful invaders, involving perhaps the destruction of the
city and his own death. He sent to tell the con-
spirators that they need not concern themselves about
his imprisonment. The Spaniards had more than
once proposed that he should return to his own palace,
but the gods had decreed it otherwise.- He could not
allow his people to be needlessly exposed to war, or
his capital to destruction. Remember Cholula. Their
stay would not be long.

This message was not without its effect even among
the Tezcucans, for, although the fate of the Aztec
capital and king may have concerned them but little,
there were many who could not forget that the im-
petuous and proud Cacama had obtained the throne
by favor of Montezuma, to the prejudice of an elder
brother, Tetlahuehuetquizitzin. Their father, Neza-
hualpilli, had died in 1515, without naming a suc-
cessor, and the choice devolving on the royal council, in

3 'Aim dezian, que le venia de derecho el Iteyno, y seiiorio de Mexico.'
However that may be, he laid a claim to the Aztec throne, and Cacama replied
that to himself alone should that belong. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 70-S0.

CACAMA'S REVOLT. 331

conjunction with the rulers of Mexico and Tlacopan,
Cacama was elected. Cohuanacoch,the third brother,
acquiesced, but the youngest, the fiery Ixtlilxochitl,
protested in favor of the eldest heir, and denounced
the selection as due to Montezuma, who hoped to
mould the new king to his own will and so again to
control. He even resorted to arms in support of his
views, and enlisting the northern provinces in his
favor, after a short campaign he obliged Cacama to
consent to a division of the kingdom with himself.4

His ready success proved that Cacama had no very
great hold on the people, and now, when came the
warning of Montezuma, more than one chief coun-
selled prudence from other motives than fear. But
the king stamped all these objections as cowardly, and
appears even to have placed under restraint several
of those whose want of sympathy he had reason to
suspect.5 His blood was hot, and relying on the
promises of his supporters, he considered himself
'strong enough to bid defiance to his opponents. He
sent word to his uncle that if he had any regard for
the dignity of his station and the honor of his person
and ancestry, he would not quietly submit to the
bondage imposed b}7" a handful of robbers, who with
smooth tongue sought to cover their outrages against
him and the gods. If he refused to rise in defence
of his religion, throne, and liberty, Cacama would not.6

This outspoken utterance of the nephew whom he
had assisted to rulership amazed Montezuma as much
as it wounded his pride, and he no longer hesi-
tated to take counsel with Cortes, who had already
obtained an inkling that something was stirring.7

4 See Native Races, v. 474.

5 'Mando echar presos tres dellos.' Denial Diaz, Hist. Verdad, 80.

6 'Cacama le respondio muy agramente, diziendo que si el tuuiera sangre
en el ojo, niestario preso, ni catiuo de quatro estranjeros,' etc. Gomara, J list.
J/'x-., 133.

7 According to Bernal Diaz and Gomara, Cort6s was informed by Monte-
zuma before he and Cacama exchanged the severe messages referred to, and
that the Spaniard sent the first remonstrance, but the emperor, as master, and
as the person whom the revolt immediately concerned, had naturally to take
the initiative.

332 POLITICS AND RELIGION.

With characteristic promptness the latter suggested
that, since Cacama's real object was evidently to usurp
the throne, a Mexican army should be given to aid
the Spaniards in laying waste the territory of the
conspirators and in capturing them. The emperor
had probably entertained a hope that the news would
frighten his guest and make it safe to urge a retreat
from Mexico, thus ending the whole trouble. He
was therefore somewhat startled by this proposal, the
true tenor of which he well understood. He feared
a fratricidal war of doubtful result, wherein he would
appear as arrayed against the defenders of national
religion and liberty; and being now weak and cowed
he hesitated to arm at all, preferring peaceful meas-
ures. To this Cortes was not averse, for he recognized
on second thought that aggressive steps might become
the signal for a general uprising which would over-
whelm him, since Aztec troops could never be re-
lied on.

He accordingly sent messages to Cacama, reminding
him of their friendly intercourse, and representing the
danger of offending the Spanish king by proceedings
which could only react on himself and lead to the
destruction of his kingdom. Montezuma supported
this by asking the king to come to Mexico and
arrange the difficulty . Cacama had not gone so far
to be restrained by what he termed an empty threat,
and regardless of the warnings from a timid minority
he replied that he knew not the king of the Span-
iards, and would never accept the friendship of men
who had oppressed his country and outraged his blood
and religion. He had had enough of their promises,
but would declare his determination when he saw
them.8 To Montezuma he sent word that he would

8 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 79. He would not hold friendship with him
who took away his honor and kingdom. The war was for the good of his
subjects, and in defence of their land and religion. Before laying down arms
he would avenge his uncle and his gods. He knew not who was the king of
the Spaniards, nor would he listen to him, much less know him. Goinara,
Hist. Mex.. 132.

CAPTURE OF CACAMA. 333

come, "not with the hand on the heart, however,
but on the sword."9

There was considerable meaning in this threat, for
Cacama had with great energy set about to mass his
forces at Oztoticpac, and they in conjunction with
those of his allies would make a formidable host.10
Cortes was aware of this, and seeing that no time was
to be lost he firmly represented to Montezuma the
necessity of securing the person of the king, openly
or by stealth; arid when he still hesitated, the signifi-
cant hint was given that the Spaniards would regard
a refusal with suspicion. This decided him, and he
promised that it should be done, if possible. Cortes
broke forth in expressions of good -will, and again
offered him that freedom which Montezuma well knew
he would never grant.

In placing Cacama on the throne, the emperor
had seized the opportunity to introduce into the
Acolhua government offices several creatures of his
own, who were paid to maintain Aztec influence in
the council11 and to watch operations. To these men
he sent an order, weighted with presents, to seize the
king and bring him to Mexico.12 They accordingly
prevailed on their victim to hold a council at Te-
petzinco for finally arranging the campaign. This
palace was situated on the lake, near Tezcuco, and
approached by canals. Here Cacama was seized and
thrown into a boat prepared for the occasion, and
carried to the Aztec capital.13

9 'Con hechizos le teniamos quitaclo su gran coracon, y fuerca; 6 que nues-
tros Dioses, y la gran muger de Castilla. . . .nos da aqnel gran poder.' In this
last he did not err, remarks Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. , 80.

10 Over 100,000 men. Ixtiilxoehitl, Hist. Chick., 299.

11 'Tenia en su tierra del dicho Cacamazin muchas personas principales
que vivian con el y les daba su salario.' Cortes, Cartas, 97.

12 According to Bernal Diaz, six chiefs were sent with the imperial signet,
which was to be given to certain relatives and dignitaries discontented with
Cacama, and they were to seize him and his council. Hist. Verdad., 80.

13 'Tambien truxeron otros cinco presos.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., SO.
'Prendieron al Cacama vn dia, estando con ellos y otros muchos en conscjo
paracosultar las cosas de laguerra.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 133. According to
Ixtiilxoehitl, when Cacama left Mexico, partly out of fear lest the Spaniards
should seize him for promoting a revolt there, his brothers Cohuanacoch and
Ixtiilxoehitl, all now reconciled, pretended to fall into his views. Ixtiil-

%

334 POLITICS AND RELIGION.

Ashamed, perhaps, of his share in the transaction,
and unwilling to face the taunts of the captive, Monte-
zuma refused to see him, and he was surrendered to
Cortes, who, regardless of royalty, applied the fetters
as the surest means against escape.14 This seizure
scattered the conspirators and their schemes to the
winds, and the demoralization was completed by the
arrest of several of the more important personages,
such as the king of Tlacopan and the lords of Iztapal-
apan and Co3ruhuacan, who were also shackled.15 Thus
we see that Montezuma's captivity did not greatly
affect his power, since he could so readily place under
restraint the confederate kings, in their own prov-
inces; and it was not wholly unwelcome to him to find
his misfortune shared by other prominent men, since
this made his disgrace less conspicuous.

xochitl recommended Tepetzinco as the place best suited for beginning opera-
tions on Mexico, and while proceeding to the place in a canoe he was carried
on to Mexico by his faithless brothers. Without Ixtlilxochitl's aid Montezuma
and Cortes could never have been able to overcome the powerful Cacama, con-
cludes the author. Hist. Ghich., 298-9. In his Relaciones, 389, 412, the same
author states that Cacama was seized not for plotting, but because CortCs de-
sired to secure so powerful a personage. Brasseur de Bourbourg follows the
former version, and believes that Montezuma favored the conspiracy as a
means to oblige the Spaniards to depart. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 258. There may
be some truth in this belief, so far as the beginning of the plot is concerned,
but it must be considered that Montezuma would have preferred not to intrust
such a movement to a probable rival, the ruler of a people jealous of Aztec
supremacy, and the ally of his most hated enemy, Ixtlilxochitl. If, again,
Cacama was his tool, the emperor would not have had him seized, to be exe-
cuted for all he knew, when he could have warned him to flee or to defend
himself. Had Ixtlilxochitl surrendered the king, CorttSs would not be likely
to give the credit to Montezuma, as he does. Cartas, 97-8.

liGomara, I J 1st. Mex., 133. Yet Bernal Diaz assumes that Montezuma
examined him and the other prisoners, ' y supo Montecuma de los conciertos
en que andaua, que era alcarse por sehor.' Hist. Verdad., 80. ' Y a cabo de
pocos dias le dieron Garrote secretamente,' adds Torquemada, i. 470, errone-
ously. Had Cortes fallen into his hands, the stone of sacrifice would speedily
have received him, and the captive must accordingly have regarded himself
as mercifully treated. The general knew the value of such prominent hostages.
The leniency gained him besides great credit, as Solis rightly assumes. Hist.
Mex., ii. 21-2.

15 ' En ocho dias todos estuuieron presos en la cadena gorda. ' Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 80. This author includes the lord of Matlaltzinco, who escaped
his pursuers the longest, and when finally brought before the emperor spoke
his mind so freely that he would have been consigned to the executioner
had not Cortds interfered. Duran adds the lord of Xochimilco instead of
the last two. Hist, hid., MS., ii. 444. ' Piglio ancora il Re di Tlacopan, i
Signori dTztapalapan, e di Cojohuacan, fratelli tutti e due del Re Motezuma,
due ligliuoli di questo medesimo Re, Itzquauhtzin Signor di Tlatelolco, un
Sommo Sacerdote di Messico, e parecchj altri.' Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 107.

TRIBUTE DEMANDED. 335

He now resolved, with the approval of Cortes, to
depose the Tezcucan ruler, as a rebel against his
authority, and to place on the throne a more dutiful
subject, a younger natural brother of Cacama, named
Cuicuetzcatl,16 whom his ill-treatment had driven to
Mexico for protection. The nomination was for the
sake of appearance submitted for ratification to a
convention of loyal Tezcucan chiefs, many of whom
hoped no doubt to obtain greater influence under this
youth. The new king was escorted to the gates of
Mexico by Cortes and Montezuma, and received at
Tezcuco with triumphal arches and processions.17

And now, with the three confederate rulers and a
number of leading caciques in his power, the great
kins: -maker thought the time had come to exact a
formal acknowledgment of Spanish sovereignty. He
reminded Montezuma of his promises to pay tribute,
and demanded that he and his vassals should tender
allegiance. Instead of the objections expected, Cortes
was surprised to hear a prompt acquiescence. Mon-
tezuma had evidently been long prepared for the
demand, and said that he would at once convene his
chiefs for consultation. Within little more than a
week the summoned dignitaries had arrived, and at a
meeting, attended by no Spaniards save the page, he
intimated to the leading personages, so far as he dared
before this witness, that the concession demanded of
them was to satisfy the importunate jailers. "The
gods, alas! are mute/' concluded Montezuma; "but
by and by they may signify their will more clearly,

16 ' Se llam6 Don Carlos. ' Denial Diaz, Hist. Verdad. , 80 ; at a later period,

most likely. ' Surnomme Tocpaxochitl batard de Nezahualpilli. ' Brasneur

de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 258. Cortes calls him a son of Cacama,
Cartas, 98, but this he afterward corrects. The native records, in Sahagun,
Hist. Gen., ii. 277, and in Ixtlilxocldtl, ignore him. The latter, indeed, assumes
that Cacama continued to reign, though captive like Montezuma. Hint. Chich.,
290 et seq.

11 Herrera gives the speeches on the occasion, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. iii. ' Era
mas bien quisto, que no Cacama.... Y Cortes hazia reyes, y mandaua con
tanta autoridad, como si ya vuiera ganado el imperio. ' Gomara, Hist. Max.,
133. Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that Cohuanacoch and Ixtlilxochitl at
once managed to obtain control of the weak youth and of the government.

33S POLITICS AND RELIGION.

and I will then say what further is to be done."18
All declared sorrowfully that they would do as he
bade, and Cortes was informed that on the following
day the required ceremony would take place.

On this occasion the chiefs mustered in force be-
fore Montezuma, who was seated on a throne having
on either side the new king of Tezcuco and he of
Tlacopan.19 All being prepared, the Spanish general
entered with his captains and a number of soldiers.
The emperor now addressed his vassals, reminding
them of the relation so long and happily maintained
between them — as dutiful subjects on the one side,
and a line of loving monarchs on the other. Com-
paring the Quetzalcoatl myth and other indications
with the advent of white men from the region of
the rising sun, he showed that they must be the
long expected race, sent to claim allegiance for their
king, to whom the sovereignty evidently belonged.
The gods had willed it that their generation should
repair the omission of their ancestors. " Hence I
pray that as you have hitherto held and obeyed me
as jour lord, so you will henceforth hold and obey
this great king, for he is your legitimate ruler, and in
his place accept this captain of his. All the tribute
and service hitherto tendered me give to him, for I
also have to contribute and serve with all that he
may require. In doing this you will fulfil not only
your duty, but give me great pleasure."20

His concluding words were almost lost in the sobs
which his humiliated soul could no longer stifle. The
chiefs were equally affected, and the sympathies even
of the flint-hearted Spaniards were aroused to a degree
which moistened many an eye. With some of the
lately arrived dignitaries, who had not had time to

18 ' El tiempo andando veremos si tenemos otra mejor respuesta de nuestros

Dioses, y como vieremos el tiempo assi hardmos presto os dire lo que mas

no conuenga.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdacl., 81.

19 The latter had probably tendered his submission in order to retain the
throne. Ixtlilxochitl names Cacama as the Tezcucan king present.

20 Cortes, Cartas, 9S-9. ' Demos gracias a los dioses, q an venido en nuestros
dias los q tato desseauamos, ' et seq. Gomara, Hist. 3fex., 134.

ALLEGIANCE SWORN. 337

fully grasp the situation at the capital, indignation
struggled with grief at the dismal prospect. Others
recalled the prophecy that the empire would termi-
nate with Montezuma, whose very name appeared
fraught with evil omen,21 and were quite reconciled
to the inevitable. . So were most of them, for that
matter, either through belief in the myth or from a
sense of duty to their master. One of the eldest
nobles broke the oppressive silence by declaring his
sorrow at witnessing the grief of their beloved sov-
ereign and hearing the announcement of coming
changes. But since the time had come for the ful-
filment of divine decrees, they, as devout and dutiful
subjects, could only submit. Again their grief broke
forth, though many a bitter glance was called up by
the allusion to changes in store for them. Observing
the bad impression, Cortes hastened to assure them
that Montezuma would not only remain the great
emperor he had always been, and his vassals be con-
firmed in their dignities and possessions, but that
their domain and power would be increased. The
changes proposed were merely intended to stop wars,
to enlighten them on matters with which they were
as yet unacquainted, and to promote general welfare.
One after another, beginning with Montezuma, they
now swore allegiance, and gave promise of service and
tribute, after which they were dismissed with thanks
for their compliance.22

21 ' Tenia del oraculo de sus dioses respuesta muchas vezes . . . . q perderia
la silla a los ocho afios de su reynado, y q por esto nunca quiso hazer guerra a
los Espafioles, . . . .Bien que por otro cabo lo tenia por burla, pues auia mas
dezisiete afios q era rey.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 134-5; Acosta, J list, bid.,
502-3.

'n Cortes, Cartas, 91, 98-9 ; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. iv. ; Tapia, Bel., in
Jcazbalcetn, Col. Doc, ii. 580-1. The allegiance was tendered before Secretary
Pedro Fernandez. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verd ad., 81. Solis assumes that Monte-
zuma of his own accord offered allegiance and tribute, in the hope that this
would fill the measure of the Spaniards' expectations and cause them to depart.
In that case the general grief must have been well counterfeited. He regards
this act as giving legality to the conquest. Hist. Mex., ii. 23-32. Pres-
cott supposes that the submission was prompted less by fear than by con-
science— conscientious obedience to the myth. Mex., ii. 198. Oviedo looks
on the tears as evidence of unwillingness, and thinks that either the emperor
was very pusillanimous, or the will of God clearly manifest, iii. 297. Ac-
Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 22

333 POLITICS AND RELIGION.

The submission of the sovereigns appears to have
been quietly accepted throughout the country, and
the impunity with which even single Spaniards moved
about shows that no hostility had been aroused by the
act, in the provinces at least. Evidently the people
hovered between fear of men who so few in number
could yet perform so great achievements, and awe of
divine will as indicated by the prophecies and tradi-
tions. Cortes was not slow in making use of his new
power by representing to the emperor that, his king
being in need of gold for certain projects, it would be
well for the new vassals to begin tribute payments as
an earnest of their loyalty. Montezuma had expected
this, and it was readily agreed that he should send
officers, accompanied by Spaniards, to the different
provinces and towns of the empire for contributions.23
These demands were met with more or less alacrity,
and in poured gold and silver, in dust, and quoits, and
leaves, and trinkets, which formed to a certain ex-
tent a medium for trade. Many towns remote from
the mines had nothing to offer save a few jewels, which
were perhaps heirlooms among the chiefs.24

cording to Ixtlilxochitl the kings and caciques were required to leave hostages
for the observance of their oath. 'Cacama, y con el susdos hermanos, Cohuana-
cochtzin y Ixtlilxochitl, segun las relaciones y pinturas de Tezcuco, dieron en
rehenes a cuatro hermanos suyos y otras tantas hermanas.' He names the
brothers, and states that Montezuma also had to leave sons and brothers. Hist.
Chick., 299-300. Brasseur de Bourbourg supposes, from a resemblance in the
surname of the new king of Tezcuco to that of one of his brothers' hostages,
that he had already been forced to abdicate in favor of Cohuanacoch and
Ixtlilxochitl, and surrender himself to the Spaniards. One of his sisters,
baptized as Dona Juana, became the mistress of Cortds, as Ixtlilxochitl
observes, and 'perit dans la nuit de la retraite, enceinte du fait de Cortes.'
Hint. Nat. (Jiv. , iv. 262. The readiness with which Spaniards ventured, often
singly, all over the country to exact tribute and to inquire into resources and
the condition of affairs, would indicate that the prudent general had taken
the precaution of obtaining living guarantees.

23 'Luego mand6 que le diese los espanoles que queria enviar, y de dos en
dos y de cinco en cinco los reparti6 para muchas provincias y ciudades. ' Cortes,
Cartas, 100.

21 According to the Tezcucan records, twenty Spaniards were sent with two
of the king's brothers, Nezahualquentzin and Tetlahuehuezquititzin, to collect
the tribute of that city. As they were leaving Mexico, Montezuma despatched
a messenger to the former prince, enjoining him to treat the Spaniards
well and to obtain a large sum. This whispered advice was assumed by the
Spaniards to hide a plot, and laying violent hands on the prince, the leader
carried him to Cortes, who had him hanged at once. The king was of

1XTLILX0CHITL. 333

When the collectors returned, Montezuma summoned
the Spanish leaders, and surrendered what they had
brought. In addition to this, he offered them the treas-

course deeply grieved, but dared not say anything. Guided by another
brother, Tepacxochitzin, the Spaniards reached Tezcuco, and behaved out-
rageously. With the aid of Ixtlilxochitl they seized the contents of the royal
treasury, filling with the gold a chest two fathoms in height and length, and
one in width. After this they compelled the chiefs to contribute as much
more. Ixtlilxochitl assumes that Cacama is the king, and that the deed
occurred before allegiance was sworn, and seven weeks after the Spaniards'
arrival at Mexico. Hist. Chich., 298; Id., Rel., 388-9, 411-12. Brasseur de
Bourbourg repeats this story in substance, though he corrects it by stating
that Montezuma interfered and saved the prince. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 252-3.
Herrera writes that ' the servant ' sent to guide the Spaniards disappeared on
the way. He was caught and hanged by order of Cacama, who gave them a
more trusty attendant. They were received at Tezcuco with great pomp, and
presented with female slaves. A large amount of gold, pearls, and other
valuables was obtained, and 80 carriers were sent to Mexico laden with
honey, which Cort6s distributed, while he kept the treasures, dec. ii. lib. ix.
cap. i. According to Vazquez de Tapia, 15,000 pesos in gold were obtained
from Tezcuco, beside some jewels and cloth. Not satisfied with this, Cortes
sent Cacama in charge of Alvarado to exact more. But little being obtained,
boiling pitch was applied to the stomach of Cacama before he was sent back
to Mexico. Alvarado denies this outrage. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado,
3, 35-6, 65.

Fernando de Alva Cortes Ixtlilxochitl claims our attention as a native
historian who has labored zealously to vindicate the glorious antecedents of
his race, particularly the Acolhuas, whose loyal devotion to the Spanish in-
vaders he advocates with an enthusiasm as unblushing as it is inconsistent.
The chief hero of the theme is his ancestor and namesake, King Ixtlilxochitl, .
his great great grandfather, according to Mufioz' genealogic list. Little good
was derived from this calculated zeal, for at Alva's birth, in about 1568, the
family estate had dwindled to small proportions, while the tribute exemption
which testified to royal descent expired not many years later. After a course
at the Santa Cruz College Alva figured as interpreter to the native tribunal of
the viceroy. The death of the eldest brother brought lawsuits which threat-
ened to impoverish him, but urgent representation procured, in 1602, a cedula
recognizing him as heir to the family property. Florencia, La Estrella, 103 etc. ;
Bezerra Tanco, Felicidad Mex. , 49 ; Guadalupe, Col., 551 ; Panes, Teatro Nueva-
Espafia, MSS. The requirements of the suit called forth more than one
of his writings, which had in view to establish both his own title and the
claims of his family. Their research and style attracted the attention of the
viceroy, who encouraged him to continue a task for which he was so well
fitted, not only by his Spanish and Aztec studies, but as a native to whom
Ms countrymen would readily communicate their views and traditions, and as
the possessor of a vast family archive. The command accorded with his in-
clination and improved fortune, and a number of pieces were produced, which
after his death, about 1648, passed to the Jesuit college, Clavigero, Storia
Mess., i. 10, and thence to the Archivo General, where they form volumes
iv. and xiii.

The most complete list of his works is given in Dice. Univ. , iv. ; that by
Boturini is nearly as full, Catalogo,. 2 etc. ; Beristain, Bibl., 'Alva,' gives it
less so, and Clavigero's is still briefer, while Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 608, makes
merely a general allusion. Kingsborough, on the other hand, offers an almost
complete reproduction of the writings in volume ix. of his Mex. Antiq. The
longest and most important is the Historia Chichimeca, dedicated to the
viceroy, in 95 chapters, of which the first 70 treat of the rise and progress of
the Chichimec empire, represented at the conquest by the Acolhuas, and of

340 POLITICS AND RELIGION.

ures kept in his own palace, regretting that he had not
more to give; but previous offerings had diminished
what he possessed. "When you transmit it to }^our
king," he said, " tell him that it comes from his good

its glories as inherited by his ancestors, the kings of Tezcuco. The remaining
19 chapters relate to the conquest by the Spaniards, and are incomplete. It
is the most carefully written of the series, elaborated partly from previous
manuscripts, partly from fresh researches, while the account of the conquest
rests also on the testimony of eye-witnesses, reinforced by additions from
Gomara and other sources, as he admits on pp. 300, 303, An allusion to
Torquemada shows that it could not have been completed before 1615, and it
was probably his last work. More than one copy is extant, from one of
which Ternaux-Compans printed a French translation, while the best issue,
that of Kingsborough, is after a copy from Veytia. The material has been
largely used, and Veytia's Hist. Ant. Mej. may be said to rest upon it. The
more important of the other writings are, Sumaria Relation de todas las cosas
en la Nueva-Espaiia, y que los tultecas alcanzm-on, in 5 relations, which
treat of the mythical period from the creation of the world, according to
native tradition, to the fall of the Toltecs ; Historia de los Senores Chichimeca*;
in 12 relations, which brings the history down to the Spanish conquest;
Noticias de los poblador*es y nation es de Nueva Espaiia, in 13 relations ; the
first 12 quite short, and relating to native peoples; the last of considerable
length, and dwelling on the conquest. Carlos Maria de Bustamante pub-
lished the 13th relation in separate form, to which, under an excess of patriotic
zeal, he gave the abnormal title of Horribles Crueldades de los Conquista-
dores, Mexico, 1829. Notes were appended, and considerable liberties taken
with text, so as to increase the odium against the conquerors. Ternaux-
Compans included a French translation of it in his collection. Kingsborough
has printed eleven shorter pieces by Ixtlilxochitl, and a few more are at-
tributed to his pen, as a translation of Nezahualcoyotl's poems, a fragment of
the same king's biography, and a history of the Virgin of Guadalupe ; but
the last two are doubtful. Several of the pieces are mere repetitions and
summaries under different titles, connected with the author's pleadings,
while the 13th relation may be termed a cleverly prepared biography of his
great namesake, from the exaggerated prominence given to his services for the
Spanish cause. Prescott's several blunders on this and other points are prob-
ably due as much to a want of access to sufficient material as to a hasty study.
Throughout these writings are evidences of the patriotic spirit which
prompted Ixtlilxochitl in the study and translation of the painted records of
his people ; and every now and then gleams forth a very natural hatred of
the Spanish oppressor, so marked indeed as once to call forth the condemna-
tion of an official censor. Otherwise the narrative of events connected with
the conquerors are closely masked ; for the sake of private aims and the com-
mon fear of the white masters. As a consequence many troublesome facts
are hidden and many questions smoothed to the detriment of history. The
narratives are also extremely confusing in dates, and to a great extent in
arrangement, while the interest is diminished by trivial details and im-
probable stories. But these were the faults of his time rather than of himself.
He did wonderfully well in grappling with misty traditions, enveloped as
they were in the intricate mazes of hieroglyphics. And he is justly entitled
to our admiration, and to the gratitude of his countrymen, for rescuing from
now unattainable sources so large a mass of material to illustrate the glories
of his race. His style indicates a scholar from whom even his Spanish
contemporaries might have taken lessons, for the language is exceedingly
clear for this period, and full of graceful sentences and striking descriptions,
rendering him not unworthy to be called the Livy and the .Cicero of Anahuac,
as Prescott and Bustamante respectively entitle him.

TREASURES COLLECTED. 341

vassal, Montezuma." lie requested that certain fine
chalchiuite stones, each valued at two loads of gold,
and some finely chased and inlaid blow-pipes, should
be given to the king alone.25 This liberality evoked
the most profound protestations of gratitude, as may
be supposed, for they had not expected so great an
addition to the glittering heaps already in their pos-
session. Tapia and another officer were despatched
in all haste with the imperial mayordomo to receive
the treasure. It was stored in a hall and two smaller
chambers of the aviary building,26 and consisted of gold,
silver, and precious stones, in setting and in separate
form, with feathers, robes, and other articles, all of
which were transferred to the Spanish quarters.27

These valuables, together with the collections from
the provinces and the previously surrendered treasures
of Axayacatl, were given to Cortes, who placed them
in charge of the treasurer, Gonzalo Mejia, and the
contador, Alonso de Avila. The famed smiths of
Azcapuzalco were called in to separate the gold and
silver settings from the jewels of less delicacy and
beauty, which it had been determined to melt. This
took about three days. They were then melted into
bars, three fingers in breadth, and stamped with the
royal arms.28 Iron weights were made of one arroba
and downward, not very exact, it seems, yet suitable
for the purpose, and with these the value of the
melted gold was found to be somewhat over 162,000
pesos de oro, according to Cortes' statement; the silver

25 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 83, gives a description of these and other
presents.

20 ' Que se llamaba Totocalco.' Sahaqun, Hist. Conq., 26.

27 Tapia, Rel., in Icazbcdceta, Col. Doc, ii. 581 ; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 135;
Ilerrera, d^c. ii. lib. ix. cap. iv. Bernal Diaz assumes that the Axayacatl
treasures were those now given ; but the testimony of the eye-witnesses, Tapia
and Ojeda, confirmed and accepted by Gomara and Herrera, shows that they
were given on a previous occasion already referred to. Still, Bernal Diaz
does mention that after the melting of the rougher jewels new presents came
from Montezuma. Hist. Verdad., 82-3. He is very confusing, however, in his
account of the treasures generally; and Clavigero, Prescott, and others, have
allowed themselves to follow him too closely in this and other instances.

3 'Como de vn Real, y del tamaiio de vn toston de a quatro.' Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 83.

342 POLITICS AND RELIGION.

weighed over 500 marcos, and the unbroken jewels
and other effects were estimated at over 500,000 du-
cats, not counting the workmanship.29 The jewels
were set with feathers, pearls, and precious stones,
fashioned chiefly in animal forms, "so perfect as to
appear natural." A number of trinkets for the royal
share had also been fashioned by the goldsmiths after
designs by the Spaniards, such as saintly images,
crucifixes, bracelets, and chains, all made with won-
derful fidelity to originals. The silver for the same

29 Probanza de Lejalde, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 421-2. Cortes, Cartas*
100-1, is not so explicit with regard to the latter figure, saying merely that
he had set apart for the king unbroken jewels and other objects valued at
over 100,000 ducats ; but, since this figure comes in connection with the
account of one fifth of all the treasures reserved for the sovereign, it may be
assumed that the 100,000 formed also a fifth of the unbroken lot. This, con-
sisting to a great extent of precious stones, pearls, cotton, and other effects,
could not have all been reserved for the king. It seems besides improbable
that so large a proportion of treasure as 100,000 ducats should a second
time have been taken from the soldiers, even if Montezuma had destined
them especially for their ruler. All the treasures and gifts acquired were
obtained by the efforts of the expedition, and were always regarded as a part
of its fund. Yet Gomara, Hist. Mcx., 135-6, who had the statements of
Cortes and others at his disposal, writes that the 100,000 lot was selected
from the treasures, previous to melting, in order to form a present for the
king in connection with the one fifth. Bernal Diaz writes confusedly that
the heaps of unmelted gold from which feathers and other settings had been
removed were valued at 600,000 pesos. 'This did not include the plates,
quoits, and dust of gold, nor the silver and other treasures.' A few lines
further he says that the royal officials declared the gold, melted, and in
quoits, dust, and jewels, to be worth over 600,000 pesos, beside the silver and
many jewels not valued. From these lots the distribution was made for king
and expedition. Many soldiers declared that the original amount was larger,
one third having been abstracted by the leaders. Hist. Verdad., 83. The
marginal print in this authority calls the above sums pesos de oro, which
increases the value three times. Confusing as this version is, it confirms
at any rate the supposition that the unbroken jewels were also divided
among the members of the expedition. Prescott estimates the whole
treasure in the money value of his time at $6,300,000, which may be
accepted as sufficiently approximate. See Mex., ii. 202-5. Robertson ac-
cepts Bernal Diaz' last estimate in pesos, which is equivalent to about
two fifths of Prescott's. The small proportion of silver indicates how little
the natives understood and resorted to mining, and how insignificant a por-
tion of the metallic wealth of the country was represented by the treasures
so far acquired. Gold was obtained from loose and shallow alluvial de-
posits in and near the rivers, and it was only in the extraction of tin and
copper that the Indians exhibited an advance in the art of mining. Robertson
is wrong in assuming that gold was not used as a trade medium; still, it was
only partly so, and it was chiefly sought for ornaments. The rarity of silver
made this metal far more valuable than in Europe, and the stones most
esteemed were regarded by the Spaniards as so many pebbles. For an account
of mines, metals, and money among the Aztecs, see Native Races, ii. In
vol. i. chap. iii. note 8 of the Central American division of the present work
is given information on the currency of this period.

DIVISION OF SPOILS. 343

share was made into plates, spoons, and similar arti-
cles. The feathers presented a brilliant variety of
colors and forms, and the cotton, some of the most
delicate texture and color, was both plain and em-
broidered, and made into robes, tapestry, covers, and
other articles. Turquoises, pearls, toys, and trinkets
were also among the treasures.30

Cortes proposed to defer the distribution till more
gold and better weights were obtained; but the men,
who with good reason, perhaps, suspected that a delay
might diminish rather than increase the treasures,
clamored for an immediate division. The troops were
accordingly called, and in their presence the partition
was made: first of the royal fifth;31 then of the fifth
promised to Cortes when appointed captain -general;
after this a large sum was set apart to cover expen-
ditures by Cortes and Velazquez on the fleet and its
outfit, and the value of the horses killed during the
campaign,32 and another sum for the expenses and
shares of the procuradores in Spain, while double or
special shares were . assigned to the priests, the cap-
tains, those owning horses, and the men with fire-arms
and cross-bows.33 After all these deductions but little
remained for the rank and file — a hundred pesos, if
we may credit Bernal Diaz.34 This, many indignantly

30 For a description, see Cortes, Cartas, 100-1; Gomara, Hist. 31ex., 135-6;
IJcrrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. iv.; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iii. ; Oviedo, iii.
298-9.

31 Consisting of 32,400 and odd pesos de oro of melted gold; 100,000 ducats'
worth of unbroken jewels, feathers, etc.; and 100 and more marcos of silver.
Cortes, Cartas, 100-1. 'Lo dieron e entregaron a Alonso de Escobar.' Pro-
banza de. Lejalde, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc. , i. 422.

32 The expenditures were represented largely by a number of unpaid notes
of hand issued by the captain-general to the owners of vessels, provisions,
and arms, and held for the most part by captains and leading members of the
party. Many of the names and claims are given in Probanza de Lejalde, in
Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 411 et seq.

33 Bernal Diaz appears to say that all these men, from priests to archers,
received double rates, Hist. Verdad. , 83-4, and Herrera so accepts it, dec. ii.
lib. ix. cap. v.; but this seems unequal. In the Probanza de Lejalde, in
Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 411 et seq., a number of special payments are men-
tioned, and also wages for sailors.

31 ' Soldados huuo q tomaron sus partes a cien pesos. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 84. But this sum may mean pesos de oro, which according to the
calculation accepted represents nearly $1200.

344 POLITICS AND RELIGION.

refused to accept; others took it, but joined in the
clamors of the discontented.

It is almost too much to ask of vultures not to
quarrel over their prey. The murmur against the
royal fifth was loud enough, but the second fifth
for Cortes raised quite an outcry. "Are we to have
a second king?" they asked. Others inquired, "For
whose fleet are we paying?" They further wished to
know whether the fame and promotion acquired for
the general by his men could not satisfy some of his
claims, for the present, at least. They had once before
surrendered hard-earned money to please him and to
promote his credit with the king, and now, when they
had been led to expect reward, it was again snatched
from them. Some said that a large proportion of the
treasures had been secured by Cortes and his favorites
before the distribution began; and the value of the
heavy gold chains and other ornaments displayed by
them was significantly pointed at as out of proportion
to their share.

The suspicion was confirmed by a quarrel which
occurred shortly after between Velazquez de Leon and
Treasurer Mejia respecting the payment of the royal
fifth on certain unbroken jewels found in Velazquez'
possession, and received by him before the apportion-
ment. It was enough, said Mejia, for Cortes to ap-
propriate unassessed treasures. Velazquez refusing to
comply, they came to blows, and if friends had not
interfered there might have been an officer or two
less in the camp. As it was, both received slight
wounds > and subsequently shackles. Mejia was re-
leased within a few hours ; but his antagonist retained
the fetters for two days, persuaded to submit with
grace thereto by Cortes, it was said, in order to allay
suspicions and to show that the general could be just,
even when it affected a friend.35

35 ' Cortes, so color de hazer justicia, porq todos le temiessemos, era con
grandes mafias.' It appears that Mejia, on hearing the men complain, spoke

DISSATISFIED SOLDIERS. 345

Finding that the murmurs were becoming serious,
Cortes brought his soothing eloquence to bear upon
the troubled spirits. He represented that all his
thoughts, efforts, and possessions were for the honor
of his God, his king, and his companions. With them
he had shared every danger and hardship, and for
their welfare he had watched, rendering justice to all.
The division had been fairly made in accordance with
previous arrangement. But he was not avaricious;
all he had was theirs, and he would employ it for them
as might a father. He would surrender the fifth which
had been assigned him, if they wished it, retaining
only his share as captain-general; and he would also
help any one in need. The treasure thus far secured
was insignificant compared to what lay before them.
What mattered a few hundred pesos more or less
in view of the rich mines, the large tracts, and the
immense number of towns, which were - all theirs,
so long as they held loyally together? "I will make
a lord of every one of you," he concluded, "if you
will but have peace and patience."30 And to give,
greater effect to this harangue he bribed with gifts
and promises the more influential to sound his praises ;
whereupon the murmurs died away, though rancor
still remained with many, awaiting opportunity.37

to Cortes about missing gold, and thenceforth they were not very friendly.
Noticing that Velazquez was in fetters, Montezuma asked the general for the
cause, and was told that, not satisfied with his share of gold, he wished to
make a tour of the towns to demand more, and perhaps to commit excesses.
The emperor asked that he be allowed to go, and Cortes consented with ap-
parent reluctance. A sentence seems to have been passed for the culprit to
leave camp, and he proceeded with a Mexican official to Cholula, whence he
returned with more gold a few days later. So runs the story of Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verd'd., 84-5. B. V. de Tapia declares that Cortds kept him 'muchos
dias en una casylla pequeha e con guardas.' Cortes, Residencia, i. 40-1.

3CAZ., and Ilerrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. v.

37 Among those who took most to heart the disappointing distribution wa3
Juan de Cardenas, a pilot and sailor of Triana, who had a wife and children in
Spain. Tired of struggling with poverty at home he had come to seek a better
lot with the conquerors in America. The first sight of the treasures to be
divided had inspired him with an ardent hope of being able to return to his
family, for an equal division would have given him quite a little fortune.
Finding his dream of happiness shattered he became almost raving. Cortes
gave him 300 pesos, and promised that he should be sent home by the first
opportunity. Cardenas appeared to be satisfied, but on reaching Spain he

346 POLITICS AND RELIGION.

A large proportion of the soldiers imitated the
example of the heavy sharers in the spoils by con-
verting their allotment, with the aid of Azcapu-
zalcan goldsmiths, into chains, crosses, and other
adornments for their persons, so that the display of
wealth became quite dazzling. Others yielded to
the infatuation for gambling, then so prevalent, and
lost without a murmur the hard-earned share.36

But one thing now remained to complete the triumph
of the conqueror. The manacled kings were subservi-
ent, and the people displayed their loyalty by pouring
tribute into his coffers. But his god was not theirs,
and this the pious pilferer could not endure. He and
his priests had lost no opportunity to preach the faith
to emperor and subjects;39 but the hearts of the natives
were obdurately fixed on the idols of the pyramid.
He never beheld the temple without being tempted to
lay low the effigies of Satan, and it was owing only to
Father Olmedo's prudent counsel that the temptation
was resisted. Repeatedly had he urged on the weak
emperor to begin the great work by some radical re-
form, but could obtain only the promise that human
sacrifices would be stopped. Finding that even this
was not observed, he consulted with his captains, and
it was agreed to demand the surrender of the great
temple for Christian worship, so that the natives
might be made to feel the holy influence of its symbols
and rites. Montezuma was prepared with excuses, but
the deputation declared with fierce vehemence that

came forward as a bitter opponent of the general. Bernal Dlazy Hist. Vcrdad. ,
84. Solis speaks up in behalf of his hero, and condemns the men as avaricious
and ungrateful for demanding more than their share. The leaders and best
men deserved larger gains. As for Bernal Diaz, ' Habla mas como pobre sol-
dado, que como historiador. ' Hist. Mex., ii. 35. The share for Villa Rica was
sent to Tlascala, says Bernal Diaz, whither rumor had it that large sums were
forwarded for Cortes and others, who claimed afterward that they had been
lost during the uprising. 'Las piedras bajas y plumages, todo lo tomaron los
Indios de Tlaxcala.' Sahacjun, Hist. Couq., 26.

33 The cards, made by Pedro Valenciano from drumskins, were as neatly
painted as those of Spain. Banal Diaz, Hist. Verdud., 84.

39 Herrera gives lengthy specimens of the warrior preacher's effusions,
occupying more than one chapter, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. vi.-vii."

CORTES CRIES TO GOD. 347

if this were refused they would forcibly remove the
idols and kill the priests who resisted. " Malinche,"
exclaimed the monarch in alarm, "do you then seek the
destruction of the city? Our gods are incensed against
us, and the people imbittered. Even your lives will
not be safe. Wait, I entreat you, till I call the priests
for consultation."40

Cortes saw that nothing more could then be at-
tained, but with the indiscreet zeal for religion which
often blinded him he determined that there should
be no further dela}^. He apprehended no uprising
among a people which had so patiently submitted
to all exactions, yet he feared that the priests, if
warned, might prevent an entry into the temple, and
so he resolved to anticipate them, and to demon-
strate the impotency of their gods. Giving orders
for a strong force to follow after a short interval, he
went forward with hardly a dozen men in order
not to arouse suspicion.41 Entering the sanctuary,
and finding that he could not draw aside the costly
curtain with its golden pellet fringe which shielded
the bejewelled idols from profane gaze, he had it cut
asunder. The reason for the obstruction now became
apparent. The idol showed traces of fresh human
blood. At this evidence of broken promises and dis-
regarded orders Cortes began to rave. "Oh God!"
he cried, "why dost thou permit the devil to be thus
honored in this land? Let it appear good that we
serve thee."

Turning to the temple attendants, who had followed
with apprehensive mien, he upbraided them for their
blind adherence to a bloody worship, and compared
the evil of idolatry with the saving rites of Chris-
tianity. He was determined, he said, to remove
the idols and install an image of the virgin. They

40 According to Bernal Diaz Cortes made a sign that he and Olmedo desired
to speak privately to Montezuma. He now proposed that in order to prevent
tumult his captains might be persuaded to rest content with a space in the
great temple for an altar and cross. Hist. Verdad. , 85.

41 Tapia leaves the impression that he called casually at the temple, and
afterward sent for more troops.

348 POLITICS AND RELIGION.

must take away all within the sanctuary and cleanse
it. The priests shook their heads at such an insane
idea. All the city and country around adored these
gods, and they would die rather than see them dese-
crated. They further intimated that the deities would
themselves know how to chastise the sacrilegious.
This reply only fired the fury of Cortes, and unable
further to restrain himself, he seized a bar, dashed at
the idol, and striking it a blow which caused the golden
mask to fall off, he exclaimed, "Shall we not do some-
thing for God?" Captain Andres de Tapia, one of
the dozen Spaniards present on the occasion, testifies
to the rash proceeding: "I swear by my faith as a
gentleman and by God that it is true. It seems as if
I now see the marquis springing with excitement and
striking at the idol."42

When the real intentions of Cortes had first be-
come apparent to the priests, they sent to warn
Montezuma, as emperor and high-priest, that some
outrage might be perpetrated. Suspecting that the
recent threat was about to be carried out, he de-
spatched a messenger to the general asking permission
to come to the temple, and imploring him meanwhile
to respect the idols. The message arrived before
much damage was done, and with the advice of his
followers Cortes was induced to yield. He recognized
that the attitude assumed might lead to more serious
results than had been at first supposed. The rumor
had spread of extraordinary proceedings on the temple
summit, and armed and threatening crowds were
gathering at the foot, impeded only by the Spanish
reserve escort43 from ascending to defend their ffods.
Why should not they fight for their religion as well
as others? Seeing that the emperors presence was
necessary to calm them, Cortes permitted him to come.
He soon arrived, under a strong guard, and pointing
to the excited masses he reasoned with Cortes upon

12 In Bel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 585.
43 Of 30 or 40 men, says Tapia.

HUMILIATION OF THE IDOLS. 340

the uselossness and danger of his hasty project. The
latter stubbornly insisted, and after a consultation
with the priests it was agreed to surrender both the
summit chapels of Huitzilopochtli and Tezcatlipoca
to Christian worship/4 on condition that the idols

u ' Fice limpiar aquellas capillas . . . . y puse en ellas imageries dc nuestra
Seilora y de otros santos.' Cortes, Cartas, 100. Andres de Tapia is still more
explicit in relating how Cortes insisted on having both chapels cleared of idols.
' El marques hizo hacer dos altares, uno en una parte de la torre, que era par-
tida en dos huecos, e otro en otra.' lid., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 585-6.
In testifying to the proceedings in the temple previous to the massacre by
Alvarado, B, V. de Tapia^ states that the Indians intended to restore Huitzilo-
pochtli to the tower, ' donde solia estar por que lo habia quitado de alii D.
Hernando e puesto a nuestra Senora.' Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 36.
Alvarado confirms this in different words. Id., 66-7. The only other eye-
witness who refers with any detail to the above is Bernal Diaz, and he accords
only a space on the summit to the Christian emblems. But his different allusions
to the temple are confused and contradictory ; yet he has been followed by
modern writers: first, because the preceding three testimonies have not been
accessible till late years; and second, because they have been content to copy
Prescott, who adopts Bernal Diaz in only too many instances. The mistake
appears also to rest on the finding of Huitzilopochtli's image in one of the
summit chapels when it was recaptured by the Spaniards during the later
siege. It is only natural that the Aztecs, on obtaining possession of their
temple, should have reinstalled the war god. Peter Martyr does assume that
one image was too large to be removed, dec. v. cap. iv. And Gomara intimates
that idols remained. ' Pusiero cruzes e imagines. . . .entre sus idolos.' Hist.
Mex., 128. The phrase can apply to those in the court, although his state-
ment may be founded on Martyr, as that of Ixtlilxochitl is on him: 'Y di6

[Montezuma] permiso que en la capilla del templo mayor se pusiesen

entre los dos idolos de Huitzilopochtli, un crucifijo, una imagen de Nuestra
Seuora y una cruz.' Hist. Chick., 297. As regards the casting-down of idols,
Prescott, in common with most modern writers, assumes this to be a mere
boast on the part of Cortes; but a careful investigation, supported by the
'solemn' assurance of Tapia, not accessible to them, confirms this statement
in the main. The general probably exaggerates somewhat in saying: 'Los mas
principales destos idolos .... derroque yo de sus sillas y los fice echar por las
escaleras abajo.' Cartas, 106. This probably strikes Oviedo, who, while re-
peating the account, expresses a doubt about its truth : 'Bien pudo Dios dar
lugar ii ello ; pero para mi yo tengo por mara villa, e grande, la mucha paci-
encia de Montecuma 6 de los indios. ' iii. 303. Solis even doubts that altar
and cross were ever erected in so unclean a spot, amid idols and idolatrous
priests: it would have been sacrilege; besides the Mexicans would never have
permitted the intrusion. Hist. Mex., ii. 9-12. The doubt expressed against
Cortes' boast rests chiefly with Bernal Diaz, whose faulty account states that
Montezuma by mere persuasion sent for the priests, and after consulting with
them had a space on the temple summit quietly assigned to the Spaniards.
Hist. Verdad., 85. Gomara devotes several pages to the casting down of the
idols, which he justly regards as a memorable feat: ' Mas honra y prez gano
Cortes con esta hazaiia Christiana, que si los venciera en batalla. ' He applies
it, however, to the occasion of the imperial prisoner's first visit to the temple.
Montezuma stops CortCs in the midst of his destructive work and checks the
fury of the crowd, which the general thereupon appeases with a long profound
speech on theologic mysteries, carefully prepared by Gomara. Hist. Mex.,
126-8. The preceding points assume importance when it is considered that the
usurpation of the great pyramid by Christian emblems gave the strongest
impulse to the uprising soon to follow.

350 POLITICS AND RELIGION.

within might be removed by the reverent hands of
priests alone. This was effected while the emperor
remained on the summit. The chapels were then
whitewashed, a cross was planted, and two altars rose,
on which were placed the image of the virgin and of
a saint whom Tapia calls San Cristobal.45

Preparations were next made to consecrate the
sanctuary, now festive with garlands and flowers.
The Spaniards marched in procession through the
streets, to the chant of psalms, headed by the two
priests who bore the crucifix and images. Crowds of
wondering natives lined their path, and remained to
watch the cross winding its way round the pyramid
in a sanctifying orbit. Cortes was the first to kiss
the installed crucifix, while tears of joy rolled down
his cheeks. Mass followed the consecration, and with
a swelling* Te Deum the soldiers rendered thanks to
the supreme being for the triumph accorded them
over paganism.

It was but a partial victory, however, for in the
court the priests were even then gathered in adora-
tion of the chief idol, bewailing their own impo-
tency, and imploring it to rise and avenge its outraged
majesty and their humiliation. An old soldier was left
as guard to keep the candles burning, and to prevent
intrusion from temple attendants, save to clean the

45 ' E puso en una parte la imagen de Nuestra Senora en un retablico de
tabla, 6 en otro la de Sant Cristobal, porque no habie estonces otras imagines.'
Iiel. , loc. cit. It is generally assumed by the faithful that the virgin's image
is identical with the one now known as the Virgen de los Remedios, in its
celebrated shrine near Mexico. It had been given to Juan Rodriguez de
Villaf uerte by his brother, an Augustine friar, when he departed for the Indies.
During the uprising in June, 1520, the image is believed to have of its own
accord taken flight to the site where a shrine afterward rose in its honor.
Medina, Chr6n. de San Diego de Mex., 30; Cabrera, Escudo Armas, 106-25;
Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist. N. Esp., 138 et seq. ; Bustamante, Mem. Piedad
Mex. Unfortunately for this belief, Tapia's testimony describes the image as
a picture on a board, while the Remedios image is a little battered doll. The
testimony is contradicted by nothing but pious supposition. In preparing the
site for altars the Spaniards noticed that the walls were of unusual thickness.
Breaking them open they found a number of jewels. Gold was also obtained
from tombs on the summit platform, and the curtain pendants and other valu-
ables were of course appropriated. Tapia, Eel., in fcazbalceta, Col. Doc,
5SG; Ilerrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. vi.

EFFECTIVE PRAYER. 351

place for the frequent services which were hence-
forth held here.46

Taking advantage of . the step thus gained, the
priests and their followers sought to impress upon the
natives the superiority of their faith/7 and numbers
were convinced, says Tapia, although few accepted
baptism out of fear of their countrymen.48 There
was a drought prevailing at the time, and the priests,
having in vain appealed for a remedy, ascribed the evil
to the anger of the gods at the presence of the wor-
shippers of strange deities and their hateful symbols.
A few days after the consecration of the altars a dep-
utation of natives appeared at the Spanish quarters,
bearing withered corn-stalks, and demanding that,
since the Europeans had removed the idols to whom
they prayed for rain, they should ask their god for it,
so that the people might not die of hunger. Cortes re-
assured them,49 and ordered a general prayer for relief.
"The following day," says Tapia, "we marched in pro-
cession to the temple, under a blazing sun." While
mass was being said a cloud might be seen gather-
ing on Mount Tepcaquilla, and "on our way back
the rain fell so heavily that we had to wade in water
up to our ankles." The rain continued for several
days, and the harvest turned out abundant.60 Each
party claimed the meteorological display as a direct
answer to its prayer, for the Mexicans were hardly

40 Montezuma received the returning procession with a forced welcome,
and gave orders to destroy a series of brothels in Tlatelulco, containing over
400 women, whose iniquity, he said, had brought the present evil upon the
city. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. vi.

47 Herrera devotes five columns to CorteV sermon, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap.
vii. ; Torquemada, i. 4G5-7.

48 Or perhaps of the teachers of the faith, who appeared with sword in
hand to enforce their cruel, rapacious, and immoral demands. Herrera be-
lieves Montezuma would have become a Christian had he dared, dec. ii. lib.
viii. cap. ix. But Duran states that according to the native records all the
three captive rulers were baptized, and that Father Olmedo had told him
he believed such was the case, although the rite had not been administered
by himself. Hist. Ind. , MS. , ii. 445. This question will be discussed in a later
chapter.

49 'Sed ciertos, que de aqui a mafiana llouera, y tendreys el mejor ano que
jamas aueys tenido. ' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. vi.

502Top«a, JieJ., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 586; llazart, Kirchen Geschichie,
it 520; Torfjuemada, i. 404.

352 POLITICS AND RELIGION.

prepared to yield everything without a struggle. To
this insignificant and hated band of intruders they
had practically abandoned their country, by acknowl-
edging serfdom with tribute. Daily they submitted
to wrongs and indignities. The sacred nerson of their
king had been profaned, their nobles brought to the
dust. Now should they submit to this destruction of
their gods? If so, the heavens and earth would come
together, grinding them to powder!

CHAPTER XX.

THE CUBAN GOVERNOR IN PURSUIT.

1519-1520.

The Mexicans Threaten Revolt — The Clergy in Arms — They De-
nounce the Conduct of Montezuma — The Emperor Declares he
can no longer restrain his people — tldings of velazquez' fleet —
Sailing from Cuba of an Expedition under Narvaez — Arrival
in Mexico — Conflict with Cortes — Interchange of Threats and
Courtesies — Attempted Union of Forces — Narvaez Remains Loyal
to Velazquez — Desertion of Some of his Men to Cortes.

War now seemed inevitable; for if earthly powers
availed not against the invaders, heaven's artillery
should disperse the .impious foe. If feeble man by
fearful combinations be brought low, surely the gods
may yet defend themselves from insult.

Hitherto it had been the higher nobles only who
harbored designs against the Spaniards, but, while no
longer cemented by the accustomed despotism, they
were held in check by their jealousies, their party
politics, and fear for their possessions. A stronger
influence than these was at hand, however. Now for
the first time the lesser nobles and the common people
were aroused. The outrage on the idols affected all.
And the clergy, who out of regard for their high-
priest, the emperor, had remained passive, now felt
themselves struck in a vital part. Their influence,
supremacy, and means of support were all involved,
and the power of the priesthood was as great here as
among other superstitious peoples. How far they
worked upon the nobles and plebeians is not clear,
but their interviews with Montezuma, although held

Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 23 (353)

354 THE CUBAN GOVERNOR IN PURSUIT.

in secret, out of the reach even of the favorite page, be-
came so frequent and earnest as to rouse the suspicions
of the guard. It was said that, assisted by influential
courtiers, they represented how deeply the sacrilegious
act had stirred the people, already incensed b}^ the
shameful captivity of their sovereigns. Further than
this, oracles had announced that the gods would aban-
don the city and its inhabitants to their fate if the
obnoxious strangers were not quickly killed or driven
hence. The masses would rise, and if Montezuma,
forgetful of his dignity and duty, still declined to be
liberated, preferring the fate of Quauhpopoca, which
must surely overtake him, then they would choose
another monarch.1 This last threat struck home.
Sorely had Montezuma sighed for liberty, and he had
feared for his throne; now his own subjects threatened
him with what he dreaded most. In this dilemma he
turned to Cortes.2

The apprehensions of the Spaniards had been
aroused not only by the secret interviews of the
priests, but by the somewhat distant manner of the
emperor, and at this unusual summons they became
seriousry alarmed. Even the general could not sup-
press his misgivings as he hurried to the emperor's
apartments, attended by Olid, then captain of the
guard. With solemn visage Montezuma bade him be
seated. Then he reminded him of the warnings
against his man}^ rash proceedings, particularly the
installation of the cross upon the pyramid. The in-
censed gods at last had spoken, had ordered him to
attack and drive the Spaniards into the sea, and the
people were stirred almost beyond control. He had

1 Gomara, Hist. 3fex., 136-7; BernalDiaz, Hist. VerdacL, 85-6. 'Eldiablo
q muchas vezes le hablaua, le amenazaua. ' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. vi.
' Hico Montecuma apercebir cient mill hombres de pelea. ' Oviedo, iii. 507.
Others make the number less. To this Clavigero objects : ' Mi persuado che
vi sia stata in fatti qualche truppa allestita, non per6 per orditie del Re, ma
soltanto d'alcuni Nobili.' Storia If ess., iii. 112.

2 Solis sees in this determination only a proof of his supposition that the
offer of vassalage and tribute was but a bribe to satiate the Spaniards, since
.he now bids them go. Hist. Mex., ii. 35-6.

AGAIN CORT£S DISSEMBLES. 355

only to give the signal; nay, did he delay to do so,
they would rise. But he loved Malinche; had he not
proved this by his devotion? He wished to save the
Spaniards; and now he warned, he implored them to
leave the city before it would be too late. They
might take all his treasures; nay, he would give each
man a load of gold if they would only go.3

The tone and manner of the prince convinced them
that his words were sincere. Cortes deemed it best
to feign compliance. He thanked the emperor for the
interest manifested in their safety, and replied that
since he and his gods and people so desired it, they
would comply; but having no vessels, time must be
allowed to build them.4 This was perplexing, but
Montezuma overlooked everything on hearing that
the Spaniards were ready to leave. He insisted no
further, knowing well enough that he and the other
captives would have to follow if a withdrawal from
the city was required before the means of transport
had been found.5 He had seen that it did not take
long to construct ships, and offered the necessary
carpenters to fell and prepare timber, as before.
Meanwhile he would endeavor to appease his vassals,
pointing out that an uprising would be disastrous
also to himself and them. Martin Lopez was at
once sent down to Villa Rica with Andres Nunez,

3 ' Vo os dare para vos dos cargas de oro, e una para cada chripstiano. ' Oviedo,
iii. 507; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 138. Herrera increases this to four loads for
Cortes and two loads for eacli horseman, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. vi. And Duran
heard that a ship-load of treasures was offered; but the pious Cortes was too
intent on converting souls to accept the bribe. Pizarro y Orellana, Varones
Ilvstres, 91; Bcrnal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 86. Montezuma had become at-
tached to many of the Spaniards, including the courteous general, and really-
wished them well.

4 'Dixo a vn Espanol de los doze, q fuesse a auisar a los compafieros q se
aparejassen por quanto se trataua co el de sus vidas.' Gomara, Hist. Mex.t
137-8. This author and others state that Cort6s gives thanks for the warning,
and offers to go whenever he is bidden. Montezuma, equally polite, tells him
to select his own time. When ready to leave he will give a load of gold to
each man, and two for himself. Cortes thereupon brings up the question of
vessels.

0 ' Cortes le dixo . . . . q por f uerca auia de ir el Motecuma con nosotros, para
que le vca nuestro gran Emperador.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 86. It ia
not probable that this was said on the present occasion, however, and it would
only have irritated the emperor.

356 THE CUBAN GOVERNOR IN PURSUIT.

some chiefs, and a number of Indian workmen, to
build three vessels, but with secret instructions to
delay the work in every manner.6

Cortes had no intention to surrender his hold on
the country. It was now more than eight months
since the procuradores had left for Spain, and he
began to look for their return with a royal com-
mission, if not with reinforcements. Once provided
with this worshipful paper he could brave Velazquez
and all the world. He could send to the Islands and
buy vessels, arms, and supplies; and he could easily
enlist all the troops necessary to the achievement of
his great project. Meanwhile he hoped to maintain
his position, supported by native allies, such as the
Tlascaltecs, Chinantecs, Goazacoalcos, and Cempoalans.
It needed not the warning of Montezuma to convince
the Spaniards that a serious attitude had been as-
sumed against them by the natives, and that the
precautions for defence must be redoubled. The at-
tendants appeared less obsequious, and the supplies
had materially diminished — owing to the late drought,
they said.7 This was remedied by the commands of
the emperor. But even the prospect of a speedy de-
parture of the strangers did not appear to conciliate
the people; and less sanguine than their leader, the
soldiers of Cortes felt oppressed by gloomy fore-
bodings. In addition to this they were harassed by
extra guard duty and by being obliged to sleep in
their accoutrements, ready for instant defence.8

6 'Yd con essos indios, 6 cortese la madera, y entretanto Dios nos proveera
de gente 6 socorro : por tanto, poned tal dilacion que parezca que haceys algo. '
(Jrledo, iii. 507-8; Go?nara, Hist. Mex., 138. Bernal Diaz considers this
wrong. He knows not what Cortes told Lopez, ' mas muy secretamente me
dixo el Martin Lopez, que de hecho, y apriessa los labrava. ' Montezuma had
demanded that 'no huviesse mas palabras, sino obras.' Hist. Ve)xlad.,S6. Per-
haps Lopez did hurry, from personal fear of remaining in the country; or he may
have been instructed by Cortes to say so to the soldiers, in order to calm them.

7 ' Comenzo a f altar todo lo necessario para comer y beber. ' To remedy
this, strict orders had to be issued to purveyors, and the Tlascaltecs were
sent on foraging expeditions, which led to much abuse. Sahagun, Hist. Conq.,
25 (ed. 1840), 90.

8 Gomara, Hist. Jlex., 138. In speaking of this, Bernal Diaz says that he

ANOTHER EXPEDITION PLANNED. 357

We must now go back to Cuba for a moment, where
long since we left the irate governor cursing. Poor
Velazquez! Cordoba, Grijalva, Cortes, all the dep-
uties sent out to conquer for him new lands, had only
been a drain on him, bringing back little compensation
in slaves and gold. Deeply as he felt these troubles
they had not yet affected his obesity, and it was with
difficulty that he waddled about his island stirring up
avengers. With the aid of Fonseca the chaplain,
Benito Martin, whom Velazquez had sent to Spain
on his behalf, had obtained for him a royal commis-
sion,9 with the title of adelantado of the lands lately
discovered under his auspices to the westward; and
October, 1519, saw busy preparations on the island
for an expedition as well against Cortes as Monte-
zuma.10

There was no trouble in obtaining men. The rumors
created by the visit of Puertocarrero and Montejo

became so used to sleeping in his clothes, and enduring hardships generally,
that he almost discarded the bed during his later encomendero life, and
could take only short naps. ' Esto he dicho, por que sepa de que arte andamos
los verdaderos Conquistadores; y como estavamos tan acostubrados a las
armas, y a velar.' Hist. Verdad., 86.

9 This was dated Saragossa, November 13, 1518, within a week of CorteV
usurpation of the fleet, as Las Casas observes, and conceded to Velazquez the
position of adelantado not only over Yucatan, Cozumel, and ' other islands'
discovered by his expeditions, but over any further lands that he might find.
In connection with this title was granted, to him and one heir, one fifteenth
of the revenue accruing to the king from these lands; and after their con-
quest and settlement one twentieth of the same revenue, in perpetuity for him-
self and heirs, from any one island that he might select — the discoveries were
supposed to be all islands. All supplies of food, clothes, and arms, introduced
by him during his life, were to be free of duty. In support of his expenses a
royal plantation near Habana was transferred to him, and an annual salary
conferred of 300,000 maravedis. A number of other provisions were made for
the promotion of economic, politic, and spiritual welfare in the new region.
A synopsis of the commission is given in Las Casas, Hist. Ind. , v. 2-5. Prescott
misunderstands the Carta de Velazquez of October 12, 1519, in supposing that
the governor had not received notice of his appointment by that time, and is
therefore wrong in taking Gomara to task for saying : ' Estando pues en aqueste
pensamieto [to thwart Cort6"s], auino que llego a Santiago .... cartas del Em-

perador, y el titulo de Adelantado, y cedula de la gouernacion de Yucata. '

Hist. Mex., 140.

10 Carta de Velazquez, October 12, 1519, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc.,
xii. 246-51. Solis assumes that the preparations of Velazquez were influenced
by the news of the reception accorded in Spain to the procuradores of Cortes.
Hist. Mex., ii. 42-4. But this supposition, based partly on a vague ex-
pression of Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xviii., is wrong, for the procura-
dores reached Spain only in October, and were detained for some time before
they saw the emperor.

358 THE CUBAN GOVERNOR IN PURSUIT.

left the impression that ship-loads of gold had been
forwarded from the new region to Spain, and the
island was consequently in a ferment with excite-
ment. So great indeed became the desire to enlist
that Velazquez would in any case have been obliged
to form an expedition to prevent the people from
going on their own account to reinforce Cortes.11 At
first it was announced that the governor would go in
person, and so prevent further rebellion. But Velaz-
quez never thought of such a thing: he was too
corpulent, he lacked courage, and he could not aban-
don his interests and his post in Cuba, leaving the
island scantily provided with defenders. Further than
this, he had confidence in the legal right conferred on
him over the new country and over any expedition he
might send. His announced reasons were the duties
of his office, which demanded his presence more than
ever owing to the prevalent small-pox epidemic.12

Among the many candidates eager for the command
were Baltasar Bermudez, a relative, Vasco Porcaiio
de Figueroa, and Panfilo de Narvaez, the first two
mentioned already in connection with Cortes' appoint-
ment. With Bermudez the governor could come to
no arrangement, and with Porcaiio he managed to
quarrel after selecting him,13 so that he was left with
no other choice than Narvaez. This was the hidalgo
of Valladolid,1* whom we have met before, who had
joined Velazquez shortly after his arrival in Cuba,
and had taken a leading part in its conquest. This
over, he had married a rich widow, Maria de Valen-
zuela, possessing a number of towns, and had accepted
civil positions, such as procurador for the island, and
contador in the newly discovered region. Narvaez

1 ' ' Conociendo que la gete, de vna manera o de otra, se auia de yr, acord6
de recogerla. ' Hcrrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xviii.

12 Letter to Figueroa, Nov. 17, 1519, in Icazba/ceta, Col. Doc., i. 400.

13 It appears that Velazquez' suspicious nature had led him to cast reflec-
tions upon Porcaiio, who resented them by throwing up the appointment.
Hen-era tells the story, which is not very interesting, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xviii.

11 Bernal Diaz says also 'Ualladolid, 6 de Tudela de Duero.' Hist. Verdad.>
246, 38.

NARVAEZ SELECTED AS LEADER. 359

was about forty-two years of age, tall and strongly
built, with a long face, ruddy complexion, and sandy
beard. To a deep voice might be added agreeable
manners, being quite fascinating in conversation. His
qualities were such as created favorable impression.
Ordinarily he exhibited good judgment, but he was
careless, headstrong, and arrogant. As a soldier he
was undoubtedly brave, but deficient in discipline and
foresight ; as a general he was far from being the equal
of Cortes.15

By virtue of his commission Velazquez appointed
this man captain-general and lieutenant-governor of
the new country, with orders to send Cortes and any
rebellious captain in chains to Cuba, to carry on the
conquest, and to administer for the best interests of
the settlement.16 But the friends of Cortes were not
idle. They caused representations to be secretly made
to the audiencia17 that a fratricidal war was about to
be opened in the new region, ruinous to the interests
of God and the king, and legal steps were at once
taken by the promotor fiscal.18 The policy of Cortes

15 'A este Narvaez hizo Diego Velazquez su Capitan principal, siempre
honrandolo, de manera que despues del tuvo en aquella isla el primer lugar. '
Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 4-6; Oviedo, i. 496. 'Dezian que era muy escaco.'
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. , 247.

16 In a letter to Judge Figueroa, of the Espafiola audiencia, dated Novem-
ber 17, 1519, he gives notice of this appointment, and states that the object
of the expedition is to prevent injury to the royal interest and outrages upon
the natives. That very day he was leaving for Trinidad and other parts to
aid Narvaez in the preparations. Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 399-403. Narvaez'
appointment is mentioned already in the letter of October 12th, addressed to a
Spanish dignitary, wherein he is spoken of as contador for the new countries.
Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc, xii. 250.

17 'Auiso y relacion dellos les embi6 desde Cubas el licenciado Zuaco, que
auia venido .... a tomar residencia. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. , 87. But we
are safe in saying that Duero gave the impulse.

15 This official, Juan Carrillo, laid the case before the audiencia, December
24th, representing that Cortes had without superior permission made war
on the natives of the new lands and conquered them. He had also appro-
priated Velazquez' fleet and captured men from Garay's party, greatly to the
injury of both. Velazquez was now preparing an expedition against him. The
two parties would meet and fight, giving the natives the opportunity to rise
and recover the country. Both Cortes and Velazquez being guilty in under-
taking such expeditions without authority, the fiscal prays that they be
punished in person and estate. An oidor or his proxy should at once be sent
to investigate the case and prevent such war. During the following weeks
Carrillo presented letters and witnesses in support of his petition. Proceso por
Real Audiencia de la Espafiola, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 404-10.

3G0 THE CUBAN GOVERNOR IN PURSUIT.

in sending procuradores to Spain, with presents and
messages to the king, had its effect on the audiencia,
which considered not only that his case had passed
beyond them, but that he was rendering, and likely
to render, greater service to the royal interest than
was his rival. By no means predisposed in favor of
Velazquez, they moreover sent to Cuba the prudent
licentiate Lucas Vazquez de Aillon, a member of
their body, with instructions to prevent the threatened
danger.

Accompanied bj Pedro de Ledesma, secretary to the
audiencia, and the alguacil mayor, Aillon met Narvaez
at Yagua,19 preparing with a portion of the fleet to join
the rest at Guaniguanico. Placing the captain under
injunction not to leave Cuba, he proceeded to the
rendezvous and represented to Velazquez the evil
which must result from his project, urging that his
duty as governor and loyal subject demanded him to
forego personal vengeance and interest, and finally
forbidding the expedition without express permission
from the king. The governor, who appears to have
obtained more definite news from Spain regarding the
wealth and promises of New Spain, was more deter-
mined than ever to carry out his scheme. Relying
upon the grant of the country to himself, he consid-
ered that he had every right to claim his own and to
treat Cortes as an interloper. At first he refused to
recognize the jurisdiction of the audiencia in the
matter, but pretended finally to fall in with Aillon's
views.

It was accordingly agreed that, in order to pro-
mote the interests both of king and " governor, by
rendering available the costly preparations made, the
fleet should proceed to its destination, but without
Indians, and with a less number of settlers than had
volunteered. Narvaez might present the claims of
his principal upon Cortes, but only in a peaceable
manner, without landing any forces. If they were

19 Fourteen leagues west of Trinidad.

A MAGNIFICENT FORCE. 331

not entertained, lie must sail onward in quest of new
discoveries.20

In the presence of Aillon instructions were given
to Narvaez in accordance with the agreement, but the
former nevertheless resolved to accompany the expe-
dition and watch over their observance, for he sus-
pected the sincerity of both parties.21

The expedition was the largest which had as yet
been fitted out in the New World, and consisted of
eleven large and- seven small vessels, with somewhat
over nine hundred soldiers, including eighty men with
fire-arms, one hundred and twenty with cross-bows,
and eighty horsemen. There were also several hun-
dred Indians, a large force of sailors, and a park of
artillery, together with ample stores of all kinds.22

20 'Todo lo qual se asent6 desta manera, y lo did por instruccion en mi
presencia al dicho Panfilo de Narvaez.' Ayllon, in Carta de Audiencia, in
Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 337. For fuller text pf this agreement
see A yllon, Parecer, in Col. Doc. Ined., i. 470-9. By the time the discovery
voyage was concluded the king would have decided the case.

21 This creeps out in his report, to which he adds: 'Pareciome que, pucs
yo principalmcnte habia ido a estorbar que no oviesen debates y escdndalos,
que debia scguir mi camino hasta los dexar pacificos.' Pacheco and Gdrdenas>
Col. Doc, xiii. 337. The account of his efforts in Cuba is also given in a
special letter to the king, written by him at Guaniguanico March 4th, on the
eve of departure for New Spain. This letter was detained in Cuba till August.
Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. , xi. 439-42 ; Col. Doc Ined. , i. 431-6. Herrera,
who is not aware of the agreement with Aillon, assumes that Velazquez and
Narvaez answer his protests by mere assurances that they intend no harm, but
will take care of the king's interest, Narvaez ending the discussion by saying :
'de qualquiera manera se pensaua embarcar dentro de dos horas.' dec. ii. lib.
ix. cap. xviii. Bernal Diaz also states that Velazquez relied so much on the
favor of the bishop that he totally ignored the protests of Aillon. 'Soldados
dixeron, que venia con intencion de ayudarnos, y si no lo pudiesse hazer, tomar
la tierra en si por su Magestad, como Oidor.' Hist. Verdad., 87. Solis sup-
poses that Aillon hoped to prevail on Narvaez when once out of Velazquez' reach.
Hist. Mex., ii. 47; Cortes, Cartas, 117 ; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 140. The governor
evidently feared to oppose Aillon's distasteful resolution to embark, lest he
should induce the audiencia to adopt a more forcible interference ; and perhaps
he thought that his protests could be more safely disregarded the farther he
was removed from the centre of government.

22 At the review in Cempoala, New Spain, were found 80 musketeers, 120
archers, GOO infantry, and 80 horsemen. Gomara, Hist. Mex. , 146. Cortes was
told by Guevara that there were 800 infantry, including 80 archers and 120
musketeers. Cartas, 116. Oviedo has only 800 men, but with 200 horses,
iii. 508, while Bernal Diaz raises the totals to 19 vessels, with 1300 to
1400 soldiers, including 80 horsemen, 90 archers, and 70 musketeers, but not
counting the sailors. The artillery of guns was in charge of Captain Rodrigo
Martin. Hist. Verdad., 86-7. Clavigero adopts 18 vessels, 800 infantry, 85
cavalry, over 500 sailors, and 12 guns. Storia Mess., iii. 113. Aillon vaguely
mentions 'over 600 Spaniards in sixteen vessels.' 'Sin que yo lo supiese,

362 THE CUBAN GOVERNOR IN PURSUIT.

Sail was set early in March, 1520, and after touch-
ing at Cozumel Island to pick up the party which had
been left there23 some time before, they entered Rio
de Tabasco to obtain water and provisions. The in-
habitants fled from the town on seeing so large a
force, but with the aid of an interpreter found there
they were reassured, and brought maize and fowl,
together with three women, as presents for the cap-
tain. Four days after leaving the river the fleet was
dispersed by a storm, with the loss of six vessels and
a number of soldiers and sailors.24 The rest of the
vessels arrived at San Juan de Ulua in the latter part
of April.25

Three soldiers, deserters from the exploring expe-
dition26 of Cortes, came on board, and after declaring

llevaron hasta mil indios.' Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii.
337; and Tapia says 1000 and odd men. Pel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 5S7.
The figures from the review in New Spain must be increased by the number lost
with six of the vessels off that coast, and this may be what Bernal Diaz at-
tempts to do, although he evidently makes the estimate too high. Agustin
Bermudez was alguacil mayor, and CorteV old friend, Duero, managed to join
as contador. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. i.

23 Eighty Spaniards had been landed, and a number of Indians, but most
of the latter, together with a large proportion of the natives, had died of
small-pox introduced by the Cubans. To judge from Aillon's report he ap-
pears to have allowed a number of Spaniards to remain, with a view to make
there a calling-place for ships, and which might serve as a base for operations
tending to the conquest of Yucatan. He refers to the latter country as an
island adjoining Ulua, which he believes is a continent, lying near the land
discovered by Solis and Yahez. Carta de Audiencia, Aug. 30, 1520, in Pacheco
and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 338.

2i 'Se ahogaron cinqiienta ombres 6 los demas escapamoscon harto riesgo.'
Carta de Audiencia, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 338-9. Monte-
zuma informed Cortes of this shipwreck, ' 6 le mostro en una manta pintado3
diez y ocho navios, 6 los cinco dellos a la costa quebrados e" trastornados en el
arena. ' Tapia, Pel. , in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc , ii. 586. ' Tuuo vn viento de Norte
. . . . y de noche se le perdio vn nauio de poco porte, que dio al traues; Capitan

. . . .Christoval de Morante y se ahog6 cierta gente.' Bernal Diaz, Hist.

Verdad., 87.

25Aillon was among the first to arrive, Narvaez and the other captains
coming in during the following two days. Carta de Audiencia,, in Pacheco and
Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 339. Hence Prescott's date of April 23d is somewhat
too accurate. Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that a landing is effected on
April 20th. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 276. Cortes states that the news reached him
in the beginning of May. Cartas, 113. Taking four days to travel to Mexico.
The fleet arrived eight days after the ship-building party had left the capital.
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 138; Alaman, Disert., i. 109. Narvaez' agent in Spain
states that the fleet numbered eleven vessels on arrival. Demanda de Ceballos,
in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc. , i. 437.

23 Three of the men left in Chinantla, ' que se dezian Ceruantes el chocar-
rero, y Escalana, y Alonso Hernandez Carretero. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist,

NARVAEZ LANDS AT VERA CRUZ. 3G3

allegiance to Narvaez, poured into the ears of their
wondering countrymen the story of their general's
brilliant achievements. - They told of the vast extent
and resources of the country, of the wealth accumu-
lated, the unfairness of Cortes in dividing, and the
consequent discontent of the soldiers and the danger
of their position.27 This tended to render the conceited
Narvaez over-confident, so that his rival was rather
benefited than injured by the story of the deserters.
He now told Aillon that he would land, since Cortes
was so far in the interior and the vessels in a bad
condition. He was also determined to form a settle-
ment, and regardless of the oiclor's protest a town
was founded for a second time upon the site of the
present Vera Cruz.28 The governor of Cuetlachtlan
hastened to send presents of supplies, as an act of
courtesy to a captain whom he supposed to be the
friend of Cortes. He was undeceived, however, and
told by the deserters that Narvaez was the real envoy
and captain sent by the king, while Cortes and his
men were fugitive adventurers whom Narvaez would
punish. His king had heard of the outrage on the
emperor, and had sent him to procure his release, to
restore order, and thereupon to return. The governor
reported this to Montezuma, who, thinking no doubt

Verdad., 87; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xviii. Porra3 gives several and dif-
ferent names. Cortes, Residencia, ii. 500. Cortes appears to say that they were
the men sent by him to bring news of Narvaez and who deserted. Cartas, 115.
Aillon speaks of one man who came on board of his vessel. Finding that
Cortes had instructed the Indians to regard any foreign arrivals as inimical,
this man was sent to reassure them. Carta tie A udiencia, in Pacheco and Cdrde-
ou/s, Col. Doc. , xiii. 339. It appears probable, however, that CorteV expectation
of messengers from his king was known to the Indians.

27'Alcauan las manos a Dios, que los libro del poder de Cortes, y de salir

de Mexico, donde cada dia esperauan la muerte . . . . y au dezia el Cervantes,

.... 0 Narvaez, Narvaez, que bien aveturado que eres .... que tiene esse traidor
de Cortes allegados mas de setecietos mil pesos de oro, y todos los soldados
estan mui mal con el.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 87.

28 This was speedily abandoned for a camp at Cempoala. Aillon wanted
merely a camp to be formed near a well supplied town. The municipal officers
were: 'Alcaldes hordinarios a Francisco Verdugo, cunado del dicho Diego
"^ elazquez, casado con una hermana suya, e un Juan Yuste, su cuilado e mayor-
domo, 6 regidores a Diego Velazquez 6 Pero Velazquez, sus sobrinos, e a Gon-
zalo Martin de Salvatierra e Juan de Gamarra.' Carta de Audleucia, in Pacheco
and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 342.

3G4 THE CUBAN GOVERNOR IN PURSUIT.

that it would be prudent to secure the friendship of
so powerful a commander, whether he came as liberator
or oppressor, sent him a number of valuable presents,
and gave orders to provide his army with supplies.
Narvaez kept the valuables for himself, a course which
did not tend to increase his popularity, and transmitted
in return a few trinkets to the monarch, with as-
surances of his good- will.29

Hearing that Velazquez de Leon was leading a large
force not far off, Narvaez sent a message, appealing
to him as a relative and old friend to join him with
his men; but Velazquez, who was still in the region
in and above Chinantla, looking for tribute and gold,
deigned not even to reply, but forwarded the letter to
his general and asked for orders. Meanwhile he and
his lieutenant, Rangel, assembled their men and made
them swear allegiance to Cortes, a few suspected of
sympathy with the Cuban governor being placed
under surveillance.30 The next step of Narvaez was

29'Conocian en el Narvaez ser la pura miseria, y el oro, y ropa. . . .todo se
lo guardaua.' Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 89, 87. According to Oviedo's
version Montezuma held a council, wherein some members favored the plan
of attacking and killing the Spaniards then in Mexico, so as to prevent a
junction of forces. This might frighten the rest into departing. Others, who
were more confident, urged that the new arrivals should be allowed to come
to Mexico, so as to swell the list of victims for the sacrifices, and this propo-
sition was carried, iii. 509. Oviedo's informant evidently ignores the dedared
object of Narvaez; or, like Solis, Hist. Mex., ii. 64-6, he does not believe that
any communication could have taken place, for want of an interpreter. But Solis
forgets the three deserters, and Indian mediums, perhaps. Prescott takes the
peculiar ground that for Montezuma to 'have entered into a secret communi-
cation, hostile to the general's interests, is too repugnant to the whole tenor
of his conduct. ' Mex. , ii. 236. Cortes states that Father Olmedo had evidence
of communication and interchange of presents between Montezuma and
Narvaez. Cartas, 120-1. Others confirm this, as: Tapii, R<4., in Icazbalceta,
Col. Doc, ii. 587; Comara, Hist. Mex. 141-2; Carta del Ejercito de Cortes, in
Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 428-30. The position of the emperor as prisoner, and
the speedy succession of events, did not permit the relationship between the
two to develop.

30 Francisco de Lugo being actually secured with shackles. Tirado, in Cortes,
Itesidencia, ii. 6 ; Cortes, CarfasjllS ; Carta de Audiencia, in Pacheco and Carde-
nas, Col. Doc, xiii. 342. Oviedo reviews Velazquez' conduct in this instance,
and concludes that, since Cortes gave him the men and appointed him captain,
he was bound to obey this his immediate principal, unless royal orders to the
contrary had been exhibited. 'Si aquel capitan, Johan Velazquez de Leon, no
estoviera mal con su pariente Diego Velazquez, 6 se passara con los ciento e
cinqiienta hombres, que avia llevado a Guacacalco, a la parte de Pamphilo de
Narvaez, su cunado, acabado oviera Cortes su officio.' iii. 31G-17.

HOW SANDOVAL MANAGES. 3G5

to demand the surrender of Villa Rica, which the
deserters represented as held by less than four score
men. This task was intrusted to the clergyman
Juan Ruiz de Guevara, accompanied by Notary Ver-
gara, Amaya a relative of Velazquez, and three wit-
nesses,31 and letters were given them for distribution
among Cortes' soldiers, with a view to gain their
allegiance.32

Sandoval had been advised concerning the fleet,
and suspecting the object he sent to warn Cortes,
despatching at the same time two dark-complexioned
soldiers, disguised as Indian fruit venders, to learn
further particulars. The spies remained in Narvaez'
camp a whole day, and by mingling with the leaders
they picked up valuable information, escaping during
the night with two horses.33 Sandoval now sent off
the old and infirm soldiers to a town called Papalote,
in the hills, and obtained the promise 'of the re-
mainder to hold the fort with him, a gallows being
erected in a conspicuous site as a warning to the
faint-hearted. About this time Guevara appeared -
before the quarters of Sandoval. No one came to
receive him, and he had to find his way to the com-
mander's house. The priest had been led to believe
that little or no objection would be made by the ad-
herents of Cortes to his demands, and confidently
he began his harangue, speaking of the claims of
Velazquez and the treason of Cortes. The word
treason fired Sandoval. His party were the better
servants of the king, he said, and were it not for

31 'Alonso de Vergara, escribano, 6 con Antonio de Maya.' Demanda de
Ceballos, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 439; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 88,
writes Amaya; Cortes, Residencia, ii. 168, 412.

32 'Me trajeron mas de cien cartas,' wherein the soldiers were told to give
credit to the statements of Guevara and his companions, and to rest assured
that they would be rewarded on joining. Cortes, Cartas, 116.

6 While selling cherries to Captain Salvatierra they heard him refer to
the treasures of Cort6s as a magnificent prize. The designs of Cortes against
Montezuma and his subjects were painted in dark colors. One of the stolen
horses belonged to this captain, whose raving against the spies afforded
great amusement to the camp. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 92; Tapia, Bel.,
in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 587.

366 THE CUBAN GOVERNOR IN PURSUIT.

Guevara's character as a clergyman he would have
him chastised for his impudence. As it was, he re-
ferred him to Cortes as captain-general and justicia
mayor of New Spain. Guevara likewise grew warm,34
and a war of words followed, which the commander
cut short by ordering some Indians to bundle the
three principals into net hammocks. In these they
were carried to Mexico, under a Spanish guard, to be
delivered to the general.35

When Montezuma first received news from the
coast governor of the arrival of the great fleet, he
supposed that these were the vessels which Cortes
had said that he expected, and by which it was hoped
he would depart. Montezuma at once sent for Cortes
to impart the tidings.36 The Spanish general was not
a little surprised at this second unusual summons, and
still more when told that his vessels had arrived, and
that new ones need not be built. While he was yet
puzzling over the words, the emperor produced the
painted message showing a fleet at anchor off Chal-
chiuhcuecan. "You can now leave in safety, and all
will be well," continued the monarch, overjoyed at the
thought of release.37 "Thanks be to God, who pro-

3i He ordered Vergara to read the provisions. Sandoval declared that
none but a royal notary should do so, and threatened him with 100 lashes
unless he desisted. Guevara interfered, and was told that he lied, and was
a low clergyman. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. , 88.

35Alguacil Pedro de Solis was in charge. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 88,
describes how they wondered at the succession of great cities, etc. The
guard consisted of twenty men. Cortes, Cartas, 115.

56 Gomara describes somewhat minutely the apprehension created among
the soldiers by this summons, in face of the threatening aspect of affairs. Hi<t.
Mex., 138-9. Bernal Diaz states that Montezuma kept the news back for
three days, while he communicated with Narvaez. He might have delayed
longer, but feared that Cortes would suspect something. Hist. Verdad. , 87.

3 'While still talking, they received another message, saying that troops,
horses, and guns had been landed. In his joy Montezuma embraced Cortds,
exclaiming that he loved him more than ever, and saying that he would dine
with him. While at table both were in good humor, the emperor thinking of
the departure, the general of renewed conquests. After this Montezuma gave
daily feasts, in the belief that the task of entertaining would soon be over.
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 139. It is more likely that apprehensions prevailed on
both sides. Brasseur de Bourbourg calls attention to the fact that no stranger
had till then been so far honored as to sit at the same table with the monarch.
Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 277.

THE TIDINGS AT THE CAPITAL. 3G7

vides all things!" was the fervent utterance of the
general, while the soldiers sent up shouts of joy
mingled with discharges of fire-arms. " Surely," they
said, " Puertocarrero and Montejo have returned in
good time." Further consideration of the matter,
however, convinced Cortes that these were not the
ships of his friends, but that they belonged to his
archenemy of Cuba. His captains thought the same,
and talked with calculated effect to the men of the
great wrong to them if the hirelings of Velazquez
were to step in and reap the results of their hardships.
Anxious to learn something definite, Cortes sent
two messengers by different routes to bring news
about the expedition, a third being instructed to follow
Velazquez de Leon with instructions to await orders
before proceeding to Goazacoalco ; a fourth messenger
was despatched to Villa Rica.38 Learning meanwhile
from Sandoval that the expedition was' inimical to
him, Cortes sent letters from himself and his regidores
to the commander, stating the progress of conquest
on behalf of the Spanish king, and demanding his
object. If he needed no succor, and came not pro-
vided with royal authority, he must at once depart;
otherwise Cortes would march against him, supported
by the vast forces of the empire.39 The letters were

38 Monjaras gives their names. ' Fuesen. . . .tiznados como los yndios,' et
scq. Cortes, Eesidencia, i. 442-3; ii. 47-49, 134-5. Andres de Tapia, who had
just returned from Cholula, after settling a boundary dispute with Tlascala,
was the fourth messenger. He followed by-paths, walking by day and being
carried by Indians at night, so that he reached his destination in three days
and a half. Finding that Sandoval had already sent messages, he remained
with him. Eel., in Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 586-7. Cort6s writes that after
being informed by Montezuma he received a letter, by a Cuban Indian, from
a Spaniard who had been stationed on the coast to watch for vessels. This
announced that a vessel had anchored at San Juan de Ulua, which was supposed
to be that of the returning procuradores. The general now despatched his four
messengers. Fifteen days passed without further news — this is probably a
misprint — after which native paintings were received showing the number
of men landed, and with them the report that the messengers from Mexico
were detained by the new arrivals. Cartas, 114-15. A man named Pinedo,
who fled from the capital, was overtaken by Aztecs, at Cortes' order, and
brought back dead. Demanda de Ceballos, in Icazhalceta, Col. Doc, i. 440.

3a Cortes intimates that a friar carried this message, and that one of the
questions was the nationality of the expedition. Cartas, 115. The friar ap-
pears to have carried a later message. Gomara assumes that CortCs already
knew who the commander was3 and offered his friendship. Hist. Mex., 142.

3GS THE CUBAN GOVERNOR IN PURSUIT.

made the subject of jest among the officers of Nar-
vaez, the veedor Salvatierra declaring that the
messages of traitors should receive no attention.
He urged the expediency of marching upon them
without loss of time, and swore that he would broil
and eat the ears of Cortes.

Shortly after the letters had been sent, the ap-
proach of Guevara and his companions was announced.
And now for more of that deep diplomacy in which
Cortes was so skilled. Perceiving the importance of
conciliating men of their standing, he despatched an
escort with horses to bring them with all honor into
the city, and he himself went to meet them, expressing
regret at the rude treatment they had received. With
smooth tongue and promises he wove his web round
them, and " oiled their hands with gold," as Bernal
Diaz expresses it. He showed them the greatness and
wealth of the country, and explained to them how it
was all in his power ; and he sought to convince them
of the injury dissension must occasion to God, to the
king, and to themselves. Ah, rare talent, the talent
of tongue ! Guevara, at least, was won over, and went
back delighted with his courtesy and liberality, and
in full sympathy with his cause.40 On reaching the
camp he told of what he had seen, the great extent
of country, its vast population, and the number of
well built towns on every side. Nor did he fail to
sing the praises of Cortes, and speak of his treasures,
of which he displayed specimens. Every captain and
soldier under him, he said, could boast of heavy gold
ornaments and well filled purses, of .numerous ser-
vants and beautiful women ; and they lived on the fat
of the land, having the country and all its inhabitants
at their disposal. The general had taken care to ex-
hibit only the attractive features of his position, which
as now detailed by the priest captivated the hearts of

40 'Acabo de dos dias .... donde venian muy bravosos leones, bolvieron
muy mansos, y se le ofrecieron por servidores.' Bernal Diaz^ Hist-. Verdad.,
88; Cortes, JResidencia, ii. 1C8, 465, 500.

CORTES' TACTICS. 309

the listeners, who longed to be with so fortunate and
liberal a leader. Even before this many were disaf-
fected, and despised the arrogant and narrow-minded
Narvaez ; others took an impartial view, and recog-
nized the evil of dissension in a country only half
subdued, while yet others were intent only on securing
treasures.

The priest brought a letter to Narvaez, wherein
Cortes expressed delight at finding his old friend com-
mander of the expedition, although he regretted that
hostile measures had been taken against him, who as a
loyal servant held the country for the king. If Narvaez
carried a royal commission, it had only to be presented
to be obeyed; otherwise he was willing to come to a
friendly agreement, since hostilities must be prejudicial
not only to them both, but to the crown.41 Guevara
supported these expressions by recommending a peace-
ful arrangement and withdrawal to new territory, for
Cortes was evidently loyal, and had hosts of Indians
to aid him in maintaining his position. Narvaez not
only refused to listen to any overtures, but became-
indignant with the clergyman and his companions for
idvocatinof them. He knew that the forces of Cortes
were inferior to his own, and of Indians he had no fear.

Cortes had elicited from Guevara a number of facts
regarding the expedition, among them that the arro-
gance and parsimony of Narvaez had alienated a large
proportion of his followers, and that a little gold
would have a wonderful effect.42 Indeed, they had
come for gold, and had no desire to raise the sword
against their brethren if it could be avoided. This
information was not lost on the astute conqueror.

41 Cortes said that he could not leave Mexico, where his presence was
necessary for the preservation of peace and treasures. Cartas, 117-18. ' Y q se
viessen solos.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 142. According to Bernal Diaz a letter of
similar tenor had been sent on before, by a swift messenger, to clear the wa y
for Guevara's recommendations, and Cortes therein intimated that the hostile
utterances attributed to Narvaez must be due to the interpreters, for he was
sure that so wise and brave a captain would not utter anything to the preju-
dice of king and comrades. Hist. Verdad. , 89.

*-' 'Porq dadivas quebrantan pefias.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 80.
Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 2i

370 THE CU3AN GOVERNOR IN PURSUIT.

Shortly after the departure of the clergyman, Cortes
took counsel with Father Olmedo, that most admi-
rable of friars, whose knowledge of the world, calm
judgment, and clear foresight had more than once
saved Cortes from himself. Olmedo now undertook
the conversion of Narvaez and his men. Laden with
instructions and jewels, he proceeded to their camp
and endeavored to win Narvaez to peaceful measures.
Special letters and presents were given Duero, Ai-
llon, and others, who were supposed to be friendly,
with a view of obtaining their active cooperation.
Cortes wished especially that Narvaez should under-
stand that he was friendly to him. Dissension would
react on both, particularly on Narvaez ; unity of action
could alone promote their common aim and preserve
the country to the king. Cortes had fewer soldiers,
but was nevertheless stronger, from possessing inter-
preters, knowledge of the country, and control of its
forces and resources. Were not the kings already his
servants ?

But Narvaez was stubborn. Olmedo, however,
overcame the scruples of a number of his counsellors,
who advised him to negotiate with a man so strongly
established. Narvaez called them all traitors, and
told Olmedo that he ought to be ashamed of himself
for promulgating such base sentiments; whereat the
priest became indignant, and devoted himself all the
more assiduously to the subordinates, among whom
he found the way well prepared by Guevara. His
arguments found willing ears, and his gold confirmed
the arguments. Among his companions from Mexico
was one Usagre, an artillerist, whose brother occupied
a similar position under Narvaez. This man also did
Cortes good service. These doings could not escape
notice, and, warned by Salvatierra, the commander
would have arrested the friar had not Duero and
others interfered. They called attention to his diplo-
matic and religious character, and the courteous treat-
jnent Cortes had given his own messengers. Narvaez

NARVAEZ' PROCEEDINGS. 371

hurried him away, however, with a letter for his gen-
eral, wherein he claimed authority to take possession
of the country for Velazquez. If Cortes resisted, it
would fare ill with him.43

It was an easy escape for Olrnedo, for Narvaez
had not scrupled shortly before to deal with the
royal oidor in a most peremptory manner. Aillon
had remonstrated with him about his proceedings,
such as forming a settlement, threatening to enter the
country, spreading harsh reports among the natives
against Cortes, and neglecting to restrain his men
from taking property and otherwise abusing the in-
habitants. No attention being paid to this, he for-
mally called upon Narvaez to make a peaceful demand
for the surrender of the country, and, if refused, to
go elsewhere to settle. He intimated publicly that
the measures of Narvaez were actuated by malice,
rather than by loyal wisdom. This the vain and arro-
gant commander could not endure. It was to the
oidor, he said, that the present growing disaffection
among his men was due. He was becoming danger-
ous, and the municipal officers were directed to seize
and carry him on board the same vessel in which he
had arrived. His secretary and alguacil were placed
on board another, and a day or two after sail was set
for Cuba, the captains and crews having been sworn
to deliver them to Velazquez.44 During the voyage,
however, Aillon persuaded his jailers to take him to
Espafiola, which he reached in the last days of August,
after a long and dangerous trip of three months and

43 According to Bernal Diaz, Duero persuaded Narvaez, at the instigation,
of the friar, to invite the latter, and to seek by friendly efforts to win him
over. Pretending to yield to his persuasions, Olmedo told him that if the
proper persons were sent to confer with Cortes, he could no doubt be brought
to terms. It was then agreed that Duero and others should arrange a pri-
vate interview between the two generals. Hist. Verdad. , 93 ; Ilerrera, dec.
ii. lib. ix. cap. xxi.

n The reason for this separation of oidor and officers was to prevent the
former from issuing authoritative orders. This seizure had been effected just
as Guevara returned from Mexico. Cortes, Cartas, 118. Hence, Cortes' letter
failed to reach him ; yet Bernal Diaz assumes that he received it, and cooper-
ated accordingly. Hist. Verdad., 89.

372 THE CUBAN GOVERNOR IN PURSUIT.

a half. The consort vessel was separated from him
during a storm shortly after leaving Ulua, and the
secretary and alguacil did not rejoin the oidor till
October. A report of the outrage was promptly
forwarded to the king, signed by the whole audi-
encia, with a request that severe chastisement be
inflicted, in order to maintain respect for that august
tribunal.45

Among others falling under the wrath of Narvaez
was Gonzalo de Oblanco, whose advocacy of Cortes
and condemnation of Aillon's arrest brought impris-
onment, which so wrought upon him that he died
within a few days.46 These harsh and foolish meas-
ures engendered further discontent, and half a dozen
of Aillon's supporters, including Pedro de Villalobos,
deserted to Sandoval, who received them with open
arms. Others sent to signify their willingness to join
Cortes.47

After Aillon's arrest Narvaez had been persuaded
to move his camp to Cempoala, as a healthier place,
more suitable for head- quarters, and better provided
with supplies. The cacique was intimidated to sur-
render some effects belonging to Cortes and to accord
the new-comers a welcome, which seemed to stamp his
conduct as desertion. " Oh, well!" said Cortes when

45 This report, embodying Aillon's, is dated August 30, 1520. A formal
statement of the case, prepared on the arrival of the secretary, was forwarded
on November 10th. Carta de Audiencia, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc,
xiii. 332-48; Ayllon, Relation, in Id., xii. 251-2; Carta al Rey de los Oidores,
in Col. Doc. Ined., i. 495-511. The report proved a heavy argument against
Velazquez' case, although Bishop Fonseca at first sought to keep it back.
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 90; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. v.

46 Two soldiers were also imprisoned for speaking favorably of Cortes.
One of them was Sancho de Barahona who settled in Guatemala. Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 89, 100. To Bernardino de Santa Clara, who had aided
Aillon in the formal demands upon Narvaez, nothing was done, owing to his
many friends in the camp. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xx.-xxi. This man
was not actuated by friendship for CortCs, however. He had been treasurer
of Espanola, where his prodigality nearly made him a defaulter. Cortes, Resi-
dencia, ii. 166-8.

47 'Villalobos, y vn Portugues, y otros seys o siete se passaron a Cortes.
Y otros le escriuieron, a lo que algunos dizen ofreciendo se le, si venia para
ellos y que Cortes leyo las cartas, callando la firma . . . . y que publicaua tener
en Zempoalla dozientos Espaiioles.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 143. Bernal Diaz
says five deserters, relatives and friends of Aillon. Hist. Verdad. , 90, 92.

SANDOVAL'S PRUDEXCE. 373

told of it, " long live the last victor."48 But he could
hardly blame the natives for yielding, when even
Sandoval himself, on hearing of this approach, aban-
doned Villa Rica and took refuge in the mountains,
where he remained till the general bade him join his
forces.43

48 Herrera assumes that he was deceived by Narvaez, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap.
xix., but intimidation was no doubt the leading motive, for he could not pos-
sibly relish the prospect of Montezuma's release by the new-comers, nor the
licentiousness and greed of the soldiers. ' This conduct of the men drove the
inhabitants to flight,' says Cortes, Cartas, 119, 125. When the jewels and
other effects belonging to CorteV party were seized, together with the Indian
wives of the conquerors, the cacique became seriously alarmed, exclaiming
that he would surely be killed for permitting the outrage. This excited only
derision, Salvatierra remarking: 'Aueys visto que miedo que tienen todos
estos Caciques desta nonada de Cortesillo.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 90.

j9 Tapia, Eel., in Icazbaketa, Col. Doc, ii. 587. ' Ellos dejaban la villa sola
por no pelear con ellos.' Cortes, Cartas, 119.

CHAPTER XXI.

THE COUP DE MAITRE OF CORTES.

May, 1520.

Dismal Prospects — Empire to Hold, Invasion to Repel — The Army
Divides — Alvarado Guards Montezuma, while Cortes Looks after
Narvaez — The March Seaward — The Rendezvous — The Chinan-
tecs and their Pikes — Cortes Sows Alluring Words in the Camp
of the Enemy — Proposals of Peace — Defiance — Night Attack —
Cortes Captures Narvaez and his Army.

It now behooved Cortes to look well to himself.
He might win a score of Marathons, but one Paros
would ruin all. When embarking in this enterprise,
he was to all appearance little above the common
adventurer. But rare talents were constantly ap-
pearing as required by occasion. Though sometimes
carried away by excess of zeal, he had proved him-
self an adept in diplomacy. And for one hitherto so
sportive and pleasure-loving, his temper was now
grave, particularly in times of peril, when his calm
self-mastery increased with increasing danger. The
rhythm of battle was the sweetest harmony that could
stir his soul, and yet he never fought but for a pur-
pose. On gaining an advantage he indulged in no
holiday of retrospect or repose; so long as anything
remained to be done no time was wasted in self-
gratulations. He never turned from danger, but
hastened to seek it out, perceiving ^ it even in the
darkness, intuitively, and always looking it full in the
face. It was while preparing to strike that the enemy
received the staggering blow, and the advantage thus
gained was followed up to yet greater advantage

(371)

THE EVOLUTION OF A HERO. 375

At no time appears this hero stronger, grander, than
now, when, without authority, without the royal
sanction, in one sense an outlaw, with the people of
the country against him, his own countrymen coming
to war on him, his force insignificant as compared
with that of any one of his several enemies, he yet
holds them all at bay, by his iron nerve and ever
ready strategic resources, keeping them asunder,
pitting one against another, playing on the foibles
of them all as easily and serenely as a lady fingers
her guitar.

Greatly imperilled were now the conqueror's bril-
liant visions of conquest and conversion, of fame
and wealth. If Narvaez were to advance on Mexico,
the Aztecs could not fail to take advantage of the
opportunity, either to join the professed liberator of
their emperor and themselves, or to attack the for-
eigners' quarters on their own account. - This would
place him between two fires, to which famine would
prove an effective ally. If Narvaez remained on the
coast, it would be to cut off both retreat and re-
inforcement, leaving* him to Aztec vengeance. To
abandon Mexico for a campaign against the enemy
would be to surrender the most important part of
the conquest.

To divide his forces, so as at once to retain his
hold on the capital and meet this new visitation —
such a measure would render his already small force
less able to cope with an enemy not only its equal
in courage and military art, but far superior to it in
number and resources. Yet this he determined to do.
The revelations of Narvaez' messengers had shown
how possible it might be, by judicious gifts and
promises, to sow discord in the enemy's camp. The
priests Guevara and Olmedo, and others of both
parties, were even then at work, and chiefly on
their efforts depended his prospects. Thus would
he seduce to his purpose the opponent's troops, in
so far at least as to effect a compromise by which

37G THE COUP DE MAITRE OF CORTES.

Narvaez might leave him in comparative peace.1 Who
shall say that his good fortune may not still favor
him! And thereupon he resolved to move his camp
nearer to the enemy, so as to be ready for any emer-
gency, and further, to give himself a more imposing
appearance by the addition of native auxiliaries. An-
other reason for this advance was by his presence to
counteract the defection of Indian allies, arising from
the parade of a superior force by Narvaez, and from
the stamping of Cortes as an impostor.

He laid the project before his council, showing the
danger of awaiting the advance of Narvaez, whose
ill-will had already caused their property to be de-
clared confiscated and their names branded with dis-
honor. Deserters to Sandoval had brought news of
serious discontent in the enemy's camp. Hundreds,
they said, would be ready to come over or to remain
neutral if Cortes showed a bold front. Indeed, the
protests of Aillon against a fratricidal war had been
echoed by most of them, intent as they were on ob-
taining gold, not on slaughtering countrymen. It
was in any case better to advance and secure a good
position, perhaps to surprise the careless Narvaez.
With God and the king on their side, so they claimed,
they could not fail to conquer. Some objections were
ventured upon, but promptly suppressed by one of
the captains, who reminded his comrades of their
glorious achievements under Cortes, and their prob-
able fate should Narvaez gain the ascendancy. The
result was an unanimous approval of the plan proposed ;
and Cortes thereupon commissioned the captains to
represent the matter to the men, and to ascertain
who were willing: to follow, and who should remain in
Mexico.2

1 'Velazquez si yua en persona no podia escusar de respetarle, aunque por

su buena, y blada condicion, confiaua que le traeria a qualquier buen partido ;
pero temia que yendo otro qualquier General. ' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xix.

2 Gomara, Hist. Mex., 144; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xxi. ; Bemud- Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 90. 'Afirman muchos, que en essa sacon estaba tan bienquisto
Cortes, que si a todos los quisiera llevar, todos se fueran tras 61. ' Ov.iedo, iii.
509. Which is exaggerated, as we have seen.

CORTES EXPLAINS TO MONTEZUMA. 377

On acquainting Montezuma with his intention, the
monarch questioned him as to the reason of the hos-
tility shown by the other force. Cortes well knew
that it was useless wholly to conceal the state of
affairs. He had been silent, he replied, in order not
to give him pain. He and his men had been sent by
their king on this mission, and were from the royal
province of Castile, whilst the forces on the coast
were a rebellious horde from the outside province of
Biscay, and inferior to them, as Otomis,^for instance,
were inferior to the nobler Aztecs. They had come
with the design of injuring the natives, and Cortes as
their protector; but with the aid of his patron saint
he would have no trouble in chastising them, and
in securing their vessels for his speedy departure.3
Alvarado, the tonatiuh, would remain in Mexico, and
him he recommended to the monarch's consideration,
requesting that supplies be provided and peace main-
tained. Any attempt at revolt would react with ter-
rible effect on himself and his people. The emperor
promised that this should be done, and offered not-
only guides, but an army to aid him. The latter was
declined, chiefly because Aztec troops could not be
relied on.4

3 'Debia ser alguna mala gente, y no vasallos de V. A.,' is Cortes' version
of the reply, Cartas, 119-20, while his interpreter, Aguilar, gives it more liter-
ally as 'una gente -vizcaynos e que no los enbiava el enperador.' Testlwonio, in
Cortes, Residencia, ii. 47, 184. Gomara adds that Cortes said he was going to
protect Montezuma's subjects, and to keep the strangers on the coast till he
was ready to depart. The emperor probably dissimulated, 'holgando que vnos
Christianos a otros se matassen.' Hist. Mcx., 145. Forgetting that the de-
clared purposes of Narvaez were well known in Mexico, Herrera renders the
answer that this captain was a brother of Cortes, sent with a present from
their king. Both would come up to the capital and then leave the country.
The rumored enmity was due to an order from Spain to avenge any injury
suffered at the hands of the natives, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. i. Brasseur de
Bourbourg follows him.

*'Aquellos espanoles le dejaba encomendados con todo aqucl oro y joyas

que el me habia dado y le di muchas joyas y ropas a el, ' et seq. Cortes, Cartas,

110-20. 'Aun prometib, que embiaria en nucstra ayuda cinco mil hombres
de guerra, e Cortes .... bien entendio que no los auia de embiar, e le dixo, que
no auia menester.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 91; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex.,
pt. iii. 135. Ixtlilxochitl assumes in one place that Cortes asked for men, and
was told that Aztecs dared not fight Spaniards, but would go as carriers. In
another version the confederate kings grant the auxiliaries. Hist. Cldch., 300;
lielacioncs, 389, 412. Solis assumes that Montezuma is devoted to Cortes; so

378 THE COUP DE MAITRE OF CORTES.

It was decided that all who were not wholly in
sympathy with Cortes, should remain with the garri-
son left in charge of Mexico, since self-preservation
would constrain them to act in the direction of his
interest. This force numbered one hundred and forty
men, and with the loyal Alvarado for captain, Mexico
was regarded as secured. The defences of the Span-
ish quarters were strengthened ; all the guns and most
of the fire -locks, cross-bows, and ammunition were
left with the garrison, also seven horses. Supplies
being not over abundant, owing to the drought, maize
and other provisions were brought from Tlascala to
serve in case of need. The men were promised wealth
and honors if they remained faithful, and their some-
what hot-headed commander was exhorted to pru-
dence. " You are few in number," said Cortes to them
on leaving, "and yet you are strong; finally, have a
care of your prisoner."5

About the middle of May Cortes set out from
Mexico with seventy Spaniards, sworn to implicit
obedience.6 There were also native carriers, a number
of prominent Mexicans as hostages, and guides who
were to take them by a short southern route through

does Zamacois, who sees a proof thereof in the offer of troops. He could not
communicate with Narvaez for want of interpreters, and had he wished to aid
the latter he would have attacked the Spanish quarters. Hist. Mex., ii. 70-1.
All of which shows that this author is not profound either in investigation or
argument.

5 Bernal Diaz places the force at 83 men, with 10 cross-bows, 14 firelocks,
4 large guns, falconets, 7 horses, and all the ammunition; 150 men were left,
and 150 taken, Oviedo; a little over 50 were left, Tapia; all wished to go, but
200 were left and 250 taken, including the men of Velazquez, with 8 to 9
horses, and a force of carriers, Gomara; 150 left, 250 taken, with a number
of Indians, Ixtlilxochitl ; 150 left, Probanza de Lejalde. B. V. de Tapia, who
remained with Alvarado, says 130; Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 36.
CorteV own account distributes the total of his force as follows : 140 left at
Mexico, 150 absent under Velazquez, 70 taken by himself, 150 at Villa Rica; but
this is more than the original number given on setting out for the plateau. The
Villa Rica force may, however, have been reduced by later drafts, for other
authorities allow only about 70 men for this fortress. In the Ramusio edition
of the Cartas 140 men are given as the garrison left under Alvarado, while 00
are taken by Cortes, Viaggi, iii. 244, but later issues place the former figure
at 500, which is evidently a misprint. However much the figures of different
writers may vary, it seems to be admitted that war and disease had made a
considerable inroad upon them.

c 'Fizo capitan dellos a Alonzo Davila.' Monjaras and Aguilar> in Cortes,
Residtncia, ii. 48, 184.

THE MOVEMENT SEAWARD. 379

Aztec territory to the coast. Montezuma accompanied
him to the Iztapalapan causeway, and there took his
leave with friendly demonstration, while a number of
chieftains continued with him for some distance on
the way to the Huitzilapan plateau. He had no in-
tention of encumbering himself with heavy war
material, for the little he possessed could not avail
against the superior armament of the enemy. His
must be a light corps, capable of quick movements;
stratagem should supply the place of numbers. And
now what hopes and fears were theirs as they marched
on toward the sea! Surely so brave a little army was
never more beset by pitfalls and snares.

On reaching Cholula they were joined by Velazquez
and Rangel, with one hundred and fifty men, who
were now the mainstay of the expedition. About a
score of these, suspected of favoring too strongly the
Cuban governor, were sent back to Mexico, so that
the enterprisa might not be imperilled by treason.
Among the remainder were distributed the gold
collected by the expedition in the Tochtepec and ad-
joining region, in order to encourage loyalty.7

Unable himself to visit Tlascala, Cortes sent Fran-
cisco Rodriguez, with instructions to raise a force of
her stanch warriors. He succeeded in enlisting sev-
eral thousand; but as it became evident whom they
were to meet, the natives recalled only too vividly the
terrible effect of Spanish arms and prowess, and began
rapidly to desert, so that only a few presented them-
selves before Cortes, and they were dismissed with
presents.8

7 'Que seria fasta catorze mill castellanos.' Monjaras, in Cortes, Residential,
ii. 49. 'Cinco o seys mill.' Tirado, in Id., 7.

8 'Porq le parecio q auia conseguiclo su intento.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x.
cap. i. Perhaps in spreading the rumor that he came with Indian auxilia-
ries. Among the auxiliaries were 400 men from Huexotzinco, under Pedro
Gonzalez de Trujillo. Tirado, and others, in Cortes, Residmcia, i. 247 et seq. ;
ii. 7 et seq. It is this expedition of Rodriguez, assisted by Diego Garcia, Alonso
de Ojeda, and Juan Marquez, as captains, that has misled Gomara, and par-
ticularly Herrera, in supposing that the whole expedition received a grand
reception at Tlascala; but, beside the above reference, Cortes intimates clearly
enough that he did not go that way, and he certainly did take a more southerly

SSO TELE COUP DE MAITRE OF CORTES.

During the march to the coast scouts were sent
out by the main road and through by-paths to gather
information of the enemy. Not far from Cholula
Olmedo rejoined the army, with a letter from Narvaez
demanding submission. Of this no notice was taken,
for although the latter had endeavored to intimidate
the envoy by holding a review of his troops, the brave
friar had sounded the disposition of the men too truly
to be alarmed. He seemed rather disposed to under-
rate the strength of Narvaez, and with a sense of
the ludicrous he amused the camp with his description
of the vanity and carelessness of the leader, and the
arrogant assumption of the officers. When, therefore,
at Quecholac9 they encountered Alonso de Mata,10
notary of Narvaez, who had been sent with four
witnesses to advise Cortes of his commission and
demands, he was told first to produce his own creden-
tials as royal notary, and being unable to do so he
was refused a hearing:.11 The official mission of the
"messengers being thus disposed of, Cortes soothed
their wounded pride with soft words and hospitable
cheer; he gave them presents, and took care before
dismissing them to feast their eyes on the gold and
jewels which he caused his men to display, and to let
them know that thousands of Tlascaltec and other
troops were on the way to join him. Their report to
Narvaez was a confirmation of Guevara's statement,
and did much to promote the growing disaffection
toward Narvaez.

route to the coast than on the previous journey. Cartas, 120. Bemal Diaz
also says : ' embi6 Cortes a Tlascala a, rogar .... que nos embiassen de presto
quatro mil hombres. ' Hist. Verdad., 91. Prescott falls not only into this
generally adopted error, but states that 600 troops were asked for, Mex., ii.
243, whilst the chroniclers all say from 4000 to 10,000. 'La maior parte de ellos
se bolvio, porque aquella Nacion no estaba aeostumbrada a pelear fuera de
su Tierra.' Torquemada, i. 4S2. A not very sound excuse, since their troops
had already gone to Mexico.

9 About twenty leagues east of Cholula.

10 ' Vezino de la Pueblo, que era ballestero.' Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 90.

11 ' Piisole preso en su pie de amigo. ' Demanda de Ceballos, in Icazbalceta,
Col. Doc, i. 441. But this is not likely. Bemal Diaz says that Narvaez wm
told to send communications to Tampaniquita. Hist, Verdad., 91; .Cortex,
Mesidencia, i. 248, ii. 185.

THE CHIXAXTEC SPEAR. 3S1

The army now descended from the plateau to
Ahuilizapan, and followed the slope northward to
Huatusco. This town appears to have been situ-
ated on the head-waters of the present Rio Jamapa.
Half-way down this river, about ten leagues south of
Cempoala, lay the town of Tampaniquita,12 which was
the rendezvous. A number of Indians who here ap-
peared with complaints of outrages by Narvaez were
consoled with promises of speedy relief. Sandoval
had come by a long and difficult mountain route to
avoid the enemy, and had brought with him about
sixty able-bodied soldiers, the old and infirm remaining
at Papalote.13

This addition raised the force to about two hundred
and sixty men, according to common statement, in-
cluding the deserters from Narvaez. Among the
number were five horsemen, and a few archers and
musketeers.14 They were poorly equipped, for they
brought from Mexico little else than well-worn escau-
piles, or quilted cotton armor, shields, swords, and
dirks, a miserable outfit in which to meet the well
armed troops of Narvaez.15 But the ready resource
of Cortes had found a remedy. He had noticed in
the hands of the Chinantecs a spear, twenty feet
in length, which struck him at once as a formidable
weapon, either in defence or attack. It would be par-
ticularly serviceable against cavalry. Immediately on
hearing of Narvaez' arrival he had sent a messenger

12 Torquemada and Clavigero attempt to correct this spelling, but Bemal
Diaz is sustained by Orozco y Berra, in Mex., Noticias Ciudad, 244-6. Bernr.l
Diaz also mentions Mitalaguita, whichmaybe Metlangutla, a fewleagues farther
east. Hist. Verdad., 91. Herrera states that they passed through Cotastian,
by which he means probably the province, and not the town, of Cuetlacht-
lan. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. i.

13 Herrera, ubisup., leaves Ircio in command at Villa Rica, which is im-
probable. Sandoval arrived at the rendezvous the day after us. Bemal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 92; Cortes, Residencia, ii. 3-9. Prescott makes him join long
before this, on the high plateau, but he misunderstands his authorities, and
is quite at sea with respect to the route followed by the forces.

''Bernal Diaz and Herrera say 266 in all; Torquemada has 266, beside
captains and five horsemen; Cortes, 250 in all; Tapia, about 250.

lj 'For vn peto, 6 capacete, 6 casco, 6 babera de hierro, dieramos aquella
noche quatonos pidiera porello.' Denial Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 98.

382 THE COUP DE MAITHE OF COHTES.

to that province with an order for three hundred
of the pikes, to be finished not with the usual iztli
head, but with double points of copper, a metal
which abounded in that region. The natives having
previously tendered submission to the Spaniards,
Cortes also asked them for two thousand warriors, to
join him on pentecost day at the rendezvous. Both
of these requests were promptly granted, and before
the Spaniards were on the ground the messenger had
returned with a force of Indians bearing the weapons,16
with points superior in finish to the models sent. The
messenger was Tobilla, a soldier from the Italian wars,
and an expert at arms, particularly with the lance.
Under his instruction the soldiers soon became expert
pikemen, and gained no little praise. Add to this
courage, increased by many victories, their admirable
discipline, their influence over the natives, and their
knowledge of the country, and the little band assumes
more formidable proportions.

Under the several influences surrounding him the
original fierce design of Narvaez in his dealings with
Cortes had cooled somewhat. The calm confidence
and caustic wit of Olmedo tended to inspire respect
for his commander, which was not lessened by the
rumor of vast Indian armies massing under his banner.
Nor were his men apparently inclined to turn the
sword against their countrymen.

Before the return of Mata he despatched a com-
mission to Cortes demanding the surrender of the
country, but offering him liberty to depart for any
other region, accompanied by those who wished to
follow his fortunes. With this object" vessels and
stores would be provided. The bearers of this pro-
posal were his old friend Andres de Duero, Guevara,
another clergyman named Juan de Leon, and one or
two others.17

1(5 Thirty-eight palmos long. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. iii.

17 According to Bernal Diaz this commission was arranged by the combined
influence of Olmedo and Duero, during Olmedo's second visit to the camp.
The friar appears, however, to have been there but once, when he was

DUERO PLAYS TRAITOR. 3S3

Duero, it will be remembered, had greatly assisted
Cortes in fitting out his expedition from Cuba; in
fact, without his intervention Cortes would never
have been appointed to the command. Lares was
dead, and it was quite natural, after thisdapse of time,
that Duero should desire to look in on Mexico, and
for that reason had joined the expedition of Narvaez.
Yet his sympathies were wholly with his partner, and
after a warm embrace he came at once to the subject
of his ducats. Their interview was private and pro-
tracted, and appears to have been satisfactory, Cortes
receiving on the one hand valuable information about
Narvaez' plans and position, and Duero, on the other,
coming forth with weighted pockets, as an instalment
of the larger sum to follow. According to Bernal
Diaz it was arranged that Duero should receive valu-
able grants and offices if he persuaded the alguacil
mayor and other leaders so to manage affairs that
Narvaez should be captured or killed, and Cortes
acknowledged captain-general over all the troops.1*
^Yhatever may have been the agreement, there is no.
doubt that Duero promised to promote his friend's
schemes in the other camp.

Guevara and the other members of the commission
were also loaded with presents, and confirmed as sup-
porters of Cortes. As for Narvaez' proposition, he
charged them to reply that he would listen to none

expelled. Knowing Salvatierra to be a blusterer, Bermudez, the alguacil
mayor, proposed that he should join the commission, but his intended victim,
not caring to trust himself within the power of Cortes, pleaded sickness and a
dislike to speak with a traitor. ' Seiior Veedor,' chimed in Olmedo, ironically,
' best it is to be prudent, and you may have him prisoner before long. ' Hist.
Verdad., 93.

18 Duero was to receive the share of treasures claimed, a command in the
expedition equal to that of Cortes, and after the conquest a grant of towns
similar to his own. As a further inducement, sufficient gold was given to load
his two Cuban servants. On taking leave of the general, on pentecost morning,
Duero asked: 'What has your worship to say, before Heave?' 'God be with you,'
was the reply, 'and see to it, Seiior Duero, that it be done as arranged, or by
my conscience [CorteV favorite oath] I'll be in your camp within three days,
with all my companions, and the first to receive the lance will be your worship,
if I see aught contrary. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. , 94. Monjaras states that
Duero and Leon warned Cortes against opposing Narvaez' army and commis-
sion. Cortes, Residencia, ii. 49.

3S4 THE COUP DE MAITRE OF CORTES.

but a royal mandate, and would hold the country for
the king, as was the duty of a loyal subject, and to
this he and his followers were prepared to pledge
their lives. Still, he was ready to meet Narvaez, each
accompanied by ten attendants, in order that their
respective claims might peradventure be happily ad-
justed. It was supposed by the captains of Cortes,
who had influenced the proposal, that the result would
be a division of territory, and to this they were willing
to agree.19

Duero had been requested by Narvaez to persuade
Velazquez de Leon to visit their camp, in the hope that
a personal, meeting might win him to their cause.20

Velazquez' disregard of the former summons from
the enemy had confirmed the faith of Cortes in his loy-
alty, and since a visit to the camp of Narvaez migh4"
lead to important information, he advised him to go,
at the same time intimating that his heavy ornaments
might have a happy effect on that gold-thirsty crew.21
With a view to temporize he was authorized to
offer himself as mediator between the two generals,
and with a supply of gold for bribes he went over to
the camp of Narvaez. There he met a most cordial
reception. Gently the commander remonstrated at
his adherence to a traitor who had so deeply injured
his relatives. " He is no traitor," replied Velazquez

19 Cortes to remain governor of the part to be allotted him till the king
should decide. Tapia, Eel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 588. According to
Gomara, who sends Veedor Alvarez Chico, Juan Velazquez, and Juan del
Rio, to carry the message, Cortes proposed a private interview for the dis-
cussion of two points, whether Narvaez would leave Mexico to him and go to
Panuco or elsewhere, aided by Cortes with gold and supplies, or whether
Narvaez preferred to take Mexico and give him 300 or 400 men wherewith to
pass on to new conquests. Hist. Max., 144. The last proposal could only
have been a trap to secure Narvaez' men. Prescott chooses to omit the pro-
posal for an interview, and sends instead the ultimatum with Duero, a
glaring disregard of Cortes' own text, as confirmed by others. Cortes, Cartas,
121-2; Oviedo, iii. 314.

20 ' Dize Narvaez, y en todo su Real ay fama, qui si U. merced [Velazquez]
va alia, que luego yo [Cortes] soy deshecho.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 95.

21 Bernal Diaz states that Cortes made the request in a manner that ap-
peared to Velazquez an attempt to probe his loyalty. He therefore refused
to take any valuables with him, but was finally persuaded Juan .del Rio,
Cortes' equerry, kept him company.

VELAZQUEZ DE LEON. 335

warmly, " there has been no treason either acted or
intended." He would not listen to any overtures,
even when coupled with the promise of a command
second only to that of Narvaez. "I have sworn loy-
alty to Cortes," he said, "and I will remain true."
Nevertheless, that he might not appear ungracious,
he promised to use his efforts toward the recognition
of Narvaez' supremacy. A review of the troops was
held to impress him with the superiority of the forces
with which he might soon have to contend.

A courtier in manner, and with a fine presence,
Velazquez quickly won his way among the captains
and staff; nor did he fail to improve the opportunity
by presenting his general's cause in the most attract-
ive light. No little weight was given to his words
by the heavy gold chain which fell in several coils
upon his breast.22

Cortes affirms that the proposal for an interview
with Narvaez had been accepted, and that he was
preparing to attend it when the warning came that
advantage would be- taken of the meeting to seize or
kill him.23 If treachery was intended, it is more likely

22 Bernal Diaz adds that, these efforts being observed by Salvatierra, Nar-
vaez was urged to seize Velazquez, and this would have been done but for the
representations of Duero and others. During the dinner given in his honor,
Captain Diego Velazquez, nephew of the Cuban governor, alluded in one of
his remarks to Cort6s as a traitor. The guest appealed to Narvaez against
such expressions. Diego repeated the term, and added that Juan did not
deserve to bear the name Velazquez. Grasping his sword the latter retorted,
calling him a liar. He would prove himself a better man than either uncle
or nephew, if permission was granted. The others had to interfere to pre-
vent the clashing of swords, and Narvaez was persuaded to order the turbu-
lent visitor away. At leave-taking the general showed his annoyance, and
said that it would have been better had he not come. Diego Velazquez, who
stood by his side, added a threat, to which Juan rashly retorted, with a twirl
of his beard : ' Before many days I shall see if your prowess equals your
boast.' Alarmed at his want of self-control, Duero and other sympathizers
hurried him away before he could utter any more indiscretions. He and the
equerry had hardly left camp before some horsemen appeared, as if in pursuit,
and caused them to increase their pace. Hist. Verdad., 95-G; Uerrera, dec. ii.
lib. x. cap. i.

'-■' Cartas, 122. Bernal Diaz assumes that the proposal for an interview
came from Narvaez, through Duero, to whom he also confided the intended
treachery. Olmedo, who had pretended to be won over, was also informed.
Hist. Verdad., 93. Herrera supposes that Sandoval warns Cortes, who, ac-
cording to Gomara, is still at Mexico when the proposal comes. Hist. Alex.,
144. Solis is more correct in ascribing the warning to Duero. Hist. Alex., ii. 83.
Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 25

383 THE COUP DE MAITRE OF CORTES.

to have originated with Cortes, who was by no means
scrupulous, as we have seen, while Narvaez appears
to have borne the reputation of a man of honor.24 It
is still more probable that Cortes invented the warn-
ing in order to be free before his followers, and before
Narvaez, to carry out a more momentous project,
which, with the increased knowledge of affairs in the
enemy's camp, and with the growth there of his party,
had begun to unfold in his mind.

It was a grand conception; yet grander still the
execution. It was a different matter with a small
force to fall upon a well appointed army of country-
men; different from war on naked savages, to sur-
prise them by night, or otherwise to vanquish them.
Yet this was what Cortes now proposed to do. Nor,
in adopting this bold measure, does he lay himself
open to the charge of rashness or recklessness. His
situation was desperate: he must conquer or be con-
quered. Cortes was no abstract theorist: he dealt
mainly in concrete facts ; not necessarily demonstrated
facts, but facts reached often by intuition alone.
With facts, intuitively or practically arrived at, he
kept himself well stored. He possessed many noble
qualities, but on the whole, as we have seen, his
character was not cast in an immaculate mould. He
was exceedingly religious; and while, as I have said,
he would not let religion stand in the way of his
ambition, yet he was more bigoted than any of his fol-
lowers. Aside from the chivalrous abandonment of
himself to fate, and the brilliant achievements thence
arising, there was little admirable in him. He knew
nothing of lofty magnanimhyy, although he did many
magnanimous acts; he knew nothing of pure disin-
terestedness, or a generosity of soul, although he was
ofttimes exceedingly generous. He had none of that
sense of unswerving justness and sensitiveness to
wrong which characterized Grijalva. His self-posses-

2 1 The fact that he allowed such dangerous men as Velazquez de Leon ami
Olmedo to go free indicates that he harbored no treachery.

LOFTY ASSEVERATIONS. 3S7

sion never left him. He was a power within himself,
and he knew it. Thus it was in Mexico now ; and for
years afterward when Mexico was all America, he
was Agamemnon, king of men, the greatest of Greece
when Greece was all the world.

Under the present inspiration, he sent Rodrigo
Alvarez Chico and a notary25 to withdraw the proposal
he had made Narvaez for an interview, and to demand
of him the production of a royal commission, author-
izing his presence there, which commission would be
respected; otherwise he must cease meddling with
the affairs of the country. The followers of Narvaez
were to be formally forbidden to obey his orders ; and
they were to appear before Cortes within a specified
time, and learn from him what the interests of the
king required of them. Failing in this, he would
have them seized and dealt with as rebels against his
majesty.26

The cool impudence of this demand, coming from
the captain of a little band of outlaws hemmed in
between hostile forces, gave rise to no small amuse-
ment in the enemy's camp. Narvaez chose neverthe-
less to regard the matter seriously, receiving the
message as an insolent defiance. He declared he

th Gomara sends them with Velazquez de Leon. Hist. Mex., 144. 'Chico, 6
Pedro Hernandez, escribano. ' Demanda de Ceballos, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc,
i. 440. Velazquez having gone on a mediatory mission, Chico must have
been sent after his departure.

20 ' La respuesta .... fu6 prender al escribano y a la persona que con mi poder
....los cuales estuvieron detenidos hasta que Ueg6 otro mensajero que yo
en vie.' 'Escribi una carta al dicho Narvaez y otra a los terceros, diciendoles
como yo habia sabido su mala intencion.' Cortes, Cartas, 122-3. The refer-
ence to a messenger indicates CorteV meaning to be that Chico preceded Velaz-
quez de Leon. Gomara assumes that Cortes' pretext for withdrawing the proposal
for an interview was that Narvaez had declined to entertain the points to be
there discussed. See note 19. Chico had warned him of the intended treachery.
J list. Mex., 144. 'Y que supiesse que no auian de cantar dos gallos en vn
muladar, y que aparejasse las manos. ' J/errera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xxi. Bernal
I)iaz sends the message with Olmedo, 'since no royal notary dare carry it,'
and gives Narvaez three days in which to send in any commission he may
possess signed by the king. Without such commission he must leave the
country, or Cortes will seize him and inflict punishment for the outrage on
Aillon and on the Indians. This ultimatum was signed also by the captains
and some soldiers, including Bernal Diaz. Hist. Verdad., 92-3. An answer
was demanded through the same messengers. Tapia, Bel., in Icazbalceta, Col.
Doc, ii. 588.

338 THE COUP D2 MAITRE OF CORTES.

would no longer show forbearance toward the traitor;
he set a price on the head of Cortes, announced the
estate of his followers to be confiscated, and pro-
claimed open war against them.27

Immediately after despatching his ultimatum Cortes
broke camp and followed his messengers at a quick
march.28 At Rio de Canoas, or La Antigua, Velazquez
came up with letters from Duero and others. They
had probably been written under a preconcerted ar-
rangement, for they were read to the leaders and
discussed, the result being a unanimous resolution to
advance. So forward they went, Cortes exclaiming,
" Death to the ass or to him who drives it!"29

Crossing the swollen river with some difficulty,30
he hurried on to Rio Chachalacas, over a league from
Cempoala, where camp was formed quietly and with-
out fires.31 This sudden movement, coming immedi-
ately after Duero's interview with Cortes, confirms the
supposition that a plot had been concocted by them,
which was to surprise Narvaez under advantageous
circumstances arranged by confederates. There were
to be no half-way measures; all must be staked on
one cast.32

27 ' Daria dos mil pesos, a quien matasse a Hernando Cortes, o a Goncalo
de Sandoual.' Ilerrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. i. 'Traia mandado de Diego
Velazquez que a mi y a ciertos de los de mi compania que .... nos ahorcase. '
Cortes, Cartas, 121. 'Hizo proceso en forma contra Cortes, y por su sen-
tencia, le condeno a muerte.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chick., 300; Gomara, Hist.
Mex., 143, 146.

28 ' Dende a dos horas que se partio el Juan Velazquez, ' says Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 95.

29 Implying that since Narvaez would not listen to reason, Cortes or lie
should die. ' Velazquez dixo al . . . . Cortes que adonde y va que y va a la
carnesceria. ' Teslimonio, in Cortes, Residencia, i. 249; ii. 9, 50, 185-6. On
the way to Rio de Canoas, where they arrived the day after leaving camp,
two hogs, with navel on the back, were killed, an incident which many in-
terpreted as a sign of victory. Velazquez having arrived with the messenger
who carried the ultimatum, the army proceeded. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad.,
95. ' Anduvimos aquel dia casi diez leguas.' Tapia, in Icazbalceta, Col. Hoc.,
ii. 5S8.

30 Two men were drowned in crossing the stream. Herrera, dec.ii. lib. x. cap.ii.

31 'Dos leguas de los contrarios.' Tapia, llel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc.
' Fuimos a dormir a vn riachuelo, adode estava en aquella sazon vna puete
obra de vna legua de Cepoal.' Berncd Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 96. Prescott here
evidently follows the erroneous topography of Solis, who confuses this creek
with Rio Canoas. Hist. Mex., ii. 85; Cortes, Residencia, i. 249; ii. 50.

32 'Como yo deseaba evitar todo escdndalo, pareciome que scria el menos,

MANUFACTURING ENTHUSIASM. £80

Calling his men round him, he made one of those
stirring appeals in which he knew so well how to ani-
mate their spirit and touch their heart. He reviewed
their right to the conquest, and their promises to hold
the country for the king. "And now comes this
emissary of Seiior Velazquez/' Cortes continued, "full
of envy and treacherous design, to appropriate the
fruit of your hard-won victories. This pompous Nar-
vaez, while seizing your riches and clothing himself
in your glory, would load you with impositions and
brand you with dishonor. Will you submit to this?
Will you, who have overcome mighty hosts, who have
seized empires, who even now hold monarchs in your
hands, will you place your necks in the yoke and
humbly submit to the unjust demands of this instru-
ment of your ancient enemy? God, who has always
been with us, will still fight on our side, if we will
be true to him and true to our king. We" must fight,
and it is for life; ay, and more than life — for honor
and glorious inheritance." Cheer after cheer burst
from the men, while the captains hastened to assure
Cortes that they would follow him to the death.33

Although it was generally understood that coopera-
tion was expected within the enemy's camp, the
prudent general made no mention of the fact, lest it
might render the men less self-reliant. He pointed
out, however, that their opponents, although more
numerous than they, were unused to war, effeminate,
disheartened from hardships, and discontented with
their commander. He explained the arrangement of
Narvaez' camp, and divided the force into three
parties, under the command respectively of Sandoval,

yo ir de noche, sin ser sentido . . . . y prenderlo [Narvaez] ; . . . . porque los demas
querian obedecer a la justicia, en especial que los mas dellos venian por f uerza. '
Cortes, Cartas, 123-4.

83 He also stated that offers had been made favorable to him alone, not to
them, hence he had declined them. 'Muera el asno 6 quien lo aguija.' Any
other course will disgrace us, was the concluding remark, whereupon we lifted
him upon our shoulders and carried him round. Tapia, ReL, in Icazbalce/a,
Col. Doc, ii. 588-9. 'Hizo muchas ofertas, y prometimietos, que seriamo3
todos muy ricos.' Bernat Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 98. It would be his fault,
not theirs, if success failed. Ilerrcra, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. ii.

390 THE COUP DE MAITRE OF CORTES.

Olid, and himself, the position of the former as algua-
cil mayor and comandante on the coast, and the
second as maestre de campo, entitling them to this dis-
tinction, young as they were, particularly since Cortes
retained the direction of affairs. To the former, aided
by Jorge and Gonzalo Alvarado, Alonso de Avila, and
eighty men, was intrusted the task of attacking Nar-
vaez' special quarters, with the formally worded
command to seize him, dead or alive.34 As a further
inducement toward the accomplishment of this im-
portant end, rewards of three thousand, two thousand,
and one thousand pesos respectively were promised
to the first three soldiers who should secure the
general.35 Olid received the important order to capture
the artillery, from which the greatest danger was to
be apprehended. With him were Andres de Tapia,
Diego Pizarro, and others. Cortes himself was to
follow and render aid where most needed, supported
by Ordaz, Grado, the brothers Chico, and others.36
The password was i Espiritu Santo/ suggested by
Olmedo with reference to pentecost day, on which
all these events took place.

While occupied with their preparations a deserter
arrived, sent by Duero, it seems, to warn Cortes that,

31 'Gonzalo de Sadoual, Alguazil mayor desta Nueua Espafia, porsu Mages-
tad, yo os mando q prendays el cuerpo de Panfilo de Narvaez, e si se os defen-
diere, matadle, que assi conviene al servicio de Dios, y de su Magestad, y le
prendio a vn Oidor. ' Countersigned by Secretary Pedro Hernandez. Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 98; Tapia, Ilel. , in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 590.

35 Herrera writes 3000, 1500, and 1000 pesos de oro. CorteV acts are said by
the men of Velazquez to have been prompted by 'un diabolico pensamiento 6
infernal osadia.' Demanda de Ce.ballos, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 441.

30 The above agrees chiefly with Herrera, who assigns Sandoval 00 men,
and names a number of the leading members of each party. The parties were
to keep a stone's throw apart. One of CorteV squads was to look to the ca-
cique's palace, and another to Alcalde Yuste's quarters, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. iii.
lie is evidently confused on many points, and several names are guessed at.
Bernal Diaz states that Pizarro, with 60 young men, including himself, was
charged to capture the artillery ; Sandoval received 60 men ; Velazquez de Leon
also a force of 60, wherewith to attack Diego Velazquez' quarters ; Cortes re-
mained with a reserve of 20. It is more likely that a higher officer, like Olid,
received the order to capture the artillery, rather than the comparatively
unknown Pizarro. Velazquez de Leon does not appear to have been detailed
for his charge till afterward. Cortes names only Sandoval as the leader of
one party of SO men, he himself following with the remaining 170. Cartas,
123. Solis reverses Herrera's order. Hist. Mex., ii. 91-2.

MANCEUV RINGS. 391

advised of his approach by the Indians,37 Narvaez
had taken alarm, and was forming the best part of
his troops in the field38 between him and Cempoala.
To this he had been prompted also by the more
watchful of his captains, who had not failed to ob-
serve the growing sympathy for the rival general.
This most unpleasant change of tactics disconcerted
Cortes not a little, and for the time he could do noth-
ing but remain in camp, protected in front by the
creek. Fortune again came to the rescue, however,
in the form of a heavy rain, which fell all Sunday.
It was the beginning of the rainy season.39 Most of
Narvaez' men, unused to military service, and ener-
vated by the frivolous inactivity of the camp, found
this highly disagreeable, and began to complain at
what they termed an unnecessary precaution against
an insignificant foe. The friends of Cortes did not
fail to take advantage of this feeling by ridiculing the
manoeuvre, representing that no troops, much less a
handful of boasters, would think of attacking in such
weather. They would in any case be far more secure
within their strong quarters, and by leaving an ad-
vance post in the field timely warning could be given.
This appeared to be reasonable, and since Narvaez by
no means relished the exposure, he gave orders to re-
turn to quarters before dusk, leaving, however, a body
of forty horsemen on the plain and two spies at a
brook ford, about half a league off. The remainder of
the horses were kept saddled at the entrance to the
camp, and the men were instructed to sleep on their
arms, prepared at any rate to reoccupy the field in the
morning. The watchword was ' Santa Maria.'

Cortes was occupied in devising new measures when

37 The stout cacique had remonstrated with the general on his carelessness,
assuring him that Malinche with his Teules was far different. ' When you
least expect it he will be here and will kill you.' Although the warning
was received with laughter, yet the hint was not lost. Bemal Diaz, Hist.
Vertical, 96.

38 Eighty horsemen and 500 infantry. ' Y lleg6 casi una legua de donde
yoestaba.' Cortes, Cartas, 123.

™Lact, Nov. Orb., 221; Ilalduyt's Voy., iii. 467.

392 THE COUP DE MAITRE OF CORTES.

informed of this movement. Pointing out to his men
the effeminacy and unsoldierly qualities of the rabble
with which they had to deal, and the carelessness and
inefficiency of their commander, he ordered an imme-
diate advance on Cempoala, where they would now be
scarcely expected. "You know the maxim," he said,
" 'upon the enemy at dawn;' but better still, we will
surprise them by night.40 Let each strive to excel his
comrade in valor." These words were received with
hearty approval, for anything was preferable to sus-
pense in a dreary bivouac without fire or comfort.
Crossing the creek they marched noiselessly over the
plain, through the rain, drenched and hungry. On
reaching the brook, near the town, they came upon
the two scouts of the enemy, Gonzalo Carrasco and
Alonso Hurtado; they captured the former, while
the latter, warned by the cry of his comrade, hurried
into camp to give the alarm. Carrasco was compelled
under threats to answer a number of questions on the
position and plans of his party, and was menaced with
death if he played false.41

A cross had been erected at the ford,42 probably
during the first march to Cempoala, and here the
army knelt in all humility to do reverence. Father
Olmedo then gave the men the general absolution,
and appealed to heaven to bless the efforts now to be
made in behalf of their faith and the king, closing
with the soul-stirring assurance that victory should
be theirs. The men, one and all, felt no doubt that

wBotello, known as the Astrologer, who had made several successful
predictions, had assured Cortes that a night attack would secure him the
victory. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xi.

41 Cortes rallied him upon his capture, and addressed him as compadre.
After obtaining certain information, more was demanded. The prisoner de-
clared that he knew nothing more. ' Well, then, you will swing,' said Cortes,
half jestingly. The two pikemen who held the rope round his neck took this
for a command, and hoisted him. Rangel rode up, however, and saved his
life, but the compression of the throat troubled him for some time. dec. ii.
lib. x. cap. ii.-iii. Carrasco warned him against attacking the powerful
Narvaez. Vetancvrt, Teairo Ec/es., pt. iii. 137 ; Tapia, Ret., in Icazbalcttta, Co/.
Doc, ii. 589. Prescott says that he with 'Spartan heroism' remained silent,
Mex. , 257-8 ; but Prescott has evidently not understood his authorities.

i2 At a cross-road a little farther on, says Herrera.

THE ENEMY'S CAMP. 393

they were about to fight not only for their own rights,
but for God and their sovereign; and if the robber
could feel encouraged in his lawless pursuit after
kneeling at the shrine of St Demas, surely these
heroes of a hundred fights were stronger for their
religious faith. Therefore it was with renewed con-
fidence that the men buckled tighter their escau-
piles, and pike in hand, their main reliance, they
resumed the march with quickened steps, leaving the
baggage and horses in the care of Marina and the
carriers. The horsemen stationed in the field were
not encountered, thanks to Duero who was one of
them.

It was just past midnight, on the morning of
whit-monday,43 when they entered Cempoala. Owing
to the darkness and the presence of troops in the
field, together with the recent marches and counter-
marches, the presence of the intruders Was not sus-
pected till they had almost crossed the plaza. The
storm was not wholly past, but the moon peered forth
at times between the chasing clouds, dimly revealing
the buildings occupied by the enemy. These con-
sisted of three conspicuous edifices, rising upon pyr-
amidal foundations, the ascent to which was by a wide
staircase along one of the slopes. The highest was a
temple, known as Nuestra Seiiora since the icono-
clastic achievement of Cortes therein, and this was
occupied by the troops of Diego Velazquez. Next
to it was the building held by the captain-general,
guarded by the whole battery of guns.44

Hurtado had arrived nearly half an hour before
and given warning, but instead of immediately calling
to arms, Narvaez lost time with questions, which
elicited only that his companion had been seized and
that he fancied he had heard Spanish voices. Some

43 May 28th. Chimahpctin, Hint. Conq., 277. Clavigero and others assume
it to be the night between Saturday and Sunday, but the authorities are
pretty clear in mentioning the following night.

1 ' Estimated by various authorities at from twelve to nineteen pieces.
Tesilmonlo, in Cortes, ttcsldeucia, ii. 12, 1G8.

394 THE COUP DE MAITRE OF CORTES.

of the captains, friendly to Cortes, ridiculed the story
as a dream, and entertained the general with specu-
lations about the projects of the audacious rebel.45
While so occupied the alarm of the sentinels was
heard. Cortes was upon them.46 Narvaez at once
became the self-possessed commander, and hastened
to issue the necessary orders. There was a rush
to arms, and the confusion was increased by the
appearance of innumerable fire-flies, which the be-
sieged mistook for the fire-arms and spears of a large
army.47

In order to avoid the range of the guns, Cortes had
kept his men along the sides of the approaches, and
on finding himself discovered he shouted, "Close with
them ! At them ! " Fife and drum joined in and echoed
the cry.43 Olid rushed on the battery, ranged along
a terrace on the ascent to the commander's house. So
sudden was the attack that those of the artillerymen
who still remained loyal had time to discharge only
one gun, which killed two men.49 The next instant
Olid, Pizarro, and their followers had practically
secured the pieces, and were pressing the defenders,
who offered little resistance. At the same time

45 Expressing the belief that Cortes •would be foolhardy enough to attack
in the morning. Tapia, Bel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, ii. 589.

46 ;Llegamos junto a las centinelas sin que nos sintiesen, e" iban huyendo 6
diciendo : Anna, anna !' Id., 590. 'Auisado Naruaez, y se estaua vistiendo vna
cota : y dixo aquie le auiso, no tengays pena, y mandd tocar al arma. ' fferrera,
dec. ii. lib. x. cap. iii.

47 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 99, calls the flies cocayos.

4f,Prescott, following Herrera, makes CortCs shout the password 'Espiritu
Santo,' which Bernal Diaz says was given as a secret word for mutual recog-
nition.

49 So say all the original authorities that refer to it, except Bernal Diaz,
who claims that four guns were fired, three balls passing overhead and the
fourth killing three men. Cortes acknowledges no casualties from it. Tapia
even intimates that no discharge took place, owing to the fact that to protect
the touch-holes from rain they had been covered with wax and tiles. Con-
fused by the sudden alarm the artillerists applied the match, forgetful of the
•wax, and 'we saw that the charges failed to go off.' Eel., in Icazbalceta, Col.
Doc, ii. 590. Perhaps he would have been more correct in saying that the
men were confused by the glittering bribes of Usagre. Bachiller A. Perez
testifies: 'Dixo al artillero poned fuego a estos tiros .... puso fuego e no
salieron los tiros e oyo dezir este testigo que avian puesto cera en los dichos
tiros.' Cortes, /t'esidencta, ii. 85. This implies that the wax had been smeared
on by accomplices.

THE ATTACK. 395

Sandoval rush o I past and hurried up the stair-way
to the summit, where Narvaez stood to receive
him.50 A volley of arrows and bullets was fired at
him, but being poorly aimed, out of consideration
for comrades below, he escaped unharmed. Nothing
daunted, Sandoval's followers pressed onward in a
compact column, and in a moment they were on the
summit platform. ''Surrender!" shouted their leader
with resolute confidence, to which Narvaez responded
with a jeer, calling on his men to spare no traitors.
But the order was an empty one, for their swords and
short Spanish lances availed nothing against the line
of bristling copper points on the long pikes of the
attacking party, and step by step they were driven
backward into the building. What they did with
their fire-arms or cross-bows is not stated.

Meanwhile Cortes was doing brave work below.
One body engaged the cavalry, unhorsing with the
all-effective pike those who had managed to reach the
saddle, and cutting the girths. Another body turned
their attention to the reinforcements which came
rushing from the adjoining quarters to the scene of
action, and taking advantage of the confusion and the
darkness, relieved only at fitful intervals by the moon,
their cool opponents readily disarmed the greater num-
ber, so that but a small proportion made their way
through the besieging lines.51 While thus occupied
they heard a shout from above, " Victory! Victory
for Cortes! Narvaez is dead!"52 Cortes immediately
caused the cry to be taken up by the rest of his men,
which added to the confusion of the enemy.

It appears that Sandoval, although reinforced by

50 With from 40 to 100 men, are the different estimates.

51 ' Vinien los contrarios a nuestra gente, creyendo que eran de los suyos, a
preguntar, "^que es esto?:' 6 asi los prendien. ' Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col.
Doc, ii. 590. 'De las otras dos torres. . . .no le acudiero, porq dizen algunos
que se hizieron sordos, otros que no pudieron llegar, por el impedimento de
las tropas de Cortes.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. iii. ; Cardona, in Cortes,
dencia, i. 181-2.

■'2 ' Uitoria, vitoria por los del nobre del Espiritu Sato, q muerto es Narvaez !
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 98. Even this authority now shouts forth the
password !

396 THE COUP DE MAITRE OF CORTES.

a portion of Olid's party, could not effect an entry
into the building to which his pikes had driven those
who still adhered to Narvaez, a number having passed
over to his side before this. After watching the vain
skirmishing for a while, Lopez, the ship-builder, be-
thought himself of setting fire to the dry palm roof
of the otherwise substantial building. The besieged
now had no recourse but to come out, which they did,
headed by Narvaez. No sooner had they appeared
on the platform than Sandoval's men charged them
with the pikes, and the commander was the first to
receive a thrust, in the left e}re, which bore him
down as he cried out: "Santa Maria, save me!"
In an instant Pedro Sanchez Farfan was upon him,53
and he was dragged down the steps and placed in a
chapel. Awed by this mischance the rest speedily
surrendered.

Alferez Fuentes fought valiantly till overthrown
with two pike thrusts. "Our Lady save me!" he
cried, still clutching the standard. "She shall!" re-
sponded Sandoval, averting the pikes of the excited
soldiers.

f.i

The cry of victory and the rumor of Narvaez'
death had stayed the stream of reinforcements from
the adjoining houses, wherein defence was now
alone thought of. Recognizing that a charge on
them might meet with more determined opposition,
Cortes resolved to bring the enemy's own battery

53 Solis assumes that Farfan gave also the thrust. Bernal Diaz' text leads
one to suppose that Narvaez received the thrust before his followers were
driven into the building, but the other authorities state clearly: 'al salir de su
camara, le dieron vn picaco .... Echaron le luego mano. ' Gomara, Hist. Mex. ,
147; Oviedo, iii. 510. Monjaras states that Narvaez supplicated for his life:
'Hidalgos, por amor de Dios no me mateys !' Testimonio, in Cortes, Re-sidencia,
ii. 51, 85, 107; i. 365. 'Alonso Davila le saco las dichas provisiones reales de
V. M. del seno, teniendolo preso e abrazado el dicho Pero Sanchez Farfan.'
Demanda de Ceballos, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 442. This occurred some
time after the capture. Narvaez called upon his fellow-prisoners to witness
the deed, but Avila shouted that the papers were merely letters. They were
given to Cortes. 'Las avian quemado.' Testimonio, in Cortes, Residencia, i.
345, 365, 250; ii. 52, 187.

54 He died, however, says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 99. Herrera calls
him Diego de Rojas, whom Bernal classes as a captain.

THE CAPTURE COMPLETED. 397

to his aid.55 By the time the guns were in position,
most of the forces of Sandoval and Olid were free to
aid Velazquez de Leon in the task of reducing the
quarters in which Salvatierra and Diego Velazquez
still held out.

They were summoned to submit to the king and
to Cortes, under pain of death, but gave a defiant
answer. The guns were now brought into play, and
fired vfirst over their heads to frighten them. As
the balls came whizzing by, the blustering Salva-
tierra, who had sworn to eat the ears of Cortes,
declared himself sick. His fierceness changed to
abject fear, and his men asserted that they never
saw a captain behave so contemptibly. The shots,
supported by promises, soon brought about the sur-
render of this pyramid.

The last to hold out was Diego Velazquez, a brave
fellow, well liked by his followers; but after a few
more parleys, and the loss of three men from well
directed shots, his party was also prevailed on to
descend and deliver up their arms,56 the leaders being
secured and removed in irons to the chapel, the
wounded receiving there the attentions of a surgeon.
Cortes looked in to examine their condition, and as
the whisper reached Narvaez that the hero of the
day was present, he turned and said: " Senor Cortes,
you may hold high the good fortune you have had,
and the great achievement of securing my person."

55 'Se retrajeron a una torre alta de un idolo de aquel pueblo casi cuatro-
cientos hombres, e muchos de los de caballo . . . . salieron al campo. ' Tapin,
!,'<■/., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, 590. Herrera says that 300 intrenched
themselves till the morning, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. iv. Cortes reached the
buttery just in time to prevent a catastrophe, as Tapia relates. A hot-
blooded young companion of the latter, carried away by excitement, rushed
to powder barrels, eight in number, and shouted, ' Let us fire the powder
and spoil it for the enemy ! ' Cleaving a barrel, he cast a brand into it,
and threw himself flat upon the ground, commending his life to God. It
happened, fortunately, that this barrel contained sandals, which by some
mistake had been mixed up with the ammunition. After waiting in vain
a while for the explosion, the madcap discovered the reason and began to open
another barrel. At this moment Cortes came up, and learning of his inten-
tion lie rushed forward and snatched away the brand.

•A' Including also Juan Yuste, Juan Bono, and Gomara.

398

THE COUP DE MAITRE OF CORTES.

With a twinkle of malicious merriment Cortes re-
garded for a moment his fallen foe, whose insuffer-
able conceit did not desert him even here, and said

Iztapalapan

.Tlascala

||*|^lztaccihuatl

Popocatepetl Sk-
ills

Hiiitzilapan

Cholula

Orizaba

Acatzingo o Bvia'

Quauhquechollan0 Teorpeaca oQuecholac ° Ahuilizapan
Segura de laFrontera

Tecaniaclialco

" Senor Narvaez, many deeds have I performed since
coming to Mexico, but the least of them all has been
to capture you."57

57 Oviedo, iii. 510. Bernal Diaz lengthens CorteV reply: He thanked God
for the victory and for giving him such valiant gentlemen and companions tc
aid him. One of the smallest things he had done in New Spain was to secure
and defeat him; it appeared more daring to seize an oidor of his majesty.
Las Casas relates that Narvaez had a not dissimilar surprise by night froir
Cuban Indians, during his campaign for Velazquez, and had a narrow escape.
Hist. Lid., iv. 6-8.

CHAPTER XXII.

ALVARADO'S MERCILESS MASSACRE.

May, 1520.

After the Battle — Victory Made Secure — Conduct of the Conquered —
A General Amnesty — Disposition of the Forces — Affairs at the
Capital — Insurrection Threatened — The Spaniards Hold a Coun-
cil— Alvarado's Resolve — The Great Day of the Feast — The
Spaniards Proceed to the Temple — The Grand Display there
Witnessed — The Attack of the Spaniards — Horrors upon Horrors.

Cortes was exultant. During the last- brief hour
how completely had his fortunes changed! Again
was his star ascendant, filling the whole heavens
with its brightness. Alas now for Montezuma and.
Mexico! And Velazquez; this was his fourth at-
tempt on Mexico, and in some respects his greatest
failure. Instead of annihilating the outlaw with his
grand army, the outlaw in one fell swoop had se-
cured the grand army, and was now master of all the
ships, and men, and munitions of war, which he so
much needed in consummation of his further designs.
It seemed to be the fate of the fat governor out of
his solid substance to feed his enemy with wealth and
honors.

Before it was fairly light Cortes had seized and
placed in confinement such persons as might question
his rights as victor; the remainder on surrendering
their arms were permitted to go at large.1 In order

1 Cartas, 124; Cortes, Residencia, ii. 12. Bernal Diaz confirms that this
was effected long before dawn, while Herrera states that 300 held out till
morning ; but he is contradictory. Carrasco, whom he assumes to be free, urged
them to fall upon the attacking party, who were scattered to plunder. But

(399)

400 ALVARADO'S MERCILESS MASSACRE.

to make more secure his magnificent prize before
the all-searching sun should disclose the paucity
and poverty of the victors, Cortes seated himself
in state, arrayed in a wide orange-colored robe, and
ordered the conquered troops to pass before him,
and swear allegiance to the king, and fealty to him as
captain-general and justicia mayor. This was done
by nearly all, some humbling themselves and kissing
his hand, while the late hostile leaders and old ac-
quaintances were recognized with friendly greetings
and embraces.2

Meanwhile Olid and Ordaz, each with a corps, set-
out on the captured horses to summon stragglers and
seek the forty troopers in the field. Duero and other
friends of Cortes being among them, little persuasion
was needed to win the party over, and shortly after
dawn the whole cavalcade came in to the sound of fife
and drum, shouting vivas for Cortes.3 High above
this noise were heard from a window the voices of
two women, named Ordaz, filling the air with their
loud philippics. "Villainous Dominican os !" they cried
to the soldiers of their own party, "the distaff would
better suit you than the sword. A good account have
you given of yourselves! Unfortunate women we
to have come to the wars with such men!" Truly

this was not done for want of a leader. Nor did they favor his advice to
plunder the baggage of Cortes, which was protected only by Indians, and to
embark with Diego Velazquez. Carrasco accordingly proceeded alone to the
baggage camp, and securing a horse and lance he returned and urged them
to follow. He had evidently supernatural means wherewith to penetrate the
besieging force, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. iv. Duran allows Cortes to form ambus-
cades and leap walls, so that the arms are secured ere the men of Narvaez can
form in defence. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 453. Peter Martyr disposes briefly of
the matter, and assumes that the chief captains of Narvaez were seduced,
dec. v. cap. v.; Caste llanos, Varones ilustres de Indias, 71-2; Galvano's Discov.,
144-5.

2 ' Cortes se mand6 pregonar por Capitan general, y justicia mayor, de ambos
exercitos.' Carrasco was three days in stocks before he yielded obedience.
Herrera, ubi sup. ' Y todo esto era de noche, que no amanecia. ' Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 99.

3 'Viua, viua la gala de los Romanos, que siedo tan pocos, han vencido a
Narvaez!' to which Guidelo, the negro jester of Narvaez, added, 'Behold! the
Romans never performed such a feat.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 99. Herrera
speaks more at length of the sayings of this negro, who was rewarded with a
crown of gold worth 600 ducats, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. iv.

HONORS TO THE VICTOR. 401

mi^ht Narvaez exclaim with Xerxes, as he beheld his
fair ally, Queen Artemisia, outwit her Athenian pur-
suers, "My men fight like women, and my women
like men." The Ordaz women, however, fought only
with their tongues, and that after the issue of battle.
And thus relieved they immediately descended and
did homage to the victor. The general did all he
could to check this excess of zeal, which he feared
might engender ill feeling, and he even seized some of
the noisiest enthusiasts, although they were afterward
rewarded.

The cacique of Cempoala, who had been slightly
wounded during the battle, appeared like the rest to
offer fealty to the victor by crowning him with flowers.
Cortes received his demonstrations as if nothing1 had
taken place to mar their intercourse, and took up his
abode with Catalina, whose hand he had accepted
during his previous occupation of the place. The
chiefs vied with one another to obliterate their un-
fortunate mistake by increased attention and hospi-
tality, while many among Narvaez' men thought it
necessary to excuse their tardy surrender by pleading
that they had been deceived by their principals, who
had assured them that Cortes was a traitor. Great
was their chagrin in the morning on discovering how
few the victors were and how poorly they were armed.
And where were the much talked of native auxiliaries?
At the same time they could not but admire a leader
who had achieved such results with such means.
Narvaez and his supporters declared that the victory
was due wholly to treachery, particularly noticeable
in the action of the artillerists.4 In this there was
much truth, but the consummate tact and soldierly
qualities of Cortes shine no less brightly for all that.

4 ' I saw Narvaez in Spain in 1 525, and heard him publicly denounce Cortes
as a traitor. He asked but royal permission to prove it, face to face with his
enemy; furthermore, he was a liar, a tyrant, and an ingrate. Narvaez had
been betrayed by those in whom he confided.' Oviedo, iii. 316. Still, the
chronicler cannot excuse his carelessness nor his entering into parley with
Cortes; and he told him so. iii. 316.
Hist. Mkx., Vol. I. 2G

402 ALVARADO'S MERCILESS MASSACRE.

And the cost of this glory and advantage, how insig-
nificant it was! Four of his own men and fifteen
of the enemy, including a captain, beside a number
wounded on both sides; this was all.5

In his report to the king Cortes seeks to gloss
over the occurrence by stating that only two men
were killed, intimating that it was on both sides.
There was a deeper reason for this and other false-
hoods than the wish to hide the bloody result of
fratricidal conflict. He was still doubtful as to the
view taken in Spain of his conduct, and could not
afford to prejudice his case by laying bare every
misfortune. He was aware that even to the im-
partial observer he must appear as a defaulter in
the duty owing by him to a principal, and in the
agreement or partnership which he had formed, and
also as the usurper of an expedition fitted out in the
name and under the auspices, at least, of Velazquez.
His plea rested on his brave and masterly conquest
of a rich country, and on his election to independent
command by a party formed on the pretence that
the superior interests of the sovereign demanded the
immediate subjugation of the country. But his ac-
ceptance of that command was a breach of duty and of
contract; the right of the party to act as it did was
doubtful, and its pretence hasty, or perhaps usurped
from Velazquez, who had first entertained it; while
the commission to undertake the conquest had already

5 Bernal Diaz mentions fifteen [a misprint of dos for doce. makes it only five]
deaths among Narvaez' men, including Captain Rojas, Alf^rez Fuentes, who
was an hidalgo of Seville, and Carretero, one of the deserters from CorteV ex-
plorers. Cortes lost four. Hist. Verdad. , 99. Cortes prudently mentions to the
king only two deaths, but leaves it uncertain to what side they belonged.
Cartas, 124. Gomara claims them for Cortes, and states that Narvaez lost his
eye, his honor, and sixteen men. Hist. Mex., 148. Cortes lost two men and
one wounded ; Narvaez eleven. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. iv. Cortes four,
Narvaez eleven, besides many wounded on both sides. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex.,
pt. iii. 138. Solis supposes that two w^ounded of CorteV army died, making
four in all, while Narvaez lost fifteen. Hist. Mex., ii. 101. One version claims
that Narvaez lost fifteen by arms and six by fire in the burning of the quarters,
which is probably an exaggeration. Narvaez lost all his property, including
notes of hand. Demanda de Ceballos, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 442. The
testimony in Cortes, Residencia, i. ii., varies from twelve to sixteen for
Narvaez.

A MOST LOVABLE VILLAIN. 403

been conferred on the latter. Velazquez held besides
the right of a discoverer to this coast, and above all
the royal grant to it, vaguely worded though it was so
far as indicating the situation and extent of territory.
He had a right to claim his own; though circum-
stances had so changed, Cortes claimed, as to render
this perilous to the interests of God, the king, and
the people, which rose above those of individuals ; and
in ignoring the orders of the audiencia to desist from
war on his countrymen he followed only natural law
and justifiable impulse. In this respect Cortes was
equally guilty, since his duty was to yield to the
rightful claimant. He pleads in his letter to the king,
however, that self-preservation obliged him to resist,
for Narvaez had determined to hang him and several of
his followers. Here he again hides the fact that favor-
able terms were at one time offered. "Had Narvaez
carried off the victory," he continues, "it would have
been with a great loss, which must have so weakened
him as to surely enable the Indians to succeed in their
meditated revolt. This would have lost the country
to the king and to the faith, and twenty years would
not have sufficed to regain it."6 In brief, howsoever
we admire Cortes, however much we would prefer
his banner to that of Velazquez or Narvaez, we must
admit that he had hardly a shadow of right on his
side, and that no position in which he could possibly
place himself was tenable. He was a defaulter, pirate,
usurper, renegade, traitor, outlaw, hypocrite; but he
was a most lovable villain, an admirable soldier, a
rare hero. On the other hand, Velazquez was right.
But, though deeply injured, he was disagreeable;
though foully wronged, he was vanquished. And the
Spanish monarch was not the first or last to smile
on iniquitous success, or turn the cold shoulder to
whining, disappointed virtue.

6Oviedo looks on Cortes' reasons as insufficient to justify his procedure,
such as ordering Narvaez to be seized, and demanding of him to exhibit a
royal commission, 'as if Cortes had been appointed by the king.' Velazquez,
as the principal who sent him forth, had every right to remove him. iii. 316.

404 ALVARADO'S MERCILESS MASSACRE.

In the* course of the morning the soldier Bar-
rientos, who had been staying in Chinantla, arrived
with the promised Chinantec warriors, two thousand
in number.7 They had reached the rendezvous on
pentecost day, as ordered, but Cortes had found it
convenient to advance on Cempoala sooner than he
had intended. An imposing sight they presented
as they marched by amidst vivas in a file of three
abreast, gorgeous with plumes and shields, the centre
man with bow and arrows, while his companions on
either side carried the formidable pike, tipped with
glistening iztli. It was fortunate that they had failed
to arrive in time, since much bloodshed was saved
thereby. In fact the soldiers of Narvaez expressed
a fear that they would have fared badly with such
opponents. Cortes was nevertheless delighted with
their coming, since this proved not only the sincerity
of their friendship, but showed the conquered that he
did indeed control native armies. Distributing some
beads and trinkets, he bade them return peaceably
under the supervising care of Barrientos.

One of the first measures after the firfit was to
secure the fleet; and for this purpose a suitable force
was sent down to the port to take the vessels to Villa
Rica, and remove the sails and rudders, so as to pre-
vent the escape of any to Cuba.8 Shortly after, when
the masters and crews had tendered allegiance, the
vessels were placed in charge of Pedro Caballero,
captain of one of the vessels under Narvaez, in whom
Cortes had great confidence.9 The fortress was again

7 Bernal Diaz places the number at 1500, while Ceballos raises it to 3000,
under Heredia, and places the arrival a day or two later. Herrera assumes
that they came in time to march with Cortes on Cempoala. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. i.

8 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 100, names Francisco de Lugo as the captain
of this party, but Tirado states that he had been sent back to Mexico as an
adherent of Velazquez. Cortes, Residencia, ii. 6. 'Dio con los once navios
que el dicho mi parte alii tenia, al traves, 6 les fizo quemar.' Demanda de
(''hallos, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 442. Bernal Diaz also intimates that ail
but two vessels were destroyed when the army proceeded to Mexico and one
afterward. Hist. Verdad., 109. It is not probable, however, that more than
a few were destroyed, because unseaworthy. Some were wrecked a few
months later.

9 'Por Almirate, y Capitan de la mar al qual dizen que le dio primerc

ANDRES DE TAPIA. 405

garrisoned, with a larger force,10 and thither were
sent Narvaez and Salvatierra in chains.11

As for the rest, Cortes applied himself with his
usual skill to recompense those who had remained
true, and to conciliate the yet unreconciled. He re-
minded them that they had come not to risk their
lives for Velazquez, but to gain honor and wealth
under the banner of the king, and he wTas prepared to
aid in this by offering them equal terms with his
veterans. As an earnest he restored within two days
their arms to all except a few leaders, and ordered
his men to return the horses, weapons, and other
effects taken by them as spoils of war.12 What with

buenos tejuelos de oro.' His baptismal name was either Juan or Pedro. Two
vessels were still expected to arrive. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 100, 113.
Caballero was probably an old friend. 'Pedro de Maluenda criado dc Diego
Velazquez, que venia por mayordomo de Naruaez, recogio y guardo los nauios
y todo la ropa y hazienda.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 148. By Cortes' order, adds
Herrera.

10 'Envie" otros docientos hombres a la villa de la Veracruz. ' Cortes, Cartas,
125. Clavigero assumes that Cortes at this time already gave orders for re-
moving Villa Rica southward, but events interfered with the project. Storia
Mess., iii. 120.

11 'Cortes le [Narvaez] tuvo preso con muy asperas prisiones tres afios,
poco mas 6 menos, e con guardias que nadie no le pudiese ver; 6 aquellos
pasados, le quito las prisiones e" le tuvo preso otros dos afios. ' So says Narvaez'
agent. Demanda de Ceballos, in IcazboJceta, Col. Hoc., i. 442-3. The testi-
mony in Cortes, Residencia, reduces the term to two years, and intimates that
several other men were kept at Villa Rica, under surveillance at least, i. 223,
362-3, et seq.

12 Narvaez claims to have been robbed of 100,000 castellanos' worth of
effects, and it is not likely that his property was restored. See Demanda de
Ceballos, ubi sup. Bernal Diaz had to surrender a horse fully accoutred, two
swords, three daggers, and other effects. Hist. Verdad., 100. Santa Clara
intimates that the horses and arms were not as a rule restored. Cortes, Resi-
dencia, ii. 1G9. If so, compensation was probably given, according to the
Relation hecha por el Serior Andres de Tdpla, sobre la Oonquista de Mexico.
This is one of the most valuable documents extant on the earlier period of
the conquest, but it is unfortunately only a fragment, which takes up the
narrative from the eve of leaving Cuba, and carries it to the capture of
Xarvaez, relating with rather uneven completeness the principal incidents
of the voyage to Vera Cruz, the march to Mexico, the stay there, and
the operations against the forces of Velazquez. Andres de Tapia appears
from his own statement to have been a poor nephew of Governor Velazquez,
to whom he presented himself just in time to join the expedition of Cortes.
At this time, says Bernal Diaz, he was about 24 years old, of good build,
with a grave face, slight beard, and somewhat ashy complexion. Hist. Ver-
dad., 246. He took an active part in the leading wars and expeditions during
and after the conquest, and became one of the most noted among the cap-
tains, favored by Cortes, with whom he was frequently associated, accom-
panying him also on a voyage to Spain. Settling in Mexico, he died there
peacefully, long after 1539, to judge from his reference to this date. His

406 ALVARADO'S MERCILESS MASSACRE.

their admiration of the liberality and soldierly quali-
ties of Cortes, and the prospect of speedy advance-
ment, there were but few who did not immediately
and cheerfully accept the terms. But this was by
no means to the taste of the aforesaid veterans,
They had seen with envy that rich presents were
made to the conquered, while they, whose courage
and devotion had achieved such magnificent results,
received nothing, and were even told to return what
they regarded as lawful spoils; and, further, to share
with these late comers and intended despoilers the
fruits of their years of toil and victories. A general
murmur arose, and many soldiers refused to surrender
the appropriated effects. Captain Avila and Father
Olmedo being requested to remonstrate, did so earn-
estly, and told Cortes that he acted like Alexander,
who honored more the conquered than those who won
the battle. He and all he possessed belonged to his
comrades, was the reply, but at present it was neces-
sary to conciliate their invaluable acquisition, whose
aid was needed to overcome the threatening danger in
Mexico, and who being the more numerous party might
otherwise rise against them. Their aims effected, the
entire resources of a vast and rich country were theirs.
Olmedo was convinced of the wisdom of the course,
although he considered that too great liberality
had been shown. The headstrong Avila pressed
the point with his natural haughtiness, whereupon
Cortes said: "I am for Mexico; those who please
may follow; those who do not, may leave it alone.
There are yet women in Spain to bear soldiers."
"Yes, and captains and governors," retorted Avila.

narrative, as may be supposed, is a panegyric upon his leader and patron,
and some statements have accordingly to be weighed, but this defect impairs
the importance of only a few passages, the rest being highly valuable, and
many of them unique in their testimony. Guided by a reference in Bihl. de
Autores Esp., xxii., Senor Icazbalceta of Mexico obtained, after great trouble,
a copy of the apparent original from the Royal Academy of History, Madrid,
entitled: Relation de algunas cosas de las que acaecieron al Muy Ilustre Seiior
Don Hernando Cortes, etc. This he published in his Colection de Documentos,
ii. 554-94. The last three pages form an appendix of brief remarks on the
inhabitants and resources of New Spain.

THE FEAST OF TEZCATLIPOCA. 407

Cortes deemed it discreet to bandy no further words
at present. So spirited a tongue must be curbed with
gifts; but Cortes awaited his opportunity. He never
forgot anything.

With a view chiefly to divert the troubled spirits
two expeditions were sent out, each of two hundred
men, mostly from the ranks of the late enemy. One
was directed to Goazacoalco, as before, under the com-
mand of Velazquez de Leon, who had already held
this commission, and two vessels were placed at his
disposal to send to Jamaica for live-stock, seeds, and
other requirements of the proposed colony. The other
expedition was intrusted to Ordaz for the occupation
of Panuco, with a view to anticipate Garay. Two
vessels were given him to explore the coast.13

While Cortes was thus risking all on the cast of
fortune at Cempoala the troops at Mexico had been
exposed to even greater perils. At the time of his
departure for the coast, Toxcatl, the fifth month, had
begun, and with it the most solemn festival of the year.
It was in honor of Tezcatlipoca, the highest of the
divinities, and identified with a supreme god, although
less conspicuous in the daily worship of the people, for
they appealed rather to the nearer minor deities, whom
they regarded as intercessors, than to their supreme
divinity, whom they greatly feared, and who was very
far away. The Mexicans had been permitted to
hold the celebration in the great temple, which had

13 Gomara, Hist. Mex., 149. 'Dos dias despu^s de preso el dicho Narvaez,
porque en aquella ciudad no se podia sostener tanta gente .... despache tlos
capitanes. ' Cortes, Carta*, 125. Cortes writes that before leaving for Mexico
he sent Mexican envoys to obtain the friendship and allegiance of the lord of
Panuco. This was at once offered, and presents were exchanged. Id., 56-7,
125, 144-45. CortCs was either deceived or he invented the story to counteract
Garay's schemes. Bernal Diaz names Ordaz for Goazacoalco and Velazquez
for Panuco; but it has entirely escaped his memory or notes that Velaz-
quez had already been charged to form a colony in Goazacoalco, for which he
was also better fitted, while Ordaz was more suited for rough warfare in
Panuco. This author gives to each 120 men, twenty of them from the ranks
of Cortes, 'porq tenia mas experiecia en la guerra.' Hist. Verdad., 100.
The 200 allowed by others may include the ship-crews. Herrera places 300
men under Ordaz. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. iv.

403 ALVARADO'S MERCILESS MASSACRE.

been partly dedicated to Christian worship, on con-
dition that no human sacrifices should take place.14
A festival of this prominence could not fail to recall
with all its force to the natives the indignities to
which they and their gods had been subjected. We
have seen how narrowly an uprising on account of the
occupation of the great temple by strange religious em-
blems was escaped, and how it was restrained only by
the promise of the speedy departure of the Spaniards.
Before Cortes had left the capital he saw the smoulder-
ing fire, and it was this that led him to strengthen the
defences of the fort, to obtain extra supplies from
Tlascala, and to enjoin the strictest watchfulness and
moderation.

The hostile feeling was by no means diminished by
the tidings of another larger host of invaders with
doubtful motives. At a meeting of native leaders it
was admitted that the promises and statements of the
newly arrived Spaniards could no more be relied upon
than those of the deceitful Malinche, and the deferred
proposition to drive out or to kill the Spaniards was re-
newed with ardor. A better opportunity for carrying
out such a measure could never asfain be found. The
great Cortes with his cunning: controlling mind was
absent. There remained only a small force in charge of
the city, and the troops on the seaboard were divided
against each other. On the other hand a multitude
of pilgrims were pouring in for the festival; and what
better subjects to be worked upon for an uprising than
these, and what better incentive than religion ? Beside
the appeal for vengeance on the desecrators of their
altars came the patriotic call for the release of an op-
pressed sovereign, whose influence was still supreme
with many, and the alluring prospect of securing the
rich spoils in possession of the Spaniards and the
Tlascaltecs, the latter still more detested as an inferior
race which after years of contest had now assumed the

1 1 For description of the feast, so as better to understand what follows,
see Xative Races, ii. 317-21, iii. 422-8.

SUSPICIONS OF OUTBREAK. 409

galling attitude of master. The preparations made
during the late fermentation required only to be per-
fected. More arms were made, the people were stirred
by passionate appeals, warriors were enrolled, and
other measures taken.15

The utmost secrecy had been observed by the con-
spirators, but with so many confidants, actuated by
race jealousy, by ties of friendship, by interest, and by
one above all others, the love of woman, that the rumor
was whispered in Alvarado's ear.16 Yet to the mis-
tress, who in her devotion to the lover forgot her duty
to home and kindred, must not be charged more than
is her due. Sharpened by the remembrance of past
wrongs suffered on battle-field and stone of sacrifice,
the wits of the Tlascaltecs discovered evidence which
their hatred failed not to magnify. Warnings were
hardly required, however, to indicate that something
unusual was stirring, for the demeanor of „ the Indians
had undergone a yet more marked change. Supplies
were further diminished; servants sent to market
were abused and ill-treated, and insolence was shown
even to the Spaniards themselves.17 A still more
alarming sign was the discovery of an undermined
wall,18 and after obtaining further particulars from
a devoted Tezcucan chief,19 afterward known as Don
Hernando, Alvarado resolved to inspect the adjacent
temple where the chief celebration was held. Here
a number of suspicious circumstances were noticed,
which the Castilians readily wrought into threatening
realities; among them several victims destined for

15 Oviedo refers the council and its acts only to the time immediately
preceding Cortes' departure, iii. 509.

1G 'Esto afirmaron muchas mugeres, de las quales se sabia sicpre laverdad.'
Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. viii.

17 'Nos quitaron la comida e enbiando por ella no nos la quisicron dar e
nos davan de palos a las naborias e estando lavando una yndia do las nucstras
la hahogaron e dezian e publicavan que asy avian de hazer a los espanoles.'
Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, GG. This testimony is coniirmed by a
number of his followers.

3 ' Con muchas escalas para subir y matar a los espanoles. ' /(/. , G7. Martin,
in Id , 144.

19 'Le prince acolhua Tecocoltzin. ' Brasseur de Bourbour(j,IIlst. Nat. Civ.,
iv. 287.

410 ALVARADO'S MERCILESS MASSACRE.

sacrifice, regardless of the promises given, while some
bloody hearts which they saw testified to the work
already done by the knife.20 With the victims Alva-
rado seized their attendants and certain of the em-
peror's courtiers, from some of whom he tortured
a confession. In this manner he learned what he
already partially knew, namely, that many arms were
prepared; that during the Incensing of Huitzilo-
pochtli, as the festival was called, the Christian
emblems would be cast out of the temple, and that
the uprising was to take place at the conclusion of
the feast.21

A seeming confirmation of the proposed sacrilege
came from Montezuma himself, who sent to request
the removal of the Christian emblems from the sum-
mit of the great temple, pleading as high-priest that
the presence of strange images must prove irritating
to the worshippers of other gods. Alvarado indig-
nantly refused ; he would rather fight. The Mexicans
did not choose to see their festival broken up before
the appointed time, and so the point was waived. It
was then arranged that the Spaniards should attend
the ceremonies, so as to be assured that no indignities
would be offered their images.22

20 'A number of poles were raised in the court-yard, destined, as I was told,
to impale the Spaniards, one taller than the rest upon the pyramid being re-
served for me.' Alvarado, in Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 66.

21 Alvarado's statements with regard to reports and signs of revolt, and to
the confession of several natives, is confirmed by a number of witnesses,
including the clergyman Juan Diaz. Id. , 66, 113, et seq. Tapia, who is
arrayed against Alvarado, intimates that torture induced the natives to give
the confirmation of the plot as desired by the Spanish captain, and that the
interpreter was unreliable. One witness declares that the uprising was un-
derstood to be planned to take place within ten days; another says on the
day following the torture, intimating that it was to be after the great dances.
Id., 37, 150. 'Alvarado dixo, que luego le auian de venir a dar guerra. . . .que
lo supo de vn Papa, y de dos Principales, y de otros Mexicanos. ' Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 102.

22 Tapia's testimony to this and other criminating points is particularly
valuable, as he was a bitter opponent of Alvarado. The latter states that
Montezuma declared himself powerless to prevent the premeditated sacrilege
to the Christian images. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 36-7, 66-7. But
this plea, if made, must, according to other accounts, be interpreted to apply
only to pagan ceremonies, held almost before the images, and which might
be regarded as a sacrilege. Torquemada writes that arms had been collected
within the temple and everything prepared for the day when the Spaniards

INFAMOUS RESOLVE. 411

And now oives another of those diabolical deeds
which, done in the name of civilization, or religion, or
any other entity or idea, fills us with horror toward
the gods and men for whom or by whom such acts
are consummated. The lion and the tiger are humane
and gentle beside the Spaniard, harboring thoughts
born of bigoted zeal or blind apprehension. And
what are his thoughts? These: He would enter the
sanctuary, the holy temple of his god and their gods,
and while all the people, while priests and nobles, the
flower of the Aztec race, were celebrating the highest
service of the highest festival, he and his men would
fall upon them and hew them in pieces! And this
because they had tired of harboring and feeding them.
They desire to be relieved of the self-invited guests,
and since dismissal does not avail they must be driven
out or killed. But the intruders do not wish to be
exterminated, and if there is striking to be done, they
propose to strike first.

Pedro de Alvarado was no such man as Hernan

attended by invitation to witness the dance of the nobles. At a given signal
an evidently simultaneous attack was to be made on the assembled guests
and on the fort, thus taking the Spaniards at a disadvantage. Jars stood
prepared, filled with certain liquids, wherein to cook their bodies for the feast.
i. 489-90. The general inclination of those who follow the Spanish version,
of which Torquemada, usually so stanch for the natives, is here the best
exponent, has been to assume that the attack was arranged for the day of the
great dances ; and this is not unlikely, although the original writers and their
commentators appear to be ignorant of or oblivious to certain features of the
festival. Another view has been to place the attack during the installation of
the new image of the war-god. This ceremony belonged to the preceding
day, a fact not as a rule understood, and therefore the source of much con-
fusion. Brasseur de Bourbourg, who is clearest on these points, assumes that
the raising of the idol would involve the casting forth of the Christian em-
blems, and be the signal for attack. But evidences are conclusive that the
natives were not ready on that day. They were too occupied with the cele-
bration, and Alvarado, with his small force, was not so negligent as to wait
till the last moment, when the enemy was fully prepared. He and several of
his men indicate clearly enough that they attended the temple at the installa-
tion. The uprising must therefore have been appointed for the following or
even a later day. See note 25. Vetancurt, Teatro Mex., iii. 139, is among the
authorities who follow the version of Torquemada in general. One of the
fervid-minded witnesses of Alvarado repeats the account of pots and jars for
cooking the Spaniards. Helps supposes that Huitzilopochtli's festival had
not yet been entered upon, and that Tezcatlipoca's image is the one in ques-
tion ; but the Spaniards, who knew the difference between these idols, all
allirm that the celebration of the war-god was now held. See Ramirez, Pro-
mo contra Alvarado, 69, 113, 130, 137, and 150.

412 ALVARADO'S MERCILESS MASSACRE.

Cortes. He was scarcely fit to be his servant. There
were a dozen prominent qualities that combined to
make up the great man in Cortes which were absent
in Alvarado. Both of them were loyal, brave, and
merciless, but there was a method in the excesses
of Cortes which those of Alvarado lacked. Cortes
was deep, Alvarado shallow ; Cortes was patient under
affront, Alvarado was violent ; Cortes was cool in time
of danger, Alvarado was excited — and so on. And
yet Alvarado was a gallant cavalier.

The Spaniards now held a council, before which
Alvarado placed the information thus far obtained of
the plot, and the necessity of prompt measures was at
once recognized. They did not believe Montezuma
to be taking any active part in the conspiracy, but
that swayed by hopes and fears he was allowing him-
self, with his usual want of resolution, to yield to the
stronger will of his courtiers a passive consent to the
efforts for his release.23

Less prudent than his chief, and less fertile in re-
sources, Alvarado did not look for preventives to
check the conspiracy, but to what he regarded as a
decisive blow to crush it, such as that administered at
Cholula. He had not the foresight of his general
with regard to the proper adjustment of means to
ends, nor his magic influence over those around
him, friend or foe. He remembered only the good
effect of the massacre on the effeminate Cholultecs,
and felt convinced that so excellent a measure must

23 This received support from his neglect to interfere when supplies were
cut down. Even Tapia refers to a change in his disposition, and to Alva-
rado's displeasure thereat, but his words may apply to the stoppage either of
supplies or of presents. Id. , 36. Want of power could not be pleaded by
Montezuma, because a few days later, when the natives were far more embit-
tered both against the Spaniards and against their captive sovereign, the
latter was able by a mere appeal to stay their onslaught. The testimony
speaks not only of an undermined wall and scaling ladders, but of weapons,
'porras y otras armas,' and of conspirators within the fort. Id., 67, 113, et
seq. Gomara says that his love for the Spaniards has been denied by some.
Hist. Mex., 154-5 ; but Bernal Diaz will not believe Montezuma guilty of con-
spiracy. Hist. Verdad., 102. The grief of the Spaniards at his death, and
the care taken of his children, indicate that they and the crown regarded him
as loyal.

THEY PROCEED TO THE TEMPLE. 413

answer also for the apparently abject Aztecs. It
thoroughly suited his rash daring and cruel disposition.
To attack is to win, was his maxim. The difference
in circumstances hardly entered into consideration,
chief among which was the smaller force, unsup-,
ported by the neutrality of half the city, as at Cho-'
lula, and without allies close at hand. The gathering
of so many nobles and military leaders in connection
with the war -god celebration provided the oppor-
tunity desired, since this would permit the blow to
be directed against those who were looked on as the
promoters of the revolt ; and deprived of their leaders
the people would be likely to abandon any further
attempt. This plan met with general approval.24

The hour25 having: arrived for the visit to the
temple,26 Alvarado selects half the force to accompany
him,27 and proceeds thither, armed with more than
usual care. Upon those who remain in charge of
the fort, says Tapia, devolves the safer, though even
more cruel task of slaughtering the greater part of
the courtiers and attendants,28 who have this day pre-
sented themselves in larger numbers than usual.

2i 'Los espafioles lo requirieron al clicho D. Pedro.' Ramirez, Proceso contra
Alvarado, 150. Tapia pretends that he objected. Id., 37.

25 Alvarado and his men in more than one instance indicate the day when
the dough idol was raised. Id., 67, 113, 134. Ixtlilxochitl points to the
following greater day, which he dates May 19th. Relaciones, 412. Sahagun is not
so definite, but his editor accepts the chief day, calling it whitsunday, May
27th. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 99. In another place he says May 25th. Tezcuco
en Jos idtimos tiempos, 274. One of Alvarado's men states that it was a Thurs-
day. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 131.

20 The testimony of the conquerors, confirmed by native paintings and
records, leaves no doubt that the dance of the nobles and the massacre took
place in the great temple adjoining the fort. Ramirez, Proceso, 37 et seq. Acosta
writes, however, that they occurred in the palace, Hist. Lid., 522, and he is
partly right, since a massacre was carried out here also. Clavigero follows
Acosta, and assumes that the fort is meant. He argues that the dance was
held there so that the emperor might, as customary, be present, and that a
massacre could not have been undertaken by so few Spaniards in the great
temple, where the arsenals were situated, and where the concourse of people
must have been very large. Storia Mess., iii. 118. The Spaniards had for-
bidden the use of arms during the festival, and none appear to have been
produced in the temple. Among other precautions Alvarado appears to have
insisted on a small attendance beyond that of nobles, and most authorities
so accept it.

21 Torquemada says 50 men; the Tlascaltecs are seldom counted.

28 'Que no quedaron sino el clicho Montezuma y quinze o veynte criados,'

414 ALVARADO'S MERCILESS MASSACRE.

The Spaniards with their Tlascaltec followers are
welcomed at the sanctuary with great demonstrations
by the unsuspecting nobles, who see nothing to ap-
prehend in the gleaming arms, since the Spaniards
never go forth without weapons. We must remem-
ber it is a gala day, and the court presents a
magnificent scene with its festive decking of gar-
lands, festoons, and drapery, and its gayly attired
audience. A procession of plumed priests and pages
march by wTith swinging censers, chanting weird music
before the hideous idols. Behind comes a file of nuns
and novices, with red feathers and painted faces, sur-
mounted by garlands of toasted maize, and bearing in
their hands flags with black bars. Hidden musicians
strike, and the dance begins. Joining the priests, the
consecrated women and the tyros whirl round a large
brazier, while two shield-bearers with blackened faces
direct their motions. A conspicuous figure is the
ixteocale, the living representative of the god, for
whom he is fated to die, like the more prominent proxy
of Tezcatlipoca. Dressed like a warrior ready for the
fray, and prepared to lead in the chief dances as is his
duty, he seems to impersonate the omen of evil which
hovers over the scene.

Presently the Spaniards are conducted to a sepa-
rate court, wherein are assembled several hundred
nobles and leading men, arrayed in rich costumes
glittering with gold and precious stones. The centre
of attraction is the new image of Huitzilopochtli, of
tzoalli dough, its jacket wrought with human bones.
Before this imaofe the mazehualiztli dance now begins.29
Billys are formed round the music-stand, where two
leaders direct the movements, the highest nobles and
the most aged composing the inner circles, and the

says the charge against Alvarado. Ramirez, Procfso, 4, 20, 37, 43. This
generally ignored part of the massacre finds also indirect confirmation in the
diffuse testimony to the finding of concealed weapons among the attendants
of Montezuma. Alvarado would not have failed to punish them for this.

29 fxtlilxochitl, Belaciojies, 412. ' Estobayle escemoel Netoteliztli. ' ' Mazeua-
liztli: que quiere dezir Merecimiento con trabajo.' Gomara, Hist. 31ex., 150.

THE DANCE OF DEATH. 415

younger men the outer. When all is ready the music
strikes up lightly to a well known tune, and the
dancers move off, chanting a song bearing on the event
of the day, and on gods and kings.30 Forewarned as
the Spaniards are, they see treason in every act and
word, and many who understand somewhat the Aztec
language declare that the songs bear distinct allusions
to the intended uprising.

As the dance progresses a few of the soldiers, to-
gether with a number of Tlascaltecs, take possession
of the different entrances, while the rest distribute
themselves in suitable positions and watch for the
signal.31 Instructed by his native allies, Alvarado
waits the time when the Indians shall install the war-
god image in the chapel. And now the sanguinary
moment has come. Falling on the assembly with
pike and sword, some strike the idol and some its
worshippers. They hew down the priests and drive
the cruel steel through the bodies of the nobles.
Few of the Indians possess any weapons with which
to defend themselves from the sharp Toledo blades. -
Taken thus by surprise, panic-stricken, they tread one
upon another, and then fall helpless under the merci-
less thrusts of the enemy. Their first impulse has
been to rush for the gates, but lines of bristling pikes
oblige them to press back against the crowd, thereby
increasing the confusion. Some attempt to climb over
the high walls, some to hide in the temple buildings,
even burrowing beneath the heaps of the slain.
Before an hour has passed there is nothing left in
sight deemed worthy Spanish swords, so suddenly has
this brilliant assembly been transformed into loath-

30 See Native Races, ii. 288-9.

31 'Fue al patio donde estava el Oecbilobos e vi mucha gente junta para le
subir e defendiendolo venia mucha gente los quales comensaron a pelear con
nosotros.' Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvxrado, G7. This is a mere excuse evidently,
which none attempt to support, definitely at least ; but it sounded well to say
that the actual fight began on the native side, as had the plotting. One of
Brasseur de Bourbourg's unique manuscripts states that the first attack by
the Spaniards was upon those who were advancing with the idol. Hist. Nat.
Civ., iv. 287. 'Este testigo desfizo el ydolo que los dichos yndios tenian para
sobir donde estava Nuestra Seiiora.' Nuuo Pinto, in Ramirez, 134.

416 ALVARADO'S MERCILESS MASSACRE.

some masses of mangled bodies. The pathway of the
conquerors is everywhere slippery with the blood of
their victims.

In this horrible butchery, as we have seen, the
lower classes suffered less than the nobles. Desola-
tion was brought home to nearly every prominent
family in the city. Their grief, shared by dependants
and adherents throughout the provinces, was com-
memorated in plaintive ballads, by which the people
kept alive the hatred of their oppressors long after
the conquest. The estimates of the killed vary from
four hundred to over three thousand, the most com-
mon number being six hundred ; and as this generally
refers to prominent personages it may be accepted as
not too low.32

Finding no more to kill, or rather no more worth
the killing, the Spaniards and the Tlascaltecs pro-
ceeded to plunder. The reward was rich, but even
in the eyes of their national historians odium attached
to every trinket, for by such action, as Herrera ob-
serves, they gave currency to the charge that the deed
had been prompted by avarice. But this interesting
occupation was destined to be interrupted. Shouts

32 There were from 300 to 400 dancers, nearly all chiefs, and an audience
of from 2000 to 3000, says Tapia ; and from the wording of the accusation
against Alvarado it appears that all the chiefs were killed, and a number of
the rest, besides those slaughtered in the fort. Ramirez interprets the native
painting to signify 400, most likely of the nobles only, Id., 4, 37, 286; 400
killed, Cortes, Besidencia, i. 41; over GOO nobles slaughtered in one hour,
Cano, in Oviedo, iii. 550; 600 to 1000 nobles and caciques, Gomara; over 1000
nobles, Ixtlilxoclutl, Belaciones, 412, and Brasseur de Bourbourg. 'Fue^ tan
grande el derramamiento de sangre, que corrian arroyos della por el patio como
agua cuando mucho llu^ve.' Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 100. He gives
sickening details of truncated bodies, of dismembered hands and feet, and of
draggling entrails. Father Duran goes to an extreme in his account, according
to which Alvarado prompted the deed, and Cortes executed it. From 8000
to 10,000 illustrious men were summoned through Montezuma to assemble
in the temple, in order to permit CortCs to kill them and thus become master
in the country. He places ten soldiers at each gate, and sends in ten to com-
mit the slaughter. Hist, hid., MS. ii. 456-9. Las Casas is not so absurd, this
time at least, but close behind him in the estimate, for he states that the
slaughter was carried on in different parts of the city at the same time, and
in one place alone about 2000 young nobles fell. Prescott misinterprets him.
'Non procul a palatio aberant, duo circiter millia juvenum nobilium. . . .Ad
hos se contulit Hispanorum Capitaneus, & alios ad reliquas urbis partes, in
quibus hae chorese celebrabantur, misit, . . . .non cessabunt celebrare&lainentari
. . . .calamitatem,' etc. Reyio. hid. Devastat., 32.

MOTIVES AND CONDEMNATION. 417

from the maddened multitude without were soon
heard, roaring in response to the death clamor of their
countrymen. Warned by the guard at the gates, the
plunderers hastened to regain the fort. Yells of exe-
cration greeted them as they issued from the temple,
and showers of stones and darts fell thick, while
the front ranks of the assailants pressed them with
swords and clubs.33 Short as was the distance to the

33 Tapia, and others ,- in Ramirez, 38, 67, 131. Torquemada assumes that
the arms used by the assailants were those which had been collected for
the outbreak in the houses adjoining the temple, i. 490. As regards the
motives for the massacre, the Spanish authorities seek as a rule to justify
them, while the native accounts are equally inclined to ascribe them to greed
or to wanton cruelty. According to Sahagun the celebration was held at the
instance of Alvarado, who slaughtered the devotees without known cause.
Hist. Gonq., 27 (ed. 1840), 100. Duran, who is as prejudiced as he is blunder-
ing, dates the massacre after the return of Cortes from the coast. Alvarado
persuades him to secure the submission of the country by killing all the
lords and chiefs, and they are accordingly allured to their death. Hist. hid. ,
MS., ii. 456-7. Las Casas inclines to a similar motive; 'quo magis cresceret,
& augeretur in his provinciis formido illorum crudelitatis/ Begio. Ind. De-
vastat. , 30. Nearer the truth comes Ixtlilxochitl, who, while disposed to credit
his countrymen, dares not accuse the Spaniards, and so takes the prudent
middle course of casting the blame on the Tlascaltecs. Prompted by the
hatred bred of former wrongs inflicted by Mexicans, and by greed for spoils,
they invent charges of treason and speedy revolt. Alvarado, being also
avaricious, is readily induced to believe them, and considers it besides a good
opportunity to obtain control by dispatching the assembled chiefs, unarmed
as they are. Hist. Chich. , 300 ; Iielaciones, 389, 412. Ixtlilxochitl is not to blame
for his assumption, since his admired guide, the biographer of Cortes, does not
attempt to defend Alvarado, but merely mentions that he was influenced either
by reports of a proposed uprising or by avarice. Go mar a, Hist. Mex., 151.
The commentator Chimalpain says bluntly that the latter motive ' es mas de
creer.' Hist. Conq., i. 281; Benzoni, Mondo Nuovo, 94; Piz.arro y Orcllana,
Varones Ilvstrcs, 92. Vetancurt rather condemns Alvarado for acting on in-
sufficient evidence. Teatro Mex. , pt. iii. 139-40. Cortes' silence respecting the
cause may be attributed to his usual prudence in suppressing unpleasant facts.
He states, however, that Montezuma supplicated him not to be annoyed at what
had happened, since he regretted it as much as the Spaniards. This implies
that the Indians were regarded as originators of the trouble. The severity
with which he treated the emperor on his return to Mexico, notwithstanding
the efforts made by him to save the Spaniards, indicates still more strongly
that Corte's was convinced of Mexican treachery. Cartas, 126 et seq.
In the letter of the army to the emperor the uprising is attributed to
Narvaez' plots. Carta del Ejerc'to, in fcazbalceta, Col. Doc. , i. 429. Herrera
notices the native versions, particularly that which accuses the Tlascaltecs
of having trumped up charges against the Mexicans, but he affirms, 'la verdad
fuc, que pensaron matar los Castellanos. ' He thereupon enumerates proofs
of the plot. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. viii. Torquemada, who is more fully ac-
quainted with native accounts, condemns them as unreliable, and states that
Sahagun accepted them without investigation, i. 489-91. The charge that
Alvarado was influenced by avarice is promptly rejected by Bernal Diaz. 'No
lo creo, ni nunca tal oi, ni es de creer que tal hiziesse.' His motive was to
inspire terror and inflict such injury as to prevent the Indians from attacking
Hist. Mex., Vol,. I. 27

418 ALVARADO'S MERCILESS MASSACRE.

fort, much time was occupied in reaching it, and
hardly a man escaped injury. Alvarado was severely
wounded, while one soldier and a number of allies
were slain.

him. That they intended to attack, Bernal Diaz fully believes. Hist. Ver-
dad., 102. Solis is quite indignant at the supposition that avarice impelled
the Spaniards. Hist. Mex., ii. 117. According to Oviedo the intention of the
natives was to kill also Cortes on his return. He inserts without comment
the version of Cano, married to Montezuma's daughter, that avarice was the
motive, iii. 510, 550. Acosta, who generally adheres to native versions, does
not apparently find them reliable in this case, since he merely says that a
'chastisement' was inflicted, but that it was excessive. Hist, hid., 522. This
13 also the opinion of Clavigero, who believes that the Spaniards were de-
ceived by Tlascaltec stories of a plot, and wished to anticipate it, on the
principle that 'chi assalisce vince. Checchessia, la sua condotta non pud
scusarsi d'imprudenza, e di crudelta.' Storia Mess., iii. 119. This view has
been widely adopted, even by the modern Mexican historian Carbajal Espi-
nosa, plagiarist though he be. Hist. Mex., ii. 339. His confrere Bustamante,
as editor of Sahagun, is inclined to magnify even the exaggerations of the
latter. Prescott wavers between Clavigero's views and disbelief in Alvarado's
apology. But in expressing his opinion he misconstrues Bernal Diaz and
raises some meaningless questions. Mex., ii. 284-G. There is no doubt that
the Indians were bent on mischief. A large faction had been hostile to the
Spaniards ever since their arrival, as intruders who menaced the existing
politic, economic, and religious order. This feeling had been steadily spread-
ing under the threatening attitude assumed by the unbidden guests in seizing
the emperor, in extorting tribute, and in assuming mastery. With the
occupation of the temple by the Christian emblems the climax was reached;
and now the whole population became possessed with a desire to avenge
not only the outraged idols, but themselves and their sovereign, and to
uphold the tottering throne. The observations of the Spaniards and the
reports of their informers were correct in pointing to an uprising, to take
place during the gathering of pilgrims for the war-god festival, when the re-
duced number of the Spanish garrison favored the design. The confession of
several natives, whether extorted by torture or not, confirmed the charges and
justified belief. Alvarado could not as a prudent commander ignore them,
and duty required him to use prompt measures for the protection of his force,
and of the interests of his king and the expedition. It might be urged by
those who seek to defend this kind of thing that seizure of the victims for
hostages would have been equally effective and more humane; but from the
precedence established by the general himself at Cholula the conduct of the
rash Alvarado is scarcely to be wondered at. Cortes' object had been to
strike terror as the only effective lesson for a people who seemed to recognize
no other sway, and if this was regarded as necessary with the Cholultecs,
Alvarado must have held it to be doubly so now. His position was far more
critical than that at the former city, for his resources were smaller, the
prospect of aid was hopeless, and escape was cut off. He had to strike
promptly and strike well. Here were the leaders, and here the temple, wherein
a punishment would apparently have greater effect. It was natural to sup-
pose that the installation of the war -god would be attended by the leaders
or representative men of the enemy; and to level the blow at this class must
be considered as less cruel at least than to strike the multitude, as at Cholula.
Perhaps the recognition of this was a reason for the silence of Cortes. All this
discussion, however, as to the minor motives prompting a dastardly deed I
do not regard as very relevant. I am very sure that the motives of the
Spaniards in this massacre were not plunder. They were playing for a higher
stake, for the whole country, and, in case they won, all in it would be theirs.
The present heavy blow was but one of the points in the game.

CHAPTER XXIII.

UPRISING OF THE AZTECS.

May- June, 1520.

Character of the Aztecs — Spanish Quarters — The City in Arms — Grow-
ing Hatred toward the Invaders — Perilous Position of Alvarado—
Montezuma Called to Interfere — Failing Provisions — Miraculous
Water — Cortes to the Rescue — Rendezvous at Tlascala — The City
and its People — The Army Joins Alvarado — Desperate Encounters.

The Spaniards had mistaken somewhat the charac-
ter of the Aztecs. Ground to the dust, by political
despotism and bloody superstition, their features had
assumed a melancholy cast and their form the attitude
of humility. Yet beneath all slumbered a ferocity
the most blood-thirsty among the Nahua nations.
And now, though their nature might be as cold and
impassive as the stone of the pavement, the iron heel
of the conqueror had struck fire from it.

Before the fort the angry throng increased, until
the whole city seemed to have gathered there. On
the roofs and in the courts fell showers of arrows,
stones, and darts, and charge after charge was made
at the entrances. Attempts were also made both to
scale and undermine the walls, and some resorted to
battering, until it seemed to the besieged as if the
whole habitation was coming down upon their heads.

The structure consisted of a vast irregular pile
of stone buildings, one story in height, and raised,
like most of the pretentious edifices, on a pyramidal
foundation, which was low and difficult to undermine
or beat down. An occasional tower relieved the monot-
ony of the outline and offered a view over the neigh-

(419)

420 UPRISING OF THE AZTECS.

borhoocl. Beside the smaller courts inclosed by the
buildings, a larger yard appears to have been formed
by a stout wall, within which the allies had erected
temporary shelter. This was the weakest point, and
here the battering parties were chiefly collected. The
flanks and curtains of modern fortification were want-
ing, and the protection of the wall face depended on
the turrets which rose here and there, and on the
parapets, with their few embrasures.

Though attempting no sortie beyond the immediate
vicinity of the gates, the Spaniards were not sparing
of powder and arrows, and picked off the more pre-
sumptuous assailants, while their pikes and swords
did good service at the parapets and openings. The
cannon, however, loaded as they were with small
shot and scraps, which brought down a dozen or more
at a time, were the only weapons that could hold the
enemy in check. On one occasion, when a charging
party had approached in a somewhat wavering column
to carry the main entrance, the cannon charge failed
to explode, owing to dampness. This the assailants
were quick to observe, and with yells of encourage-
ment they rushed forward, and were soon in a hand-
to-hand conflict with a party which had sallied to
break the first column. The Spaniards plied their
swords and pikes with desperation, supported by a
desultory fire from the musketeers and archers of the
fort, but without effect. The gaps made by their
weapons were quickly filled with fresh warriors, and
the sallying party was obliged to fall back with the
loss of two soldiers, who were captured alive and de-
voted to sacrifice. It was a critical moment, for the
enraged horde was about to follow them into the
quarters. Just then, as if touched by invisible fire, the
powder ignited, sending from the cannon its death-
dealing missiles, mowing a path through the crowd of
pursuers. The Mexicans were appalled and speedily
thrown into disorder, of which the Spaniards were
not slow to take advantage. Nor was this the only

RAVINGS OF THE BROKEN HEARTED. 421

miracle of the day; for it is alleged that the virgin,
and he of the dazzling white steed, both appeared
fighting on the side of the Spaniards, and bringing
defeat and confusion upon their assailants, as at Ta-
basco and Tlascala.1

Thus closed the first day of Alvarado's chivalrous
doings, during which a large number were wounded,
although there were but six killed,2 not including
allies. A portion of the quarters, with a quantity of
ammunition and supplies, had been burned, and a large
breach made in the wall. The brigantines were also
burned, the bridges raised, and barricades erected in
different parts of the city; while the supply of pro-
visions was cut off. Even after darkness had stilled
the fury of the warriors the unhappy people remained
before the Spanish quarters, and with outstretched
arms and dishevelled hair they lifted up their voices,
crying, "You are doomed,' you vile things! But for
your thunder and your fortress walls, curses on them,
you would now be killed and cooked. And you shall
be, unless you instantly release Montezuma and de-
part. You shall meet with holy death, and be cooked
with chilmole, and be given- as food to the eagles and
the beasts, for your flesh is bitter, as we have found,
and not fit for men to eat. Why does not the earth
swallow you alive? Oh ye gods! ye gods! unmoved
all, all but the devilish gods of these devilish men.

1 Which speaks little to the credit of either Mary or Santiago. Bernal Diaz,
1114. Verdad., 102. ' Otro miraglo . . . . 6 fue muy notorio.' ' Ya s6 que los
incredulos .... diran que mi ocupacion en esto <le miraglos, pues no los vi, es
superflua. . . .6 yo hablo que esto e m;is se puede e debe creer;' for did the
Indians have mysteries and miracles, surely God, the virgin, and the saints
could effect greater deeds. Oviedo, iii. 511. He quotes from Livy and others
concerning the reliable miracles of Roman times. Prescott and others trans-
fer the miracles to the siege under Cortes for greater effect. Bustamante,
the modern champion of the shrines of Mexico, who is ready to uphold any
deed attributed to these images, is rather incredulous about miracles recorded
in favor of Spanish cutthroats. See Chimalpain, Hist. Gonq., i. 283 et seq. ' Si
no oviessemos miedo de esse del caballo bianco, ya vosotros estariedes coci-
dos,' cried some, Oviedo, iii. 511, while the more valiant added that 'con todo
esto si no soltays a Moteccumacin, y os vays luego, presto sereys muertos.'
Gomara, Hist. Jlex., 152.

''Cortes, Cartas, 127. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 101-2, says seven, two
having been taken alive. 'Mataron a Peiia, el querido de Motezuma, . . . . Val-
dibia, y Juan Martin Narizes. ' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. vii.

422 UPRISING OF THE AZTECS.

But our mighty ones, whom you have outraged,
shall yet give you your deserts. If they do not,
we shall; nor shall they escape, the despicable ones
of Tlascala, your slaves, who serve you as women and
hire out the wives of their lords!" Thus raved the
heart-broken.

So critical had become his condition on the second
day that Alvarado appealed to Montezuma to exert
his influence to stay the assailants, intimating that
if the Spaniards perished so would the Aztec king.
Montezuma's overtures were not received with en-
thusiasm by the people ; nevertheless aggressive oper-
ations were reduced to desultory attacks.3 Water was
greatly needed by the besieged, and again the good
fortune of the Spaniards, which hardly ever forsook
them, came to their aid. Digging, under inspiration
or desperation, they struck fresh water within the
fortress,4 and offered thanksgiving.

3 ' Tuvieron guerra con los yndios en esta Cibdad dos medios dias que fue-
ron jueves e viernes.' ' Guerra easy dos dias.' Lopes and Flores, in Ramirez,
Proefso contra Alvarado, 131, 134. ' Dieron bateria los Mexicanos a los Es-
parioles siete dias, y los tuvieron cercados veinte y tres dias.' Sahagun, Hist.
Conq., 29. 'Cercados los espanoles ocho dias.' Id. (ed. 1840), 105. ' Pelearo
y combatieron la casa diez dias arreo. ' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 151. Torque-
mada explains this by assuming two days of fighting and eight days of
close siege, with attacks upon all who sallied, i. 490. Sahagun states that
Itzquauhtzin, governor of Tlatelulco, accompanied Montezuma to the roof
and spoke to the people, representing that the Spaniards, as the mightier
race, would inflict great injury on them unless they ceased to fight, and that
the emperor would be murdered. The Mexicans responded with insults and
missiles, but as the soldiers interposed their shields no harm was done. They
appear to have stopped active operations, however. Hist. Conq., 28-9. The
insults and missiles belong no doubt to the later siege under Cortds. Duran
states, however, that Montezuma was henceforth looked on as an accomplice
of the Spaniards, and discarded as a ruler, it being resolved to kill him and
his family. Hist. Tnd., MS., ii. 463. According to Oviedo the news came at
this time of the victory over Narvaez, ' 6 Montecuma mando a los indios que
dexassen de pelear 6 dexassen venir los otros chripstianos, porque a todos
juntos matassen; 6 aquesto se cree que fiie" su intento. ' iii. 512. That he may
have urged this with intent or as a bait is not unlikely, but it should apply
equally to Narvaez' men, since it appears that their defeat could not yet have
been known. When known, however, it must have had its effect. ' Quando
supieron nuestra vitoria, cessaro de dalle guerra.' Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad.,
101. Yet Gomara writes that on learning of the large forces coming against
them, the besiegers resumed the attack at one time. Hist. Mex., 151.

1 This spring was rediscovered during the reign of Viceroy Revilla Gigedo.
Bustamante, Mem. Pie/lad., Mex., 7. A pool of sweet water was the chief in-
ducement for founding.the city on this site in 1325. Native Races, ii.. 559-61;
v. 345 et seq.

ARMY MOVEMENTS. 42 "5

Communication was shortly after established be-
tween Alvarado and Cortes. Severed Tlascaltecs and
Cholultecs were despatched by different routes to
the coast, and a courier arrived from Cempoala and
gained entrance to the fort.5 Ordering Velazquez
and Ordaz to abandon their mission and direct their
march to Tlascala, Cortes hastened preparations to
join them there. A garrison of one hundred men
was left at Villa Rica, under Rodrigo Rangel, a rel-
ative of the general,6 and about thirty men remained
at Cempoala to take charge of the sick and wounded,
and some baggage, with orders to follow as soon as
possible.

The route to the plateau lay partly through a bleak
and desert country, and the inhabitants being beside
less friendly than before, the army would have found
it difficult to obtain supplies ; but Cortes had gathered
experience from his previous march, and Tlascala was
entered in the middle of June.7 A hearty reception

5 Cort6s, Cartas, 126. The Spanish messenger from Mexico returned
wounded. Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. v. With him, or about the same time,
arrived four chiefs sent by Montezuma to complain that Alvarado had at-
tacked the nobles without cause. While defending themselves six soldiers
had fallen. Cort6s told the chiefs with stern countenance that he was re-
turning to investigate the matter. A letter was sent to Alvarado enjoining
him to guard the emperor closely. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdacl., 101.

6 And the zealous aid of Velazquez de Leon, who did so much toward
securing the Goazacoalco command for Cortes when Narvaez sent letters to
win it over. Cortes, Residencia, i. 409; ii. 6, 31, 165-6. He is accused by his
enemies of impiety and licentiousness, and as one whom the general favored
above more worthy men. Solis assumes that Sandoval nominally retained the
command of the coast province, Rangel being merely his lieutenant. Hist.
Max., ii. 108.

7 'Llego aquel dia [the first] a la Rinconada, el segundo camin6 siete
Leguas .... lego a Tlaxcalla a diez y seite de Junio. ' Torquemada, i. 402.
Herrera tells a long story of suffering from hunger and thirst during the
march through the desert. Marquez and Ojeda were sent ahead to Tlascala
for supplies, and came back with 1200 carriers laden with fowl, bread,
fruit, and other refreshments. Cortes, among others, was found starving,
and a number were discovered on the road almost dead. All, it seems,
were rescued, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. vii. There are several reasons for be-
lieving that Herrera, who is somewhat confused about this period, has con-
founded the present march with the flight from Mexico to Tlascala of a
month later, when the people were really starving. This seems confirmed by
the erroneous statement that the troops arrived at Tlascala July 17th, the
time, according to Herrera's own later statement, when they reached that
place after the flight. The account also intimates that the starving army wa3
niet among the Otomi settlements, where food could readily be obtained,

424 UPRISING OF THE AZTECS.

was accorded, and more encouraging news obtained
from Mexico, showing that the siege maintained its
passive character. Reinforcements were nevertheless
urgent, since a fresh outbreak might at any time
occur. A message was again sent to gladden the
garrison with promises of speedy relief.8

Including the troops under Velazquez and Ordaz
the muster-roll showed about eleven hundred men,
with some eighty horses, one hundred cross-bows, and
eighty fire-arms, besides several cannon, and a large
quantity of ammunition.9 The heart of the company,
however, was the veterans of Cortes, whose superior
discipline and familiarity with native warfare made
them doubly reliable. Eager for a fray with the
detested Aztecs, and desirous of excusing: their refusal
of men a month before, the Tlascaltecs offered not
only supplies but large reinforcements, of which only
two thousand were accepted, besides a small number
from Cholula and Huexotzinco.

The more northerly route by way of Calpulalpan,
recommended already on the former march as the

without the necessity for Marquez and Ojeda to go ten leagues farther, to the
capital, to obtain it. These and other discrepancies are overlooked by all who
refer to the inarch. Prescott dwells in particular on the suffering from
thirst, forgetful of the statement on a previous page that the rainy season
had begun about three weeks before, and that water must have been abundant
along the whole route. Solis finds that the effeminate followers of Narvaez
endured the suffering remarkably well. Hist. Mex., ii. 109.

8 'Embio a fray Bartolome de 01medo....a Motezuma.' Herrera, dec.
ii. lib. x. cap. vii. It is unlikely that so valuable a man would have been sent
while affairs were threatening.

9 Karvaez landed with about 900 soldiers, including 80 horsemen, 120 with
bows, and 80 with fire-arms. A number had been picked up at Cozumel,
but an equal proportion perished by shipwreck. Cortes had about 250 men,
and 200 were probably left on the coast, of garrison, guards, and invalids. To
the 950 soldiers thus taken may be added at least 150 from the crews of the
dismantled or destroyed vessels. Prescott manages to mysteriously increase
the horses and projectile arms beyond what he previously assigns to Narvaez
and Cortes. One thousand infantry, 100 horsemen, and many allies, say
Gomara and Herrera. The Probanza de Lfjalde, in Icazbalceta Col. Doc. , i. 425,
indicates 80 horses. Bernal Diaz places the figures as high as 1300 soldiers,
including 96 or 97 horsemen, 80 archers, 80 musketeers, and 2000 Tlas-
caltec warriors; while Cortes, with a prudent desire to cover the subsequent
losses at Mexico, reduces them to 500 infantry and 70 cavalry. Solis gives
the reason of the profound historian for the small number of allies taken to
Mexico : ' Por no escandalizar & Motezuma, 6 poner en desesperacion a los
rcbeldes.' Hist. Mex., ii. 111.

TEZCUCO. 425

easiest, was this time selected, partly with a view to
obtain provisions more readily.10 As the lake region
was approached evidences were seen of the revolt in
deserted villages and in the sullen demeanor of the
few Indians who showed themselves. The contrast
was chilling indeed as compared with the reception
accorded on the former occasion, when the journc}7
resembled the triumphal march of gods. Oppressed
with misgivings the army entered Tezcuco, the seat of
the Acolhua kings, a few leagues north of Mexico,
on the border of the same lake.

It was one of the most ancient cities of the coun-
try, ranking since the early half of the eighth century
as the capital of a dominion founded by Tezcatlipoca,
the later supreme deity of the Nahuas. After the
fall of the Toltec empire it took the leading position
in Anahuac, as the centre of Chichimec -power. The
new dynasty fostered the inherited culture in every
way, and made the city not only the political capital,
but the Athens of . the country. The rise of the
Aztecs gave it a rival in Mexico, which in course of
the fifteenth century assumed the political sceptre,
but Tezcuco still maintained the precedence in culture
and elegance. It was said to contain one hundred and
forty thousand houses, distributed among different
suburbs, and extending with their smiling gardens
from the border of the lake to a distance of from
three to four leagues. The six divisions of the city
were crossed by a series of fine streets lined with
tasteful and costly buildings. Among the finest struct-
ures were the two palaces, which are claimed to have
excelled those of Mexico. The older, the Huetecpan,
wherein the poet-king Nezahualcoyotl held his court,
formed a magnificent monument of his artistic taste.

10 The arrival at Tezcuco is evidence enough that a more northern road
Was taken than the one previous. The middle route by Telapon appears
somewhat more direct for Mexico, but requires a detour to reach the Acolhua
capital, and it is not likely that an army in hurried march could afford to go
out of its way. Hence the Calpulalpan road must have been followed.

42G UPRISING OF THE AZTECS.

It lay upon a triple terrace bathed by the lake, and
was surrounded by an immense wall, from fifteen to
twenty-five feet high, inclosing two large squares.
Within this precinct were the council-chambers, the
halls for various arts and sciences, and the roval
apartments. The pleasure-grounds, almost hedged by
cedars, were filled with shady groves, traversed by
labyrinthian paths, and interspersed with well stocked
ponds and aviaries, baths, and sparkling fountains.
The new palace, which occupied a smaller space, ex-
celled in imposing architecture and in comforts of the
most varied character.

Beside these there were a number of summer re-
sorts in the neighborhood, conspicuous among them
the fine palace of Tezcocingo, a prototype of Chapul-
tepec, and like it overlooking the capital from a hill,
two leagues to the east. An aqueduct of stone sup-
plied two reservoirs on the summit, whence the water
was distributed over grounds intersected by canals
with meandering currents and picturesque cascades.
The palace lay almost hidden within groves of gigan-
tic cedar and cypress, revealing to the rapt beholder
pavilions of marble, tessellated pavements, and playing
fountains with statuary of unique form.11

The Spaniards found none to welcome them, but
were allowed unmolested to take up their quarters in
the palace. Shortly afterward a canoe arrived from
Mexico12 with an imperial messenger and a Spaniard,13
bearing the cheering news that everything had been
quiet in the capital for some time, and that supplies,
which had been scantily furnished only against heavy
payments, had now become more liberal. Montezuma
sent word that the city would return to its normal

11 See Native Races, ii. 162-3, 168-73, 569; v., passim; Motolinia, Hist.
Ind., 181-3.

12 Cortes writes that he was on the point of sending a Spaniard to Mexico
with Tezcucan rowers, a chief being taken as hostage, but just then came this
canoe. Cartas, 127.

13 Two, named Santa Clara and Pedro Hernandez, says Herrera, dec. ii. lib.
x. cap. vii.

RETURN OF CORTES. 427

condition the moment Cortes entered it, and he ex-
pressed a hope that no ill-will would be entertained
toward him for what had happened, since this had
been- beyond his control, and had grieved him as much
as the Spaniards. Reassuring messages were for-
warded to Villa Rica.

After a stay of four days the army proceeded
from Tezcuco by the northern shore of the lake, and
camped for the night at Tepeyacac, the terminus
of the northern causeway from Mexico.14 On enter-
ing this place the horse of Solis, Casquete, stepped
into a hole on the bridge and broke a leg, throwing
its rider into the water. This was looked on as
a bad omen, particularly by an astrologer soldier
named Botello, but Cortes made light of it, saying,
" Troubles at St John's festival bring peace for the
year."15 The following morning, St John's day, the
army entered the capital. On all sides' an ominous
silence prevailed. The streets were deserted, the
houses apparently abandoned, and the solitary na-
tive occasionally seen hovered in the distance like a
shadow.16 It was also noticed with apprehension that
many of the canal bridges were removed. On approach-
ing the Axayacatl palace the arrival was heralded by
trumpet blasts, which called forth responsive shouts

11 ' Par5 en Tepeaquilla, lugar a legua de Mexico. ' Id. Now the shrine of
Guadalupe. Prescott assumes that the Iztapalapan road was taken, as before,
but it was avoided probably because Cortes feared the fort Xoloc, which
guarded the centre. It was also longer, and had more movable bridges than
the other causeways.

15 ' Rifias por San Iuan pazes para todo el aiio.' Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex.,
pt. iii. 139. The following day a dress was found hanging from a beam, and
in a square a pile of bread, with over 500 fowl, without a guard. This Cortes
considered less favorable, and said 'que serian rifias de por San Iuan.' JJerrerc,
dec. ii. lib. x. cap. vii.-viii.

10 ' Para dar a entender con esto que ellos estaban de guerra y muy ofen-
didos de los espanoles que el habia dejado. ' Sahagun, Hist. Co?iq. (ed. 1840),
108. His account of deserted streets, applied to CorteV first arrival in Mexico,
belongs no doubt to this occasion. Duran argues that had the massacre taken
place before CorteV arrival he would not have been allowed to enter. JJist.
Ind., MS., ii. 470. Equally in the dark is Acosta, who assumes that the
Indians were openly at war, but the custom being to rest every fourth day,
Cortes managed to enter during the cessation of hostilities. Hist, hid., 522.
Oviedo looks on the non-resistance of the Indians as a wile to entrap all the
Spaniards, iii. 510.

428 UPRISING OF THE AZTECS.

from the garrison. Throwing open the gates, the
besieged received their deliverers with the most
extravagant demonstrations of joy.17 For greater ac-
commodation a part of the troops were quartered in
the great temple adjoining the fort.

The unpleasant aspect of affairs, so apparent during
the last days of the march, had ruffled the temper
of Cortes, and his treatment of Alvarado was not
altogether cordial. Still, as he had ever been a close
friend, and as he was an invaluable officer, brave and
influential, he deemed it prudent to go no further than
to express a curt disapproval of his rashness.18 Indeed,
an inquiry into the causes and results of the massacre
could criminate Alvarado no further than the Cho-
lula affair did himself. The captain had acted in full
accord with his party, and whatever blame might
attach must be shared by all. Dissension would
never answer, and so the matter was dropped. But
the ill-temper which the general dared not wreak on
his own men found a ready object in Montezuma.
The conduct of Cortes in this respect was most un-
generous. It shows the several sides of humanity:
how odious in some respects are those who appear
to the best advantage in other respects. This poor
king had a superstitious sympathy, a maudlin affec-
tion for the captain, who, considering his own in-
famous conduct toward him, might at least have

17 Herrera writes amusingly that Cortes shouted before the closed gates,
' Open !' 'Who is there?' demanded Alvarado. ' I,' replied Cortes. 'Do you
come with full liberty, and power to command, as before?' 'Yes, and with
victory, and greater forces.' Alvarado thereupon opened, kissed his hand,
and surrendered the keys ! d^c. ii. lib. x. cap. viii.

13 ' Con que aventuro la mayor parte de sus fuerzas.' Soils, Hist. Mex.,
ii. 120. Or perhaps because he had not had recourse to some safer measure,
such as arresting the leaders of the proposed plot, for hostages. 'Le dixo muy
enojado, q era muy mal hecho, y grande desatino, y poca verdad. . . .no le
hablo mas en ello. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 102. CortCs would hardly
have told him that he lied, since his statements were confirmed by so many;
they certainly were years after. Vetancurt supposes that Cortes told him he
should have allowed the emperor to attend the festival, and should have
awaited the attack rather than opened the war. Teatro Mex. , pt. iii. 140, ' Dis-
simulo por no enojar a los que lo hizieron.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 151.

ILL HUMOR OF THE GENERAL. 429

saved the captive unnecessary mental suffering. As
Cortes entered the fort Montezuma stepped out of
his apartment to welcome him. The cavalier passed
by the king in lofty disdain, ignoring his presence.
Cut to the quick, the monarch shrank back, ap-
parently more stunned by this treatment than by the
late terrible slaughter of his subjects.19 He retired
deeply chagrined to pour his sorrow into Olmedo's
ear. "What can I do?" he cried; "he loves gold and
fame, and I will give him a life-size equestrian statue
of himself in gold if he will but be kind to me."

With the arrival of the main forces supplies were
stopped, as if in protest, and Cortes became only the
more irritated. Accordingly, when two chiefs ap-
peared on behalf of the emperor to ask for an inter-
view they were repulsed. with the insulting epithet
of 'dogs!' Velazquez and other officers remonstrated
against the policy of this rudeness to 'one who had
interfered to save his troops. " What consideration
can I have for a dog?" was the dastardly rejoinder.
"Was he not willing to treat with Narvaez, and does
he not now seek to starve us?" Persuaded presently
of the necessity for imperial interposition, he addressed
the chiefs roughly, "Tell your master, Montezuma, to
order markets to be held at once, or there will be
trouble." His tone and gesture were sufficient indica-
tions to the chiefs of the insults offered to them and
their august lord, and they failed not to give them
full force in their report. In answer to the demand
Montezuma said that he and his chief officials were
prisoners, and that nothing could be effected without
the release of one among- them. Cortes saw the neces-
sity, and, without considering the result, released Cuit-

19 Solis supposes, however, that the two met in friendly intercourse, and
takes Bernal Diaz and Herrera to task for asserting the contrary. Hist. Mex.,
ii. 1 12-14. He refers to CorteV friendly message from Tezcuco, which is doubt-
ful, and to Gomara, who certainly allows Corte\s to refer to Montezuma and his
courtiers as 'dogs. ' Hist. Mex. , 153. In the testimony during Cortes' residencia
the discourtesy is asserted. Cortes, Iiesidencia, i. 42 etc. Clavigero suggests
'ch'era d'uopo il far sembianza di credere il Re colpevole dell' inrpiietudine.'
Btoria Mens., iii. 121.

430 UPRISING OF THE AZTECS.

lahuatzin, lord of Iztapalapan, the emperor's brother,
and generalissimo of the army, a man whose hostility
to everything Spanish was well known. According
to Aztec law he was the most probable successor to
the throne, and therefore particularly dangerous.20

Cortes was becoming foolhardy. Whether the
brothers were in accord upon the measures to be
adopted is uncertain; but Cuitlahuatzin, who was nou
only bold, but ambitious, had evidently determined
on his course. If the Mexicans had hoped for better
prospects with the arrival of Cortes that hope was
now dissipated, and bitter indignation filled their
breasts. Cuitlahuatzin wTas welcomed as a liberator.
His constant efforts in the imperial council to oppose
the admission of the Spaniards, by force if neces-
sary, and his services for the cause of liberty and
religion in connection with the Cacama revolt, were
sufficient to endear him to his brother patriots.
Strongly urged, he accepted the leadership of the in-
surgents, a position for which his experience and
success as a general had well fitted him. Pie began by
ordering war material and erecting barricades. The
value of the Chinantec pikes introduced by Cortes
had not been lost on him, and a number were pro-
vided, barbed with the vitreous iztli. Arrangements
were made with adjoining towns and provinces for a
supply of provisions and reinforcements to carry on
the holy war.23

The Spaniards soon learned what was brewing, and
first in this way: Ojeda and Marquez, when out for-

20 Native Races, ii. 134-6; v. 462-4; 'II y joignait, comme de coutume, la
charge du grand pretre de Huitzilopoehtli. ' Brasstur de Bourbourg , Hist. Nat.
Civ. , iv. 309. Gomara assumes that Cortes orders a chief to open the market.
He, offended at the insults used, goes only to rouse the people. Hist. Mex., 153.
Ixtlilxochitl supposes that the chief is offended at the reprimand administered
for delaying to open the market. Hist. Chich., 301. 'Mando Hernando Cortes
llamar a los mas principales caualleros, hizoles vna larga platica diziedo, que
les perdonaua lo passado, con que para adelate fuessen. . . .amigos:. . . .sin
responder . . . . se fueron. ' Hcrrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. viii.

21 Duran enumerates some of the provinces summoned, as Xilotepec and
Matlaltzinco. ' Mando llamar a . . . . Encantadores y Hechiceros para que los
asombrasen y los mostrasen algunas visiones de noche, .... para que alii
muriesen de espanto.' Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 462-6.

SIGNIFICANT CIRCUMSTANCES. 431

aging early in the morning of the day following their
arrival, observed several suspicious circumstances,
among others broken, bridges, which in one place
obliged them to fill up a canal before crossing it.
Here and there they saw large collections of slings
and other weapons, and presently they came on a
priest with dishevelled hair shouting with wild ges-
ticulations to a crowd of armed men. They hurried
back to inform the general, guided through intricate
cross-streets by a Tlascaltec. Antonio del Rio, who
had been despatched for Villa Rica the same morning,
returned at a gallop in less than half an hour, excited
and bleeding. The streets, he said, were full of war-
riors, who had raised the bridges and were apparently
prepared to attack. Had it not been for his trusty
sword and swift horse he would have been slain. At
this moment the sentinels in the towers announced the
approach of a vast multitude from different directions,
with gleaming iztli weapons, and speedily the neighbor-
hood was alive with warriors, whose yells rose high
above the shrill shell and doleful drum.22 Even if they
did not inspire the full measure of dread intended they
presented a striking picture in their painted bodies,
grotesque with patterns and brilliant colors, with no
covering among the rank and file save the raw cotton
on the head and the universal maxtli round the loins.
They were protected in part by the chimalli, or shield,
a slight bamboo frame covered with gaudily colored
skin or reed-grass, chiefly oval and round, and often
large enough, to cover the whole body. Secured to
the arm it left the hand free to hold the bow or stone,
while the right managed the arrow or the sling. The

22 Cortes describes first a brief attack, then a sally, succeeded by a fresh
assault on the fort, while Bernal Diaz and Herrera let a force advance against
the Indians before they reach the palace. I follow Cortes as the chief guide,
because his account of all this period was written while quite fresh in his
mind, and appears the most sensible and correct, while the other versions de-
pend more or less on faint recollection and hearsay. Cortes as a rule did not
wait till the enemy approached, but he may not have been prepared for the
sudden attack. Yet it is probable that he wished in his report to lay the re-
sponsibility of the attack upon the enemy. I do not think Cortes inclined to
misrepresent in general or without an object.

432 UPRISING OF THE AZTECS.

latter was an implement of great effect with the Aztecs,
who could impel the stone with wonderful precision
and force. The maza, or club, with its knotty head,
and the macana, or sword, toothed with iztli, were well
represented, while high above gleamed the obsidian or
copper points of the spear. One of the most dreaded
weapons was the tlacochtli, or javelin, often provided
with three points, and attached to a cord by which
it could be recovered for a fresh cast. Conspicuous
among the warriors were the nobles, those that were
left of them, in lofty quetzal plumage on a head-dress
of green feathers set in tiger-skin, or in a gold or silver
band, which gave the appearance of metal helmets.
The body was covered in corselets of red, green, or
yellow feathers, worked with gold, and so arranged as
to indicate the company or district to which the wearer
belonged. Beneath gleamed occasionally cuirasses of
gold or silver. The limbs were covered with wood or
leather armor set with feathers or gold plates. A more
common body armor was the cotton tunic, one or two
finders in thickness, which extended to the knees and
elbows. It was almost equivalent to the quilted cotton
protector used on the eastern coast, whose efficiency
against native weapons had caused the Spaniards to
adopt it. The tunic wTas adorned with feathers, which
corresponded to the uniform in color and arrangement,
usually in the form of an animal. Many were distin-
guished by casques in the form of eagle-heads, and in
armor spotted like a tiger-skin, indicative of the two
orders of Quauhtin and Ocelome, eagles and tigers.
At the head of the different columns appeared officers
with small drums, painted and adorned with feathers,
with which they directed the march. Beyond, in the
centre of the masses, could be seen banners, with de-
vices in various colors and forms, which the Tlascaltecs
pointed out as belonging to different wards and to
cities on the mainland, a sign that an extensive body
of troops had been enlisted for the war.23

23 For war customs see Native Races, ii. 400-32.

THE ATTACK. 433

As the forces drew near, slingers and bowmen
appeared on the roofs of the neighboring buildings,
who, together with those below, began to send stones,
arrows, and darts in showers upon the fort. The Span-
iards responded with a series of volleys, the number
of cannon being increased to twelve or more. The
effect was merely to startle them for a moment, and
on they pressed over dead and dying, amid encour-
aging shouts, till they reached the sides of the
wall, where the dreaded cannon, at least, could not
destroy them. All attempts to scale the wall proved
futile, and soon their efforts were confined to effecting
breaches. With their rude implements this was slow
work, but they persevered with reckless obstinacy,
reinforced at frequent intervals, while the main bod}^
kept up a galling discharge of missiles, and occupied
the attention of the besieged with continual charges
at different points.

This passive or defensive policy did not suit the
Spaniards, wThile it encouraged the Aztecs. There-
fore two corps were formed, each of two hundred
men, besides allies, under Cortes and Ordaz. Clearing
a path with a volley of artillery, they sallied in differ-
ent directions to drive back the assailants, who hurried
for safety into lanes and houses, and behind barri-
cades. This comparative freedom of advance appears
to have been permitted to entice the Spaniards into a
disadvantageous position, for soon the natives reap-
peared in swarms in the rear and along the flanks,
showering arrows and stones, and coming to close
quarters with spears and swords. The heaviest attack
was from the roofs, on which large supplies of missiles
had been collected, and from which commanding posi-
tion the enemy was able to direct the discharges with
terrible effect, particularly upon the naked Tlascaltecs.
Several Spaniards also fell, and the greater number
were wounded. Ordaz received three cuts, and Cortes
a wound which maimed two fingers of the left hand.24

2i 'Sinistra maims digitis duobus mutilis.' Peter Martyr, De luvvlis, 5.
Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 28

434 UPRISING OF THE AZTECS.

The assailants were comparatively safe, for those on
the roofs could be picked off only by archers and mus-
keteers, and those below took refuge when pressed,
only to return to fresh attack. Efforts were made
to fire the houses, but this was slow work, since they
were constructed almost wholly of adobe or stone,
and were filled with defenders. Nor would the fire
spread, owing to the detached form of the buildings,
separated by alleys or canals, so that the torch had to
be applied to each.

Thus matters continued until Ordaz, who was en-
gaged on the street to the west of the fort, sent word
to Cortes, who was pressing forward in the direction
of the Iztapalapan causeway, that he was losing
ground. Leaving his own forces, the general hurried
to the scene with a few horsemen, and heading the
charge, drove back the warriors at the most exposed
point, so as to relieve the infantry in the retreat
which was now found necessary. Returning to his
men he found them also retreating, those who headed
the column, including Andres Duero, the Cuban
secretar}f, having been cut down. " Shame upon you!"
exclaimed Cortes to the corps, as he led the horsemen
to the rescue of the fallen cavaliers. He was just in
time to save them, for a moment more and Duero, at
least, would have been slain. The elated warriors fell
back before the charge of the terrible Malinche, al-
though they soon recovered. Cortes then concluded
to retreat, but this proved no less dangerous than
the advance, and amonof others Lezcano was dragged
from his horse and killed, after having distinguished
himself for bravery and execution. The fort had
meanwhile sustained an active siege, and when the
retreating corps approached it they found more ene-
mies in waiting, who, fearful of losing their prey,
rushed forward with greater fury than ever. An

Cortes also says 'quede manco,' Cartas, 142, 131, yet Cano ridicules the
statement, and declares ' nunca fue manco dellos ni le faltan. ' • Oviedo,
iii. 551-2.

THE AZTECS GAIN COURAGE. 435

entrance was finally effected, the forces in the temple
being at the same time withdrawn for the greater
safety of themselves and the fort.25

Swelling with triumph the Aztecs now directed all
their efforts against the Spanish quarters. Burning
arrows and whirling brands began to mingle with their
missiles. Although the building itself was of stone,
the roof and portions of the outwork, and the Tlas-
caltec camp in the yards, were of inflammable material,
and more than once the flames burst forth, filling the
whole place with suffocating smoke, and calling for
the greatest exertions to subdue them. The little
water at hand could not be spared, and so earth was
cast up, and portions of the wall were torn down to
check the fire and to stop the gaps. The assault con-
tinued all day, till darkness sent most of the warriors
to their homes.26

25 Cortes, Cartas, 128-9. Bernal Diaz speaks of a sally by Ordaz, with 400
men, before the natives reach the fort. He is sorely beset, as related, and re-
tires with a loss of 23 soldiers. Hist. Verdad., 102-3. Herrera's account, as
usual, is confused. After Rio returns wounded to report the uprising of war-
riors, five horsemen rally to reconnoitre. The following day Ojeda and Mar-
quez set out to forage, and come to announce the approach of assailants. Two
hundred men now make a sortie and kill a multitude without losing a man.
dec. ii. lib. x. cap. viii. It is useless to follow this author here except for
incidents.

26 Bernal Diaz places the dead at 35 soldiers, besides a large number of
allies. Eight fell during the first discharge upon Ordaz' party and fifteen
more before he regained the fort, while of the 46 wounded among the gar-
rison twelve died. Hist. Verdad. , 103. CortCs, with his usual prudent suppres-
sion of evil news, allows four deaths and over 80 wounded. He never refers
to those who die of wounds. Gomara follows him. Hist. Mex., ]53.

CHAPTER XXIV.

FIGHT UPON THE TEMPLE SUMMIT.

June, 1520.

The Natives Continue the Assault — Their Fierce Bravery — The
Spaniards Build Turrets — Still the Mexicans Prove too Strong
for Them — Montezuma Called to Intercede — He is Insulted
and Stoned by his Subjects — Cortes Attempts Egress by the
Tlacopan Causeway — Failure oe Escobar to Take the Pyramid —
Cortes Gains the Slippery Height — The Gladiatorial Combat
there.

At dawn the assault was renewed with the same
fierceness as before, and with even less regard for the
sweeping volleys of the cannon, which were fired
without aim into the packed masses of the natives,
bringing them down by the score. The gaps were
quickly closed, and the rapidly repeated shots seemed
to make no more impression on the surging mass than
pebbles dropped into the boiling surf. It was a criti-
cal time for Cortes, who seemed not yet to recognize
the full extent of the danger. He felt the necessity
of open communication with the mainland, for obvious
reasons, and to this end, in the course of the morning,
he arranged another sortie like that of the preceding
day, but in one direction only. The Indians retired,
as before, into lanes and buildings, and beyond canals,
raising the bridges behind them. Barricades having
been thrown up to impede the advance since the last
sally, some guns were brought to the front, and with
their aid a few of the obstructions were demolished
and more than one bridge was gained, together with
a number of houses, to which the torch was applied.

FIERCE ENCOUNTERS. 437

The discharges from the roofs were kept up with
galling pertinacity, although the effect was not so fatal
as during the preceding day, owing to the experience
then gained. The forces below, who had retired before
the charges of the advance, rolled back like recurring
billows, and in ever increasing number, upon flank
and rear, as if to overwhelm them. Such were their
numbers and stubborn recklessness that ten thousand
Hectors and Rolands, says Bernal Diaz, could have
effected nothing against them, and soldiers from the
Italian war swore that never among Christians or
Turks had they witnessed such fierceness. Consider-
able alarm was also created by the appearance of long
pikes, like those of the Chinantecs, directed particu-
larly against the cavalry. Fortunately they were not
numerous, nor were the pikemen sufficiently practised
to be very dangerous. Worn out in the unequal con-
test Cortes turned to gain his camp, which was no
easy task, since the natives were massed in greatest
number in the rear, determined to cut off retreat.
The fort was gained, Tievertheless, although hardly, a
man escaped uninjured, while about a dozen were
killed; one unfortunate soldier being captured and
sacrificed in full view of the garrison.1

It had been found that the greatest danger to the
sallying parties came from the roofs, whence discharges
could be directed with comparative impunity and
with greater effect than from the ground. In order
to counteract them, three mantas, or movable turrets,
were planned, whose occupants were to devote their at-
tention wholly to clearing the roofs of assailants. The

1 Bernal Diaz mentions the death of ten or twelve, but Cortes acknowl-
edges only three score of wounded. On this occasion, apparently, Herrera
allows Cortes to gain Tacuba, whither he might have retreated in safety with
all his forces and wealth; yet he states that the return fight proved most severe,
the fort being regained with difficulty, after the loss of two guns and several
soldiers, one taken alive, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. ix. Solis manages to transform
the operation into a victory, wherein Cortes stays the slaughter out of mercy.
Prescott is quite arbitrary in the use of the chronicles. He combines the in-
cidents of several days into one and transposes them at pleasure, with the
sole aim apparently of presenting an exciting description of what the siege
might liave been. A few facts are elaborated, and the rest sacrificed to style.

433 FIGHT UPON THE TEMPLE SUMMIT.

completing of these machines and other preparations
kept the garrison busy all the 27th of June, so that
no sally was made. Ascribing this to fear, the Indians
became more pressing in their assault, and more pro-
fuse with their insults. " Dogs !" cried some, "of hunger
and thirst shall you die!" Others shouted, " Here is
a piece of my tortilla!" at the same time flinging
them unpalatable fragments of toasted bread. " Eat
it, you perjured villains, who can fight only on the
backs of animals; for soon shall your own bodies be
cut up for food and cast before the beasts!" The
enemy appeared more numerous than ever, and the
roofs and yards were literally covered with their
missiles. The greatest danger to the Spaniards lay
in the operations of the battering and mining parties,
who, regardless of bullets from the wall turrets, sought
steadily to open fresh breaches. Conspicuous in the
hostile camp was a richly dressed Indian, surrounded
by a staff of finely attired warriors, who seemed to
direct operations, and whose orders were received with
the deepest reverence. This personage the prisoners
declared to be Cuitlahuatzin, and the next in rank
Quauhtemotzin.2 Charge after charge was made by
his direction, and with a vehemence that threatened
to carry everything before it; and loudly rang the
yells, whether of delight at some advantage gained or
of fury over a repulse.

Thus the besieged were harassed beyond endurance.
Large numbers were wounded, and all were exhausted
from vigils, hard fighting, trying work, and the want
of sufficient water and food; for in view of the stop-
page of supplies, rations had been reduced. Those
of the Narvaez expedition were particularly disheart-
ened, and bestowed freely their maledictions, first on
Velazquez, who had sent them to such a country,
and then upon Cortes, whose promises of golden
treasures and well stocked encomiendas had lured

2 Marina asked Montezuma if a new king had been chosen, but he did not
think they would elect one while he lived. Vetancvrt, TeairoMex., pt. iii. 141.

CORTES SUES TO MONTEZUMA. 439

them to this plight. Perceiving, however, that unity
of purpose alone could save them, they stifled
regrets and showed Cortes that something must
immediately be done to stay the onslaught, lest the
building fall about their ears. It was exceedingly dis-
agreeable, but it must be done; the proud Spanish
general must sue to the greatly injured captive king,
pleading for his influence in behalf of peace.3 Monte-
zuma had all these days been closely confined to his
rooms brooding over the insults offered him, and
apparently indifferent to the danger from without.
When the message was brought he sullenly said,
"Why does Malinche address himself to me, who
care no longer for life? I will not listen to him, for
he it is who has brought me into this plight." He
intimated further that the promises of the general
could not be relied upon, and that his words carried a
double meaning. Olmedo and Olid, who had come to
urge the request, had recourse to soothing words and
persuasion, and succeeded in mollifying him some-
what.4 He replied, however, that it was probably too
late to appease the Mexicans b}r promises. " They have
now a new leader," he said, "who is resolved to spare
no Spaniard, and I believe that you have all to die in
this city."5 Nevertheless he yielded, and as befitted

3 ' Fue acordado de demandalles pazes para salir de Mexico, .... acord6
Cortes, que el gran Montecuma les hablasse.' Bernal Diaz, Jllst. Verdad., 104.
'Muteczuma. . . .dijo que le sacasen....y que el hablaria a los capitanes.'
Cortes, Cartas, 1 29-30. The latter statement may be Herrera's authority for
saying that Montezuma was the first to propose speaking to the Mexicans,
dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x. Observing Cuitlahuatzin's regal authority over the be-
sieging forces, Montezuma was seized with a fit of jealous alarm for throne and
life. 'Chiamo Cortes, . . . .pregandolo instantemente di non differir piu la sua
partenza.' Clavigerd, Storia Mr88., ui. 124. This implies that the emperor was
not aware of the vain efforts made to open communication with the mainland,
or even to approach it. CortCs had to urge him in any case to speak to
his subjects, an unwelcome task in view of his declining influence and. of the
merety partial success of the former appeal.

4 Among other reasons it was represented that Cortes was not to blame for
the late massacre. ' Que si la indignacion de los mexicanos podia templarse
con el castigo de los culpados . . . . le prometia castigar. ' So says the native
version of Tezozomoc, liecop. tradlclones, MS., cap. vi. ; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq.,
28778.

0 He felt no eagerness to plead in behalf of those who had caused all his
misfortunes, and he was only too conscious that his pusillanimity must have

440 FIGHT UPON THE TEMPLE SUMMIT.

the momentous point at issue, he arrayed himself in
the richly bejewelled robes of state, and placed upon
his head the mitred cojnlli, beneath whose precious
feathers gleamed the golden plate.6 Carefully guarded
he ascended to the roof and stepped to the parapet,
preceded by a courtier who bore the triple wand of the
empire, as was customary on such occasions. Instantly
the tumult was hushed, even before the leaders could
issue orders for a stay of hostilities; instantly a thou-
sand heads were bent in humble adoration before the
august majesty of their sovereign. This attitude,
however, was assumed but for a moment; soon these
same heads were held higher than ever. Then the
chiefs drew near to listen to the unhappy monarch.

Montezuma had appeared with a feeling of mingled
fear and doubt as to what his reception might be,
and he did not fail to observe that the accustomed
reverence was shown only for an instant, involuntarily,
as it were, and that silence was prompted rather by
curiosity than respect. The urgency of the moment
demanded that he should speak, but it was rather as
supplicant than ruler that he turned to his people.

"You are in arms, my children," he said, "in hot
battle. Why is this ? You will be slain, and there will
be heard throughout the land for many years the wail
of wives and little ones. You would give me my
liberty, and I thank you. You do not turn from me
in anger, and I thank you. You have not chosen
another king in my stead, and I thank you. Such an
act would displease the gods, and bring destruction

.degraded him in the eyes of his subjects, while the elevation of his brother to
the leadership must have diminished the influence which till then may have
remained with him. He could hardly avoid a feeling of jealous}' at the thought
of this elevation ; and if he, during an impulse of anger against Cortes, had
counselled the proceedings of Cuitlahuatzin, he now felt probabty both grieved
and terrified at the storm he had raised. He also harbored a wholesome fear
of Malinche, and the prospect of his speedy departure helped to stir anew the
embers of hope. All might yet be well : the capital might be spared further
desolation, and he again resume his former grandeur.

6 See description of his first meeting with Cortes, Native Races, ii. This
appearance of the emperor took place on the 27th of June, as Cortes states,
but Bernal Diaz, Herrera, and Ixtlilxochitl place it respectively on the 5th,
13th, and 7th day of the siege.

MONTEZUMA'S SPEECH. 441

on all. And see! I am no prisoner. Go your way;
I am free. By divine command I must remain the
guest of the Spaniards yet a little longer, and you
must not molest them, for soon thev will return
whence they came. Alas, my people, my country,
my crown!"7

With a heavy sigh, and midst copious tears, his
head fell on his breast. The monarch's strength had
indeed departed. The people knew that he spoke
falsely, that he was little better than imbecile, unfit
to be their sovereign. Oh, if he but had the good
fortune to die while helping them to grind to powder
these hated enemies! Only a little while ago his
words would have been received as the utterances of a
deity. Now the scales had fallen from their eyes, and
they saw him as he was. They could bear no more.
Jeers and groans reached him from every direction.
"Coward! chicken! Woman to the Spaniards, fit only
for the gown and the spindle! Murderer of }rour
nobles!" Such were the cries which now reached
his ears as he stood stupefied with agony. Presently,
came a shower of arrows and stones, and before the
Spanish guard could interpose their shields several
missiles struck him, one on the left temple, which
caused him to fall senseless into the arms of the
by-standers.8

' H err era, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x. ; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 104. 'No
molestasen a los estrangeros y fu£sen sus amigos, pues su persona corria
riesgo.' Tczozornoc, Recop. tradiciones, MS., cap. vi. Cort6s, followed by
Gomara, gives him no time to speak ere the people assault.

8 They would no longer 'recognize him as emperor, etc. Saying this, a
chief threw a stone which struck Montezuma on the forehead. Durun, Hist,
hid., MS., ii. 468. Acosta attributes this first throw to ' Quicuxtemoc,' the
later king of Mexico. Hist. Ind., 523. 'Ma io nol credo,' says Clavigero,
Storia Mess., iii. 126. 'Aunque vn Castellano tenia cuydado de arrodelar a
Motezuma. . . .le acert6 vna piedra en las sienes.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x.
Had not the Spaniards held up a shield before Montezuma the people would
have known it was he and not thrown the stone which killed him, says Cano,
his later son-in-law. Oviedo, iii. 550. Gomara is inclined to believe this,
for his people 'no lo quisieran hazer mas que sacar se los ojos.' Hist. Mex.,
154. 'Una sa^ta alcanz6 al emperador en el estbmago que lo atravezo por el
baso, y una piedra le dio en la sien izquierda.' The people would never have
thrown missiles, for they pitied him, and were prepared to obey his injunctions,
but Cacama, who stood behind the emperor, made signs that they should con-
tinue the attack without regard for him or for the monarch. Tezozomoc,

442 FIGHT UPON THE TEMPLE SUMMIT.

Startled by the crime they had committed, awe
fell upon the multitude as the stricken sovereign was
led away. Taking advantage of this feeling Cortes
beckoned the chiefs to a parley with a view to explain
what Montezuma had intended to convey. He had
always wished them well, he said, and felt grieved
to wage war for what had occurred during his ab-
sence. He desired peace, yet the desire was not
prompted by fear, but by consideration for their safety
and that of the city. The chiefs replied that the
Spaniards must leave the country to the natives, and
depart at once. That was exactly what they wished
to do, replied Cortes, but they would not be driven
away. If the Mexicans desired them to go, they
must abandon the siege, tear down the barricade, and
retire to their homes; they must likewise restore the
bridges and supply provisions. To this the chiefs de-
clined to listen, declaring that they would not lay
down their arms so long as there was a Spaniard left
on whom to use them.9 The evident desire of the
besieged for peace served only to encourage the In-

llecop. tradlciones, MS., cap. vi. According to Bernal Diaz, the four chiefs
who had approached to confer with him expressed their sympathy for his mis-
fortunes. They had now chosen as leader 'Coadlabacan, serior de Iztapalapa,'
and had sworn to the gods to continue the war till all Spaniards were exter-
minated. Yet they prayed daily to the gods for his safety, and if all went
well he would more than ever be their lord. They had hardly finished when
showers of missiles fell, of which three stones and an arrow hit him, on the
head, arm, and leg. Hist. Verdad., 104. 'Remorse succeeded to insult,' and
they fled, says Robertson, Hist. Am., 90, a statement which Prescott improves
by stating that the square before the fort was left empty. But remorse must
have been brief, for the main authorities, CortCs, Gomara, Bernal Diaz, and
Torquemada, either declare or intimate that the assault never stopped. ' No
por eso ces6 la guerra y muy mas recia y muy cruda de cada dia.' Cortes,
Cartas, 130.

9 ' Esta Fortaleza casi no tiene exemplar, ' exclaims Lorenzana, forgetting
that Cortes' firmness was due to the justifiable fear that a trap was intended.
Cortes, Hist. N. Espaiia, 136-7. Cortes concludes the sentence about Monte-
zuma's being wounded by saying that he died within three days. He thereupon
resumes the account of parleys and siege operations, leaving the impression
that these took place after his death, while such was not the case. Neverthe-
less, Gomara, Herrera, and others, Bernal Diaz not excluded, are misled, by
this vagueness evidently, into extending the siege and confounding the events,
so that modern historians have all more or less remained mystified. Solis
assumes that during Montezuma's illness the siege was conducted only by
straggling parties, the main forces being occupied with crowning the new
emperor. Hist. Mex., ii. 155-6. This is probably due to a misconstruction of
Bernal Diaz.

MANTAS BUILT. 443

dians, and the assault was renewed with an increased
ardor that taxed the defenders to the utmost.

And now, whatever the cost, a way out of this
place must be opened. Cortes knew of three cause-
ways which led to the mainland, the only means
of exit for his forces. He knew that they were low
and narrow, exposed on both sides to the attacks of
canoe fleets, and intersected by a number of bridges
which were perhaps by this time raised. Each of
these openings was an almost impassable chasm. The
southern causeway to Iztapalapan was two leagues in
length, and provided with seven drawbridges, besides
a strong fortress, which rendered it impassable to an
enemy. The northern, leading to Tepeyacac, was one
league long, while the shortest, conducting westward
to Tlacopan, half a league distant, was broken by only
three bridges.10 Cortes resolved to undertake the pas-
sage by this last named causeway. During the night
had been completed three mantas, of light framework
and planks, each to hold twenty musketeers and
archers, with which it was hoped to check the as-
sailants on the roofs. These mantas were built with
two chambers, provided with loop-holes; the upper
ranged on a level with the house-tops of ordinary
one-story buildings of the city, and had doors, so as
to allow of sallies upon the roofs.11

The following morning, June 28th, Cortes placed
himself at the head of five hundred Spaniards and
over three thousand allies, and took the direction
of the Tlacopan causeway.12 By a sudden charge the
cavalry drove back the Indians and allowed the free
passage of the mantas, which were drawn and pushed

10 'En esta auia tres no mas, y en la de Yztapalapa, siete.' Herrera, dec.
ii. lib. x. cap. xi. ; Native Races, ii. 561 et seq.

11 Cortes, Cartas, 130, 133. 'Quatro ingenios . . . . en que pudiessen yr
veynte y cinco hombres,' says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 103. 'Tres man-
tas .... co sus ruedas ; leuauan treynta hombres a cada vna, cubierta con tablas
gruessas de tres dedos.' Herrera, loc. cit. Drawn by men within, adds Peter
Martyr, dec. v. cap. v. ' Cabia cada vno veynte hombres, con picas escopetas
y bullestas y vn tiro.' Comara, Hist. Mex,., 154.

12 Herrera unwisely assumes that the three towers with their forces were
respectively directed against the three causeway approaches.

444 FIGHT UPON THE TEMPLE SUMMIT.

by Tlascaltecs, and protected by bodies of infantry.
A corps of pioneers accompanied them with pickaxes,
mattocks, crow-bars, and ladders, to destroy barricades
and walls, and to scale buildings. Four cannon were
also brought. The rear was protected by a portion
of the cavalry. The Aztecs were at first amazed at
the curious moving turrets, and feared that they might
contain more terrible destroyers even than the grape-
charged guns; but finding them less dangerous, they
continued their efforts, and fast and thick poured
the stones and arrows on the line of advance, particu-
larly on the engines, which were severely damaged.
The march proceeded, however, with more or less inter-
ruption till a raised bridge was reached on the main
road, where the Indians had gathered in vast numbers,
with an evident determination to check the expedi-
tion. The turrets were brought alongside the houses
adjoining the canal in order to clear the crowded
roofs, but regardless of the volleys from the firelocks,
the natives on the roofs plied their missiles only the
faster, letting fly heavy rocks 13 upon the engine cover-
ings, so as to render them untenable and hinder the
manoeuvring of the cannon. This success enabled the
warriors beyond the canal and behind the barricades
to maintain their assault with great effect, and to pre-
vent a further advance. They gained a considerable
advantage by a change of tactics in directing the mis-
siles to a great extent against the legs of the Span-
iards, to their serious discomfiture.14 After spending
the greater part of the forenoon in an unsuccessful
attempt to destroy the houses nearest the canal, and
to fill a passage across it, the troops "retired to the
fort greatly disheartened. Even the Tlascaltecs, who
were usually so glib of tongue in replying to Aztec
taunts, for once held their peace.15

Meanwhile the battle raged fiercely round the fort.

13 ' De tres y quatro arrouas, que maltrataron a los que yuan en los in-
genios, y rompieron las tablas.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xi.
11 ' Hirieron a mas de docientos Castellanos. ' Id., cap. ix.
13 'Nos mataron un espaiiol y hirieron muchos.' Cortes, Cartas, 130-1.

FAILURE OF ESCOBAR. 445

The temple in front of it, since its evacuation by the
Spaniards, had been occupied by some five hundred
Mexicans, chosen men,16 who introduced a large quan-
tity of ammunition and supplies, and began to batter
the besieged quarter. It was this shower which had
first damaged the turrets and harassed the march.
Perceiving the danger of leaving so commanding a
position in hostile hands, Cortes had sent his chamber-
lain, Escobar, with one hundred men17 and some allies
to dispossess them. This was no easy task, for the
pyramid was of great extent and over eighty feet in
height, composed of a series of abrupt stone terraces,
each receding about six feet from the one beneath,
and so arranged that the ascent led along1 the entire
circuit of each ledge before the steps conducting to
the next could be gained.18 Twenty men, says Cortes,
could have held it against a thousand; yet the one
hundred were to attempt it. Step by step they
fought their way, beneath showers of arrows, and
against javelins, and sword and lance thrusts from
the upper ledges. More dangerous even than these"
weapons were the cumbrous missiles in the shape of
heavy stones and timber which came crashing down
upon them. Three times19 did Escobar lead his men
to the charge, only to see them repulsed and sent
rolling down the steps and over the ledges. Finally
he sent word to Cortes that the task was impracti-
cable. The general received this notice while vainly
battling at the canal, and he eagerly seized upon it
as excuse for changing his base of operation. He
hurried to the spot, threw a cordon round the pyr-

16 ' Subieron alia dos vigas rollizas para desde alii echarlas sobre las casas
reales y hundirlas.' Sahayun, Hint. Coriq., 30. Peter Martyr supposes the
temple to have been long held by the enemy, but this is contrary to what
Cortes and Sahagun say.

lr Three hundred, says Gomara.

18 For a full description of this pyramid see Native Races, ii. 579 et seq.
Some horses had been taken to clear the approaches, but they slipped on the
smooth pavement, and were sent back as unserviceable. Bemal Diaz, Hist.

Verdad., 105.

19 ' Acometio la tres o quatro vezes, y otros tantos dias,' is Gomara's inter-
pretation, in order to fill up the time assumed by him. Hist. Mex., 156.

446 FIGHT UPON THE TEMPLE SUMMIT.

amid, and although, badly wounded in the left hand he
immediately led his men to the charge. The Span-
iards were making fair progress, when two heavy
beams, which had been reserved at the summit for
the last extremity, were loosened and sent tumbling
down the side, so directed as to sweep to destruction
the assailants along its entire length. At about the
centre of their terrible passage, full before them, stood
Cortes. Immediate death for himself and his brave
comrades seemed inevitable, when behold! by some
unseen finger the beams were turned end foremost
and shot harmlessly through the opening made for
them by the soldiers. " Thanks be to God and the
virgin, whose image was placed in this tower!" cried
Cortes, as without the loss of a moment he sprang
forward and speedily gained the summit. There the
fight assumed the form of a gladiatorial combat, a
hand-to-hand and line-to-line conflict, poised in mid-
air on this narrow slippery summit, and in full view
of the whole city. As if by common consent the
combatants below paused in their bloody work and
stood breathless, lost in the more thrilling sight
above.

At the eastern end of the platform stood the two
three-story chapels, over fifty feet in height, origin
nally dedicated to Huitzilopochtli and Tezcatlipoca.
Against this the Indians had massed themselves,
fierce in their desperation. The Castilians had taken
their stand at the other end. It was an awful situa-
tion, dire destruction being inevitable to one side or
the other. With nerves and sinews strained to their
utmost tension, they stood between attacks regarding
each other, regarding every motion, anon picking
from the others number with javelin, dart, or musket,
as they were able. It was with difficulty the Span-
iards could stand, and there was no railing round
the slippery height; but fortune again assisted by
unveiling the sun and sending its blinding rays full in
the face of the enemy. Every now and then the sol-

THE LAST DEFENDER SLAIN". 447

cliers charged in solid phalanx into the centre of the
opposite mass, only to be obliged to retire under the
pressure of its weight, and to receive the counter-
charge, encouraged by wildly gesticulating priests, who
flitted to and fro in bloody robes and dishevelled
hair. Aware of the inferiority of their weapons, the
natives sought rather to seize hold of the Spaniards,
singly or in groups, and with the recklessness of
doomed men to hurl themselves with their victims
from the dizzy height. In one instance Cortes him-
self was selected for this terrible fate. Inspired to
martyrdom and revenge, two young nobles watched
their opportunity, and approached him on their knees,
as if pleading for mercy. Ere he had time to con-
sider the situation they had seized him in their
arms and were struggling to gain the edge. One
moment more and he would have been^ dashed to
death, but by putting forth his whole strength,
nerved by desperation, he succeeded in freeing him-
self from their grasp. Ojeda was singled out for a
similar attempt, and would have perished had not a
Genoese come to his aid.20

For three hours the struggle lasted, while one In-
dian after another was picked off by the bullet and
the arrow, or pierced by the pike and sword, or sent
headlong over the platform, either to be crushed by
the fall or to be transfixed by the Spaniards on the
ledges below. As their number diminished, many a
one sought the higher martyrdom by leaping from the
sacred spot into paradise. Thus melted away that
fated band of Aztec warriors. At the portal of
Huitzilopochtli's chapel fell the last defender; and two
priests, one of them the high-priest, alone remained
to offer themselves as captives. On entering the
chapel consecrated to the virgin no traces appeared
of the holy emblems, only evidences of idolatrous

20 Ojeda appears to be the sole authority upon which Herrera relies for
these two struggles, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. ix. Clavigero doubts them ; yet there
is nothing unlikely in either attempt.

448 FIGHT UPON THE TEMPLE SUMMIT.

rites, and upon the altar stains from the blackened
hands of the temple attendants.21 In the adjoining
chapel the war-god was found reinstalled in all its
glittering hideousness. Some consolation for this
sacrilegious intrusion was offered to the victors in
despoiling it of the rich ornaments, while the cacao
and other provisions stored here by the garrison
proved a prize to the half-famished Spaniards. The
Tlascaltecs, so long deprived of meat, pounced upon
the bodies of the slain heroes to secure them for a
feast, which should not only satisfy the cravings of
hunger, but infuse their hearts and minds with some
of the qualities of the valiant dead.22 The chapels
were then fired. The upper portion of the structure
being of wood, the flames rose in columns heavenward
heralding the triumph of the Spaniard, and striking
the Indian with awe. It was a great and thrilling
feat, this fight upon the temple top ; and so the natives
regarded it, their heart, and mind, and paintings being
all stained sanguine over its remembrance.23

?1 It was related afterward that when the natives first sought to remove
the virgin image their hands clove powerlessly to it for some time, and left
their marks upon it. Oviedo, iii. 510. Montezuma, being told of this miracle,
ordered the image to be left in its place. Afterward, 'parecio, segun
supimos, que el gran Montecuma tenia 6 deuocion en ella, 6 miedo, y la
mando guardar.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 104, 102. Others, as will be
shown, suppose it to have been saved by its owner, Villafuerte, perhaps
when Cortes withdrew the troops from the temple, or to have fled by its
own miraculous power to the shrine at Remedios.

22 'Comiero de los caualleros Mexicanos muertos.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x.
cap. ix.

23 Cortes, Cartas, 130-1 . According to Bemal Diaz the sally with the engines
was directed against the temple, which he appears to place at some distance.
It was held by 3000 or 4000 Indians, ' all chiefs, ' and cost the Spaniards 46
lives, every man being beside wounded. They returned hard pressed by the
enemy. ' Se mostro Cortes mui varo, como siepre. ' Hist.'Verdad. , 103-4. ' Mu-
rieron todos quinientos Indios, como valientes. ' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 157. ' En
trecientos caualleros que alii estauan no quedaron seys viuos.' Herrera, loc.
cit. This author describes on a later occasion the capture of a tower attached
to Montezuma's own palace, from which missiles fell with telling effect. Cortes
goes with 200 men to reduce it, and is hotly received ; yet the Indians, rely-
ing upon the execution to be made by some loose beams which are to be rolled
down upon the assailants at a favorable moment, allow the Spaniards to rush
forward and gain the tower, putting almost every occupant to the sword.
This story is probably a version of the temple fight.

CHAPTER XXV.

DEATH OF MONTEZUMA.

June, 1520.

A Living Death — The Old Imperial Party and the New Power —
Aztec Defdance — Perilous Position of the Spaniards — Disappoint-
ment to Cortes — Another Sally — The Dying Monarch — He has
no Desire to Live — His Rejection of a New Faith — He will
None of the Heaven of the Spaniards — Commends his Children
to Cortes — The Character of Montezuma and of his Reign.

Long before this the Spaniards had learned that
the power which had arisen in Montezuma's stead
was of a different quality from that lately wielded
by the poor caged monarch, wrhose proud spirit they
had so blighted and brought low. No Quetzalcoatl
or other personage, fair or dark, heaven-descended or
of import infernal, might now interpose to prevent
the killing and cooking of the strangers. Cortes
had thought that the late spoliation of idols would
fill the people with awe toward beings so superior
to their gods. But when he threatened that if they
did not lay down their arms not a man of them
should remain alive, nor one stone be left on another
throughout all their city, they laughed at him, the
priests abetting. "How speak you so foolishly," they
said, " mortal as we now know you to be, when for
every Spanish life we are prepared to sacrifice, if
need be, twenty -five thousand of our own lives?"
They had cut off retreat at the causeways, so that
the lake alone was open to exit, and here they were
prepared with fleets of canoes filled with resolute
men. Even should the Spaniards hold out against

Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 29 (449)

450 DEATH OF MONTEZUMA.

assault, hunger and thirst must overcome them in the
end. "The truth of this was too evident," observes
Cortes, "for hunger alone would have soon killed us."

The imperial party, which had sunk to insignificance
since the elevation of Cuitlahuatzin to the leadership,
and was now sustained only by a few relatives of
Montezuma, had no longer a voice in the direction
of affairs. Their efforts to make terms with the
Spaniards might have gained public approval, but
the ambition of Cuitlahuatzin stood in the way of
any compromise. To release the strangers would be
to restore Montezuma, and he preferred to occupy
the throne himself. He was also covetous of mili-
tary fame; and knowing the desperate condition of
the besieged, he hoped by their reduction to add to
his record of glorious achievements.1

The soldiers felt the peril of their position more
than the general. They had been cheered for a
moment by victory, only to find how barren it was;
only to realize that many such triumphs would prove
their ruin. In order to counteract this growing de-
spondency, Cortes resolved on a night sally with half
his force. The Indians being unprepared for this, the
party advanced with comparative impunity, destro}^ed
several barricades, and fired a large number of houses
along the Tlacopan road, where the roof assault had
been so severe. The warriors having finally gathered
in sufficient force to render retreat advisable, the
Spaniards destroyed a number of buildings in the
vicinity of their quarters before entering, and thus
secured additional immunity.2

The present purpose of the Spaniards was to open
an exit from the city. At a council, called to con-

1 In Manuscrit de 1528, Aubin, Col., Cihuacohuatl and Tzihuacpopocatzin,
brothers of Montezuma, are named as the leaders of the opposition party,
connected also with the followers of Quetzalcoatl, who abhorred the cruel rites
of the Aztecs. They succeeded, it is said, in introducing provisions for
the besieged. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 317-18. But this is
doubtful.

2 This is probably the sally which Herrera intrusts to Salcedo. dec. ii. lib. x.
cap. viii.

EFFORTS TO LEAVE THE CITY. 451

sider the situation, it was admitted that delay would
only reduce their strength without corresponding gain,
and with the prospect of closing more effectually the
gate against them.3 It was a great disappointment to
Cortes thus to abandon his hard-earned advantage.
There were those who would exult over his mis-
fortunes, and never could he hope to win favor from
the king except by some brilliant success. But
this he would yet achieve, God willing, or perish in
the attempt.

The engines were strengthened, and every prepa-
ration was made to meet the rapidly accumulating
difficulties. At dawn a large force set out in the
direction of the Tlacopan causeway to secure its ap-
proaches.4 The advance was made in the order of the
day previous, with guns and pioneers, and with cav-
alry in front and rear. The late destruction of houses
proved of no considerable advantage, but' the cannon
being brought to play on the barricades, an opening
was soon made. The engines, with their fortified
sides and covers, proved more efficient than formerly
in checking assaults from the roofs. The soldiers
accordingly advanced with firmer resolution, and
although the showers from the house-tops were still
troublesome, and resistance on the streets was as
fierce as ever, yet one after another the first four
canals were captured. The nearest houses were
razed, and with the debris roadways were thrown
across the channels.

These operations were carried on in the face
of a bitter onslaught, and occupied the entire day.
Evening being at hand the crossings were left in
charge of a strong guard, composed of the freshest
men, while the rest returned to the fort.

3 ' Por importunidad de muchos acord6 de salir della. ' Carta del Ej6r-

cito, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc. , i. 429. 'El capitan dilataba de cada dia la

dicha salida, ' but the officers insisted that he should leave. Segunda Probanza
de Lejalde, in Id., 423.

4 Clavigero directs the operation against the Iztapalapan road, which
would have been a useless manoeuvre. Cortes is explicit enough on the point.

432 DEATH OF MONTEZUMA.

Montezuma the while lay a-dying, prostrate a-dying,
not as Vespasian would have an emperor die — stand-
ing; but with manhood, and the aspirations of man,
ay, even the regrets and remorse incident to foiled
endeavor, all crushed he was killed when the insults
of his people fell upon him; he scarcely heeded their
darts and stones.

It is not necessary always that breath shall cease
before one can be dead. From Ianthe's spirit fell
the shackles of sense, the body being left with its
animal life, but soulless. And though corporal life
was yet present in Montezuma, the soul was already
free : the accursed aliens had done their worst. When
the might of sacred sovereignty was extinguished, the
remains were less than man, though they walked, and
talked, and wept.

Compared with his present condition, how dignified
and happy death would have been by the hands of his
brother priests, before the gods, in the eyes of the
nation, on the sacred sacrificial stone! Or, like that
among the Massagetas, told of by Herodotus, who
sacrificed and ate their old people, holding natural
death a misfortune — even this or any other stepping
down and out would have been preferable to thus
dying like a silly hare in a trap!

He refused food and any attention to the wounds,
which were far from fatal. He tore off the bandages,
threw from him all medicines, and bared his body to
disease, even as his soul had been long since bared,
and stretched out his hand to hasten the cold stony
grasp of death. What a farce was life, and honor, and
majesty, all to end in poverty and disgrace! Feeling
the all-changing moment at hand, he summoned Cortes;
for despite his long maltreatment he entertained a kind
of affection for the monster, who might even yet prove
to be the demi-god of some far away incomprehensible
world. Moreover, the Spaniard's intellect and arm
were the stronger; he was his son-in-law and probable
successor; therefore, though his jailer, he would speak

LAST APPEALS. 453

with him. And when he came Montezuma said:
"The end for me approaches, Malinche; it is even
here. You cannot harm me further, nor help me if
you would. I have given you all; you have taken
all — my liberty, my kingdom, my life, and that wThich
is more to me than kingdom, liberty, or life, the
affection of my people, the love of my counsellors and
friends; and respect — respect of self, and that sacred
respect which, living or deatl, is mine by inheritance,
and by virtue of my office. But I would not upbraid
you ; I pray only that my ruin will benefit you ; I beg
of you care for my children, and I conjure you to
avenge me on my rebel subjects and their leaders."5
Moved by the touching appeal, Cortes promised
all that w^as asked of him, while remonstrating with
the monarch for rejecting food and medicine. Mon-
tezuma then, in like manner, exhorted his nobles who
were prisoners with him, and was touched by their
sorrow for the sad state of the empire, and their
manifestation of affection for himself. Father Olmedo,
who had never relaxed his efforts for the captive's
conversion, now pressed to his aid the general. But
in vain. All else these beings maledict had taken
from him; they should not now rob him of his re-
ligion. His faith was as dear to him, as true, as
pure, as efficacious, as was theirs to them. Away
with another's gods! Let each live and die by his
own. He was high-priest, too, and for him to prove
recreant to the national faith would overshadow all his
former crimes combined. "What is this they would
have of me ?" he groaned within himself. Then turning
suddenly to Olmedo, he asked, "Do Spaniards go to

5 In a privihglo in favor of the daughter Isabel, Cortes refers to this in-
terview, saying that three daughters were intrusted to him. No allusion is
made to any son. The affectionate terms in which he herein speaks of Mon-
tezuma must be due to political reasons, and perhaps to a regard for the
princesses. Pane*, Vireyes, in Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 67-8. Ramirez
ridicules the idea of an appeal by the emperor to Cortes, who was on unfriendly
terms with him. 8or. Mex. Geog. , Boletiii , x. 350 et seq. But the effort of Monte-
zuma to save the Spaniards show's that intercourse had been reestablished;
and was not Cortes, as the husband of one or more of his daughters, the
proper person to protect their sisters?

454 DEATH OF MONTEZUMA.

this heaven of yours?" "Assuredly," was the reply;
"it was made for them, and is held by Christians,
against all others, as the reward of their pure belief
and gentle deeds." "It is enough; I will none of it,"
said Montezuma, who from that moment would not
listen to a word of Christian exhortation.6 It was
early in the morning of the 30th of June,7 three days

G The question of his conversion has been much discussed. ' No le pudo
atraer a que se bolviesse Cristiano,' says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 105;
and Herrera is even more explicit, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x. Cortes and his fol-
lowers, Martyr and Oviedo, give no indications to the contrary. Ixtlilxochitl
states, however, that he had learned several prayers, and even begged for
baptism, but that the rite was deferred 'por la pascua siguiente, que era de la
resurreccion, y fue tan desdichado, que nunca alcanz6 tan to bien.' Hist. Chick. ,
299. Yet he adds that it has been said 'que se bautizo y se llamo Don Juan.'
Beladones, 457. According to Gomara he asked for baptism in the beginning of
lent, but it was determined to postpone the rite till pentecost, for greater effect,
and as more appropriate for so high a personage. Owing to the troubles arising
out of Narvaez' arrival nothing was done then, 'y despues de herido oluido se
con la prissa del pelear!' Hist. Mex., 154. CortCs had persuaded him, says
Vctancurt, during the early days of his imprisonment, to accept baptism, and
he was taken to the temple for the purpose, but at the last moment he excused
himself on the ground that the Indians would elect another lord and attack
them all if he abandoned the faith. Teatro Mex., iii. 132-3. Father Duran,
on the contrary, ever zealous for the natives, and particularly for his hero,
Montezuma, asserts that trustworthy men had vouched for his baptism. Padre
Olmedo had also expressed belief therein, although he had not been present
when it was administered. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 445. The father's memory
must have failed him with respect to Olmedo. Camargo has also been assured
of his baptism, with Cortes and Alvarado for sponsors. Hist. Tlax., 166.
Tezozomoc, who claims to have investigated the point, declares explicitly that
the rite was administered on his death-bed, when he received the name of
Carlos, and that Cort6s, Olid, and Alvarado were the sponsors. Recopilacion
de veridicas tradiciones, probando que el emjperador Moteuhsoma rccibid el santo
sacramento del bautismo. This author wrote at the close of the sixteenth
century, and follows traditions only. Bustamante, in modern times, has also
reviewed the question, and follows Tezozomoc implicitly. In support thereof
he quotes a poem, by Captain Angel Betancourt, wherein he refers to Monte-
zuma as the ' indio baidizado,' introduces the vague utterance of Ixtlilxochitl,
and even attempts to misconstrue a certain expression of Cortes. Montezuma
tells the latter to baptize his daughters, and this Bustamante regards as proof
that he himself desired the rite. He does not suppose that the religion of the
vicious Spaniards could have had great attractions for him, but when about to
die he accepted it, ' as the drowning man does the saving plank. ' Article in
Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., i. 287-95. Still fuller is the review of Ramirez, who
follows Torquemada in pointing out the fact that neither Cortes nor Alvarado
ever referred to their supposed sponsorship, as they certainly would have done
in connection with so distinguished a personage had they felt empowered. Soc.
Mex. Oeo-j., Boletin.

7 Cortes' chronology, as indicated in the Cartas, shows clearly that he left
Mexico during the night of June 30th, as will be demonstrated. He also
implies what Bernal Diaz and Herrera distinctly assert, that considerable
lighting took place on the Tlacopan road between the time the corpse was
surrendered to the Aztecs and the Spaniards returned to their quarters pre-
paratory to evacuation. Hence the death must have occurred early on that

CHARACTER OF THE MAK 455

after the trying scene in the presence of his people,
that the monarch breathed his last. And even the
Spaniards forgot for a moment their diabolisms, and
allowed their minds to dwell on the virtues of this
magnificent heathen, this mighty sovereign, their
sweet-tempered prisoner, and kind and generous host.8
Of a truth, despite his pusillanimity with regard
to the Spaniards, which was indeed little else than
pardonable superstition, this man was in many re-
spects not unworthy the title of Great so freely
betowed upon him. Montezuma was but forty-one9
at the time of his death, and had wielded the sceptre
for nearly eighteen years with wonderful success.
Under him the Aztec empire acquired its widest
extent and greatest glory. While his armies by well
directed operations spread the terror of his name to
distant provinces and increased the national domain
by fresh conquests, his subtle intrigues secured ad-
vantages at home, and established the supremacy of
Mexico in the tripartite alliance. With a high regard
for the dignity of his throne, he caused the sovereign
to be worshipped almost like a god, and sustained
the grandeur of his surroundings with lavish expendi-
ture. This severe and ostentatious pride kept him
above the reach of his people, and failing to under-
stand their wants or to sympathize with their condi-
tion, he ruled not by love, but by fear. Thus it is
that we find the native records dwell upon his fitful

day. Herrera confirms Cortes' testimony that he could not have died before
the 30th, by saying, 'en quatro dias se murio.' dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x. It is
also generally admitted that he was not wounded before the third day of the
siege.

8 'Cortes llor6 por el, y todos nuestros Capitanes, y soldados: e hombres
huvo entre nosotros. . . .que tan llorado fue, como si fuera nuestro padre.'
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 104v Cort6s speaks highly of him, 'y siempre
tuvo mui buena voluntad a los Espanoles,' but this is in the deed presented
to his daughter. See Privilegh, Monume.ntos Domin. Esp., MS., CG. In the
Cartas he is referred to merely as a captive who dies. After saying that he
never consented to the death of a Spaniard nor to injury against Cort6s»
Gomara adds : 'Tambien ay quien lo cotrario diga. ' Hist. Mex. , 154-5.

9 Clavigero says 54, but Bernal Diaz, who was so much in his company,,
could hardly have been mistaken, and the comparative youth of his children,
also indicates that 41 is more correct.

456 DEATH OF MONTEZUMA.

cold-blooded cruelty and superstition, not as a tyrant,
however, but as an administrator of their own cruel
yet revered rites. He was reputed just, but this
quality was to be found rather in the intention than
in the act. With all his pride he appears to have
been most affable and kind to those with whom he
came in contact. The Spaniards certainly found him
so. In their later intercourse other considerations
may have ruled him, however, and with the cunning
and secrecy of his race he may have submitted to the
inevitable demands of circumstances.10

Surrounded by fawning ministers, whose existence
depended on his favor, he was encouraged in the ex-
travagant habits of a magnificent court, which pro-
moted their schemes at the expense of a tax-ridden
people. The ambition to extend his fame and power
required the maintenance of immense armies, of numer-
ous garrisons, and of costly campaigns, which proved
another drain on the people. This was augmented in
subjected provinces by the extortions of imperial
officers, who found means to prevent the cry of the
oppressed from reaching the throne. Perhaps the
most terrible infliction was the levy on the youth of
both sexes for slaves, and for sacrificial victims to
appease the bloody appetite of Aztec gods — an appe-
tite which had increased in horror with the abject
superstition of this otherwise enlightened monarch.
Enlightened he undoubtedly was, for as high -priest
he had become versed in the higher learning of the
priesthood. The study of mythology came naturally to
him, while astronomy and natural history were favorite
subjects with the lords of the lake peoples, the former
connected with myths and divinations, the latter illus-
trated by specimens from different regions, and col-

10 ' Antes ni despues hnvo en este mundo qnien le igualase en magestad y
profanidad. . . . fnemuy justiciero. . . .decondicionmuysevero,aunquecuerdo y
gracioso.' IxtlilxochiU, Hist. Ch/ch., 301. 'Dizen los Indios que fue el mejor
de su linaje, y el mayor rey de Mexico.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 155. ' Fu circo-
spctto, magnifico, liberale . . . .sua giustizia degenerava in crudelta.' Clav'Kjero,
atoria Mess., iii. 132; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x. ; Torquemada, i. 499-500*

THE MAN AND THE NATION. 457

lectecl in the botanic and zoologic gardens of Mexico
and other cities. The studies of his youth had gained
for him a well merited respect from his priestly con-
freres, and the prudence and sagacity which controlled
the well stored mind commanded attention in the
council.11 While yet a young man there seemed to
develop qualities which fitted him for the position of
high -priest, also as counsellor, to which his princely
rank paved an easy way. Besides this he had shown
himself possessed of great courage, and had established
his fame as a general by many victories.

It was with this reputation, as zealous and learned
priest, prudent statesman, and brave soldier, that he
ascended the throne in 1503, while only twenty-three
years of age. It is in such terms that his colleague
Nezahualpilli in his coronation address refers to the
hopes entertained of the youthful ruler.12 Though
ever a devout servant of the gods, the" effeminate
pleasures of the court weakened the nerves and energy
of the soldier, till his warlike ardor survived only in
a taste for military reviews and for the chase. The
caution of the general remained, but timidity saves
few leaders from disaster. Vanity and designing min-
isters overruled too often the dictates of wisdom in
the administration of affairs.13 His path had been
prepared by able predecessors, and answered well for
the policy of aggrandizement which became the lead-
ing feature of his reign. In this his natural liberality
and talent for intrigue, fostered by priestly training,
served him well and procured blindly devoted instru-
ments for his plans. Thus, by fair means and foul, the
empire was raised to the pinnacle of its glory, but
not being of a natural or healthy growth it proved
unstable, and crumbling under the strong commotion

11 ' Fug muysabio, pues passaua porlas cosas assi, o muy necio q no las sentia.'
Gomara, Hint. Mex., 155. ' El hombre mas sabio de su siglo,' is Bustamantc's
interpretation. He also discovers that Montezuma objected to sacrifices!
Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., 292-3.

12 See Native Races, ii. 149-50.

13 ' Pareva aver cangiato di sesso, siccome dicevano i suoi sudditi. ' ClaviyerOj
Storia Mess., iii. 132.

458 DEATH OF MONTEZUMA.

created by the approach of Castilians, it revived
only for a moment in the present uprising like the
mental illumination preceding death. Montezuma
could not have failed to recognize the insecurity of
the bonds which held it, and influenced by the pre-
dictions of its downfall he readily fell beneath the
spell of the superior intellects which were to assume
control. It was his misfortune to have lost the san-
guine energy of his }^outh, which might have enabled
him to rise above the weaknesses of himself and his
age. Duty and honor were overcome by superstition
and absorbing love of power, of life, and he reaped
the natural fruit of puerile and misdirected efforts by
losing both. Resistance might not long have delayed
the inevitable, but it would at least have procured for
him an end worthy of his grandeur.

Of his many wives may be named the princesses
Teitlalco, Acatlan, and Miahuaxochitl, of whom the
first named appears to have been the only legitimate
consort.14 By her he left a son, Asupacaci, who fell
during the noche triste, and a daughter, Tecuichpo,
baptized as Isabel, married consecutively to Quauhte-
motzin, the last Mexican sovereign, to visitador
general Alonso Grado, to Pedro Andrade Gallego,
and to Juan Cano de Saavedra. She had children
by the latter two, from whom descend the illus-
trious families of Andrade-Montezuma and Cano-
Montezuma.

By the Princess Acatlan were left two daughters,
baptized as Maria and Mariana. The latter alone
left offspring, from whom descends the Sotelo-Monte-
zuma family. By the third wife came to the emperor
the son Tlacahuepantzin, known after baptism as
Pedro Yohualicahuacatzin Montezuma, whose de-
scendants, the condes de Montezumsi y de Tula,
intermarried with the noblest families of Spain, and

14 So Cano, the son-in-law, declares, Oviedo, iii. 549, and so Cortes inti-
mates in the privilegio to Isabel, whom he calls 'su legitima heredera,'
especially commended to him.

WIVES AND CONCUBINES. 459

connected the name with the highest offices of state,
and with the title of grandee.15

15 Of the rest of the imperial wives and concubines nothing positive is
known, save that a number of them and their daughters were liberally be-
stowed, as a mark of imperial favor, on prominent personages, including
Spaniards. After the conquest they sank into obscurity, although some of
them still managed to maintain a certain consideration among the natives,
despite their poverty. Bernal Diaz claims that he received one of the concu-
bines; upon Olid was bestowed a daughter, and upon Cortes two, it is said,
one baptized as Ana, the other as Ines. Two witnesses declare that Isabel
also ' cinco meses questava casada con .... Gallego e que pario una fija y que hera
del .... Cortes. ' Cortes, Residencia, ii. 242, 39, 244; i. 63, 99, 221 , 263. The three
daughters confided to Cortes on their father's death-bed were not in the Span-
ish quarters at the time, at least not all of them, but were found after the
conquest and baptized. The eldest and legitimate, the attractive Tecuichpo,
was then the wife of the last and captive sovereign, Quauhtemotzin, her
cousin, who had married her chiefly with a view to strengthen his hold on
the throne, for she was too young for the married state. She was baptized
as Isabel, and her Indian husband having been executed, Cortes, on his return
from Honduras, gave her in marriage to the hidalgo Alonso Grado, of Al-
cantara, who had succeeded Avila as contador, and now held the position of
visitador general of New Spain. In consideration partly of Grado's services
and partly of Isabel's rank, the captain-general bestowed as dower, in the
emperor's name, the town of Tacuba (Tlacopan), with the villages and farms
subject to it, together with the title of seriora thereof. "The deed, which
recounts the services of her father and the intrusting of his daughters to
Cortes, is signed by him as captain -general and governor of New Spain, and
dated June 27, 1526. It is given, among other books, in Monumentos Domin.
Esp., MS., 65-8. Grado dying soon after, without issue, she married Pedro
Andrade Gallego, by whom she had one son, Juan Andrade, the founder of the
Andrade-Montezuma family. This branch inherited the Villa Alta villages,
in Oajaca, and other estates, which in 1745 were bought up by the crown for
a pension of 3000 pesos, continued by the Mexican government in irregular pay-
ments. A member of this branch was the bishop of Chiapas a few years later.
Certification de las Mercedes, MS., 14-18. M. Fossey describes a visit, in
1849, to the poverty-stricken yet proud descendants. Me.xique, 497-500. The
omission of Gallego 's middle name has led the critical Alaman, among others,
to assume that this family descends from Isabel's fifth marriage with Juan An-
drade. Prescoti's M<jx. (Mex. 1844), ii. 31. Nor is Prescott free from error
in connection with Montezuma's descendants. The Andrade branch became
allied to the Condes de Miravalle, and a daughter of this house was the wife of
General Barragan, who became presidente interlnooi the republic, thus raising
a descendant of Montezuma" once again to the supreme place in the country.
The Princess Isabel was married a fourth time, to Juan Cano de Saavedra,
by whom she had five children, the inheritors of the Tacuba estates, also ex-
changed for a pension which was continued by the republic. Of the Princess
Acatlan's two daughters, Maria and Mariana, the former left no issue. Mariana
married the conquistador Juan de Paz, bringing a dower of three towns, and
after his death she took for husband the conqueror Crist6bal de Valderrama.
By him she had a daughter, Leonor, who, marrying Diego Arias Sotelo,
gave origin to the Sotelo-Montezuma family. Fonseca, Hist. Hacienda, i. 464.
This work, with its collection of official papers and extracts, gives a mass of
information about the imperial descendants and estates. Prescott confounds
the mother and daughter. Mex., ii. 351-2. Viceroy Mendoza, in a despatch
to the emperor of December 10, 1537, refers to the death, three weeks before,
of Valderrama, and speaks of children by the former husband, which arc not
admitted in Fonseca. Pacheco and Cdrdena», Col. Doc, ii. 208. Cortes refers
to three sons of Montezuma : the heir, who fell on the causeway during the

460 DEATH OF MONTEZUMA.

noche tr'iste, and two surviving boys, ' one said to be insane, the other para-
lyzed. ' On leaving Mexico he took with him one son and two daughters, his
concubines probably, all of whom perished. Cartas, 135, 133. Sahagun names
two sons, who perished on that occasion. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 122, 128.
Ixtlilxochitl gives them different names. Hist. Cluck., 302. Cano gives the
name Asupacaci to the heir, or only legitimate son, the brother of his wife
Isabel, and states that he was killed by Quauhtemotzin, who feared him as
the only rival to the throne. Oviedo, iii. 549. Brasseur de Bourbourg follows
him. but prefers the name of Cipocatzin for the young prince, while Axayoca
is also applied. Cortes' version is more likely to be correct, however. One
of the surviving sons, ' Signor di Tenaj ocean,' Claviyero, Storia Mess., iii.
133, was baptized with the intervention of his sponsor, Rodrigo de Paz,
and died three years after the conquest, ' y se enterrb en la Capilla de San
Joseph.' Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 144. This author assumes that
the youth fled with the Spaniards from the capital and hid at Tepotzotlan.
The other prince, son of Miahuaxochitl, daughter of the lord of Tula, and
niece of Montezuma — baptized as Maria, says Vetancurt — received the name
of Don Pedro. He accompanied Cortes to Spain in 1528, it appears, at
the age of eighteen, and made repeated appeals to the emperor for a main-
tenance in accordance with his rank. At first some trifling favors were
granted, and he, together with a cousin, was educated by the Franciscans in
Madrid. Puga, Cedulario, 85. President Fuenleal, of the audiencia, and other
prominent persons having added their recommendation, regular pensions and
encomiendas were bestowed, including the town of Tula, the seat of his
maternal grandparents, upon which was based the second title of Condes de
Montezuma y de Tula, conferred on his grandson. The line expired on the
male side with the great great-grandson of the emperor, whose daughter mar-
ried Sarmiento de Valladares, duke of Atlixco, and viceroy of New Spain, thus
raising the name again to the highest position in the country. Prescott,
following Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 191, 203, calls Valladares, by mistake, a
descendant of Montezuma. The cousin of the vice-queen married Silva, the
first marquis of Tenebron, whose descendants inherited the title and estates
from the other branch, and became grandees in 1765. Their pension amounted
at this time to 40,000 pesos, says Berni, Titnlos de Cast ilia, which represented
in part the encomiendas withdrawn by the government. The republic recog-
nized this portion, as it had the pensions to the other branches.. Shortly
after the independence of Mexico the holder of the title, Alonso Marcilla de
Teruel Montezuma, came over with the intention of asserting his claim to the
throne of his forefathers, but the prudent possessors of the power thought it
best not to admit him, and he passed on to New Orleans, there to put an end
to his life some years later. Prescott understands that the septuagenarian
had been disappointed in love. Mex., ii. 352. Several members of the Spanish
nobility have intermarried with this line, among them a branch of the Guzman
family, whence the claim made for the consort of Napoleon III. of having
Montezuma's blood in her veins. Gondra gives a portrait of a member married
into the Mendoza family. Prescott's Mex. (ed. Mex. 1845), 219. One of the
line, Padre Louis de Montezuma, wrote the Historia del Emperador, which
has been consulted by Alaman, Disert., i. app. ii. 158. Clavigero gives a
genealogic table in Storia Mess., iii. 235, and Carbajal, while plagiarizing the
statements and blunders of others, adds a few of his own. Hist. Mex., ii.
378-88. In Fonseca, Hist. Hacienda, i. 455 et seq., are to be found several
valuable extracts concerning titles and estates; also in Reales Cedulas, MS.,
i. pt. i. 5, ii. 4 etc. ; Certijicacion de las Mercedes, MS. ; Mex. Mem. Hacienda,
lSJfS, 35-6; Fuenleal, Carta, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, xiii. 222.
The family name has been spelled in different ways, also by its possessors, aa
Motezuma, Muteczuma, Moctezuma, Mocthecuzoma, Motecuhzuma, Moteuh-
zuma ; but Montezuma is the most common form.

The Historia de las Indias de Nueva-Espafia y Mas de Tierra Firme, by
Father Diego Duran, is claimed by its author, in the introductory to chapter
Ixxiv., to be devoted essentially to the life and rule of this monarch, 'cuya

DURAN AND ACOSTA. 461

vida 6 hist6ria yo escribo.' The preparation of the work was more directly
prompted by a compassion for the maltreated natives, whose champion he
constituted himself, in common with so many of the friars. This spirit led
him naturally to color the occixrrences of the conquest; and a non-critical
acceptance of whimsical legends and statements in favor of his protege's
tends further to reduce the value of the work. His deep interest in the abo-
rigines and their history may be explained by the fact that he was born at
Tezcuco, of a native mother. Franco wrongly calls him Pedro, and Clavigero,
Fernando. He professed as a Dominican at Mexico, in 1556, with missionary
aspirations, no doubt, but a delicate constitution and constant suffering con-
fined him rather to the monastery, and directed his efforts to researches and
writing. Castellanos, Defensa, 28, attributes several works to him, and
Eguiara, Bib. Mex., 324, the compilation of the Dominican history of Davila
Padilla, though not the style and form. Davila also, ' scrisse la Storia antica
de' Messicani, servendosi de' materiali raccolti gia da Ferdinando Duran
Domenicano da Tezcuco; ma questa opera non si trova.' Clavigero, Storia
Mess., i. 13. But this may be a mistake. A similar rewriting would
have greatly improved the Historia de las Indian, which is exceedingly
unpolished and slovenly, full of repetitions and bad spelling, and show-
ing great poverty of expression. On the other hand, it is relieved by an
admirable portrayal of character and knowledge of human nature, and by
a minute study of the effect of conversion on the natives. The work con-
sists of three tratados, the first in 78 chapters, giving the history of Mexico
from its origin to the conquest, terminating with the expedition to Hon-
duras. This was completed in 1581, while the other two were finished
two years before. The second tratado, in 23 chapters, treats of Mex-
ican divinities and rites, and the third, in two, or more properly nineteen,
chapters, of calendar and festivals. Padre Duran died in 1588, leaving the
manuscripts to Juan Tovar, Ddvila Padilla, Hist. Fvud. Mex. , fl53, who gave
them to Acosta, then occupied in preparing his Natura Novi Orbis, and
other works. The contribution came most opportunely, and was used chiefly
for his account of Mexico, as he frankly admits, though giving the credit to
Tovar, who may have claimed the authorship. On the strength of this state-
ment Clavigero, with others, confirms the claim to the 'nobilissimo Gesuita
Messicano.' Torquemada, i. 170-1, ii. 120, himself not spotless, takes ad-
vantage of the confession to rail at Acosta for borrowed plumage, mutilated
at that. The manuscripts, now in the Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid, are
written in double columns and illustrated with numerous plates. Pinelo,
Epitome, ii. 711, refers to them as in two parts. A few copies have been taken,
mine forming three volumes. A set obtained by Jose Fernando Ramirez, one
of Maximilian's ministers, was prepared by him for publication, but, owing to
the death of the imperial patron, only the first 68 chapters were issued at
Mexico, 1867, in one volume, with notes and considerable changes of the
style. This mutilation, as some term it, may have been a reason for the
seizure of the whole edition,. together with the separate plates, by the repub-
lican government. Only a few copies escaped this fate, one of which I suc-
ceeded in obtaining. Although independent issue was long withheld from
Duran, he has at least enjoyed the honor of being associated with one pos-
sessed of far greater fame than he himself could ever hope to achieve.

The motives which impelled Joseph de Acosta to write on America were
quite pretentious. Among the many Spanish books on the New World, he says :
'I have not seene any other author which treates of the causes and reasons of
these novelties and wonders of nature, or that hath made any search thereof.
Neither have I read any booke which maketh mention of the histories
of the antient Indians, and naturall inhabitants.' With a view to repair
these omissions he issued De Natvra Novl Orbis libri dvo, et de Promvlga-
tione Evangelii, apvd Barbaros, sire de Procvranda Indorvm Salvte Libri sex.
Salmanticce, 1589. The first part, De Natura, is a philosophic dissertation
on physical features, on the probable knowledge among the ancients of a
western hemisphere, and on the origin of the Indians. The second part, in

462 DEATH OF MONTEZUMA.

six books, bearing a separate imprint under 1588, though published only in
connection with the previous two books, treats entirely of the method and
progress of Indian conversion. The Natura was translated into Spanish, and
incorporated, with some amendments, in the Historia Natvral y moral de las
Indias, Se villa, 1590, dedicated to Infanta Isabel, which treats also of Indian
history and customs, and refers briefly to the conquest. The work achieved
great success, and was reproduced in numerous editions, in nearly every
language, though often without Acosta's name, and in distorted form, as in
De Bry and some German versions. This may not be considered bad treat-
ment by those who charge Acosta with plagiarism, although he frankly ad-
mits following a number of authors, among them ' es vno Polo Ondegardo,
aquien communmente sigo en las cosas de el Piru : y en las materias de Mexico
loan de Touar prebendado que fue de la Iglesia de Mexico, y agora es religioso
de nuestra Compaiiia de Iesvs. El qual por orden del Virrey hizo do Martin
Enriquez diligete, y copiosa auerigacio de las historias antiguas. ' See p. 396.
There is no doubt that the interest and value of the work are owing chiefly
to the circumstance that the original authorities have remained sealed, until
lately at least; for, despite its pretentious aim, the pages are marred by
frequent indications of the then prevalent superstition and credulity. The
Procvrando Indorvm Salvte is more in consonance with the character of the
Jesuit missionary and scholastic.

Born at Medina del Campo about 1539, he had in his fourteenth year joined
the Society, to which four brothers already belonged. After studying and
teaching theology at Ocana, he proceeded in 1571 to Peru, where he became
the second provincial of his order. Returning to Spain seventeen years later —
' post annos in Peruano regno exactos quindeciem, in Mexicano & Insularibus
duos,' says the dedication of 1588 to Philip II., in De Natvra of 1589 — he
gained the favor of the king, occupied the offices of visitador and superior,
and died as rector at Salamanca, February 15, 1600. Several other works, in
print and manuscript, chiefly theologic, are attributed to him — see Camus,
104-13 — among them De la crianga de Cyro, dedicated to Filipe III. in 1592,
which was also a borrowed text, from Xenophon, and remained a manuscript
in the Royal Library.

CHAPTER XXYI.

LA NOCHE TRISTE.

June 30, 1520.

The Captive-King Drama Carried too Far — Better had the Span-
iards Taken Montezuma's Advice, and have Departed while
Opportunity Offered — Diplomatic Value of a Dead Body — Ne-
cessity for an Immediate Evacuation of the City — Departure from
the Fort — Midnight Silence — Tua City Roused by a Woman's
Cry — The Fugitives Fiercely Attacked on All Sides — More
Horrors.

And now what must have been the feelings of the
invaders, who, like the ancient mariner, had killed
the bird that made the breeze blow! For assuredly
they were responsible for the emperor's death. Indeed,
the direct charge of murder against Cortes has not
been wanting, even among Spanish chroniclers; but
this was owing greatly to the effort of the general to
extricate the army from its desperate situation while
the enemy was supposed to be distracted by grief and
engaged in solemn obsequies. We may be sure, how-
ever, that the Spaniards did not kill Montezuma; that
they did not even desire his death; but regarded it
at this juncture as the greatest misfortune which could
happen to them.1 For in the vast evolvings of their
fast, unfathomable destiny, they were now all like
sea-gulls poised in mid-air while following a swiftly
flying ship.

1 According to the version of the rabid Duran, based on native paintings
and narratives, the bodies of the prisoners were found in the fort after
its evacuation, that of Montezuma with five stabs in the breast. Hist,
hid., MS., ii. 477-9. Acosta seems rather to favor the story, improbable as
several of its points are. Hist. Ind., 524. To some extent it rests on the
statement repeated by Ixtlilxochitl, which assumes that Cacama, who had

(463)

464 LA NOCHE TRISTE.

It is interesting to note the manoeuvring on both
sides over the dead monarch, who having minis-
tered so faithfully to his enemies while living, must
needs continue in the service after death. The hostile
chiefs were called and informed of the sad conse-

made himself particularly obnoxious to the Spaniards, was killed with 47
stabs before the fort was evacuated. Hist. Chich. , 301 . A more severe account is
found in a manuscript fragment in Ramirez' collection, written by a Tezcucan,
wherein it is related that a sword was thrust into the intestines, 'por la parte
baxa.' The body was thereupon taken to the roof, as if to address the
people. A stone struck the head, and now the Spaniards proclaimed that this
had caused the death. Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, x. 362. This is substantially
repeated in Ixtlilxochitl, Bel., 457. A stronger testimony, however, comes
from Sahagun, who states that Cortes recommended to his followers the mur-
der of the prisoners in order to terrify the natives and to assume the mastery.
' Y lo primero que hicieron, fue dar Garrote a Motecuhcuma, y a Itzquauhtzin,
Senor de Tlatelolco, y a otros.' Version in Torquemada, i. 498, and in Saha-
gun, Hist. Conq. [ed. 1840], 113. The issue, modified by the censor, merely
states that the bodies were found near a stone, Teoaioc, outside the fort. Id.
[ed. 1829], 31. This account has received its chief support in the quasi
admission of Torquemada ; and when he, the otherwise zealous champion of
the conquerors, takes such a view, others may be pardoned for accepting it. ' Y
que esto aia sido asi, puede ser posible, pues para tenerse por seguros, le
avian prendido; y viendo agora, que no bastaba la prision, vsarian de este
vltimo medio, para ver si le aplacaban, y atemoricaban estos Mexicanos.'
i. 498-9. Brasseur de Bourbourg accepts the version, and adds that Monte-
zuma was told of his fate and urged to accept baptism. ' On repandit
anssitot la nouvelle de sa mort comme s'il eut expire naturellement. ' Hence
even the soldiers did not know of the murder. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 330-1.
Bustamante, of course, adopts anything Sahagun may say against the Span-
iards; and Carbajal takes Torquemada's view. Hist. Mex., ii. 375, as does
Beltrami, eager for any sensation. Mex., ii. 145. Vetancurt seeks to recon-
cile conflicting opinions by assuming that when Montezuma died Itzquauhtzin
and several other prisoners were murdered and cast out together with the
emperor's body, in order to terrify the Mexicans and occupy their attention
while the Spaniards hurried away. Teatro Mex. , pt. iii. 142. ' lo non posso per-
suadermi,' says Clavigero, 'che gli Spagnuoli si risolvessero a toglier la vita
ad un Re, a cui doveano tanti beni, e dalla cui morte non potevano aspettarsi,
se non molti mali. ' Storia Mess., iii. 131. Solis cannot believe Cortes guilty
of an act so bad and reckless. Hist. Mex., ii. 150-1. Prescott disposes of the
charge as an 'absurdity' and a 'monstrous imputation.' Hist. Mex., ii. 321.
It must be considered, however, that the Spaniards did seek to profit by the
death; and scruples about ' killing a dog of an Indian,' as they had so lately
termed him, could not have weighed with such men when their interests
were concerned ; how much less when their lives were at stake ? The whole
argument, then, may be said to depend on the question whether Montezuma
was more valuable as captive or as corpse. If the people manifested little
respect for the living ruler, the Spaniards could have had no reason to expect
more for the dead. His death would only have loosened the bond which still
restrained a vast number, whether of kindred or of mere subjects, and given
the hostile leaders fresh motives and strength for their operations. Besides,
Montezuma must have retained a great influence outside the city, which a
fugitive army would have found of service. The recognition of this influ-
ence is shown by the efforts made to save the imperial children, as noticed
even by the most rabid accusers of the Spaniards. It may be mentioned
that no charge is brought forward in the residencias either against Cortes or
Alvarado.

THE EMPEROR'S BODY. 465

quences of their outrage on the emperor. The body
would be sent to them, so that they might accord
it the last honors. The leaders replied curtly that
they had now a new chief, and cared no longer for
Montezuma, dead or alive. The corpse was neverthe-
less carefully arrayed in fitting robes and given in
charge of two prisoners, a priest and a chief,2 with in-
structions to carry it to the Mexican camp, and
explain the circumstances of the death and the grief
of the Spaniards. On appearing outside the fort a
leader motioned them back, and would probably have
used force but for the priestly character of the bearers,
behind whom the gate had been closed. A few mo-
ments later they disappeared from view. The disre-
spect shown the living was not spared the dead. As
the corpse was borne through the streets jeers and
insults fell from lips which formerly kissed the ground
on which the monarch had stood. Many declared
that a coward like Montezuma, who had brought so
many misfortunes on the country, was not worthy of
even ordinary burial.3 The imperial party managed,
however, to secure the body, and, assisted by those to
whom the royal blood and high priestly character of
the deceased outweighed other feelings, an honorable
though quiet cremation was accorded in the Celpalco,
where Sahagun intimates that the ashes remained.4

2 Apanecatl, according to Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ. , iv. 332.
Bernal Diaz sends these men to carry the news of the death, and following
them were six high personages and most of the captive priests, carrying the
body. Hist. Verdad., 105.

3 Stones were thrown upon the cortege, and it was driven from quarter to
quarter. Finally Apanecatl took refuge in the palace where Cuitlahuatzin
held forth, and appealed to him, only to be repulsed by his courtiers. The
body was nevertheless secured by a friendly party. Manuscrit Nahuatl, 1576,
in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 333.

4 ' Hicieron todas las solemnidades que solian hacer. . . .Mocthecuzoma lo
enterraron en Mexico .... algunos decian mal de Mocthecuzoma porque habia
sido muy cruel. ' Hist. Conq., 31. 'Vimos q hiziero muy gran llanto, q hie
oimos las gritas, y aullidos q por 61 dauan.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 105.
1 Hizieron muy gran llanto, para enterrar al rey en Chapultepec. Gomara,
Hist. Mex., 154. Herrera combines these two authorities in saying ' le
dcuieron de enterrar en el monte de Chapultepeque, porque alii sc oyo vn
gran llanto.' dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x. He forgets that Chapultepec lay three
miles off. Torquemada corrects Herrera, and insists that the ' Copalco' was

Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 30

466 LA NOCHE TRISTE.

Shortly after the body had left the Spanish quarters
Cortes sent a fresh message to the Mexicans, believing
that by this time the presence of the august dead
might have had its effect on them. He pointed out
the respect due to the remains of a sovereign, and pro-
posed a cessation of hostilities with that view, and
till they had elected a successor, one more worthy than
the present leader, who had driven them to rebel.5
The chiefs replied that the Spaniards need trouble
themselves about nothing but their own safety. They
might come forth, they added tauntingly, to arrange
a truce with their new leader, whose heart was not so
easily moulded as that of Montezuma. Respect for
the emperor, the Spaniards replied, had made them
hitherto lenient toward his people, but if they re-
mained obstinate no further mercy would be shown,
and not one Mexican would be spared. " Two days
hence not one Spaniard will be alive!" was the retort.

Hostilities were thereupon resumed, and Cortes
did not delay the prearranged attempt to complete
the capture of the approach to Tlacopan. The pres-
ence of the imperial corpse had either a retarding
influence on the movements of the enemy, or else the
Spaniards sallied unexpectedly and fought with greater
energy, for the four remaining bridges were gained
with little difficulty, and twenty horsemen passed on
to the shore, while the infantry and allies took posses-
sion of the route, and began filling in the channels
with debris, so as to form a solid path, or to repair the

the place. He gives specimens of the insults offered during the cremation.
i. 499. ' Estaban indignados contra 61.' Ixtl'dxocliitl, Hist. Chick., 301. It
has been asserted by some, says Duran, that the ashes -were scattered to the
winds, as unworthy of preservation. Hist. Ltd., MS., ii. 479. Acosta attempts
a modification by stating that the body being contemptuously rejected, a ser-
vant burned it, ' y puso sus cenizas dode pudo en lugar harto dcsechado.'
Hist, bid., 524. The burial-place has certainly not been pointed out to pos-
terity. According to Sahagun, the body of Itzquauhtzin was 'cast forth'
from the quarters, together with that of Montezuma, and was taken in charge
by his subjects of Tlatelulco, by whom he was greatly beloved and mourned,
ubi sup. To ' cast forth ' the bodies could have been only a needless insult,
which Cortes was too prudent to inflict on the people.

5 'Que alcassen a su primo del Montecuma, que eon nosotros estaua, por

Eey.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 105. 'Dixo Cortes el se queria hallar

a sus honras. ' Herrcra, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x.

HOLLOW PEACE PROPOSALS. 467

bridges at tlie deeper places. At this time a messen-
ger arrived with the announcement from the chiefs
who were directing the siege of the fort that they
were willing to treat for peace. Leaving the forces
in charge of Velazquez, Cortes hurried with some
horsemen to answer the welcome summons. The
chiefs proposed that if pardon was granted them for
past offences they would raise the siege, repair the
bridges and causeways, and return to peaceful inter-
course. In order to arrange the conditions they de-
manded the liberation of the captured high-priest.
This was at once agreed to, and after some discussion
messengers were despatched to different parts of the
city, bearing orders, it was said, to stay hostilities.
It is somewhat singular that the astute Cortes
should have given such ready credence to proposals
so advantageous to himself. Yet this appears to have
been the case. Delighted with the happy adjust-
ment of affairs, he ordered prepared a grand supper;
but he had hardly seated himself at table before
tidings reached him that the Mexicans had returned
to the attack on the causeway, largely reinforced by
land and water, and were regaining the bridges taken
that day. The conference had been a ruse to throw
the Spaniards off their guard, to obtain the release of
the high-priest, from whom besides much information
was expected about the condition of the besieged,
and to gain time for bringing up reinforcements.6
Fearful that his retreat would yet be cut off, Cortes
galloped back to the causeway, threw himself on the
enemy, recovered the bridges, and was soon in hot
pursuit of the flying Mexicans. He had not pro-
ceeded far, however, when the Indians, who had
rushed for safety into the lake and the canals, were

6 Prescott, following Clavigero, assumes that the whole was an artifice to
liberate the two captive priests, one of whom was indispensable in the event
of a coronation. Mex. , ii. 338. Brasseur de Bourbourg supposes that the par-
ley was conducted by the party favorable to the Spaniards, and duped by the
stronger faction, which never intended to adhere to the arrangement. Hist.
Nat. 'Civ., 321.

4G8 LA NOCHE TRISTE.

encouraged to return to the attack and cut off the
cavalry. With furious charges they drove the guard
from the bridges, and began to destroy thern and
remove the filling.7 The causeway swarmed again
with foes, and the water round it was alive with canoes,
whence myriads of missiles were directed against the
horsemen as they pushed their way back. On reach-
ing the last causeway breach, nearest the city, the
riders feared they would be overwhelmed, for here
the enemy was gathered in masses and had destroyed
the passage. Nothing was left for them but to take
to the water, midst a storm of stones and darts, while
lines of spears and javelins pressed against them from
the land and from canoes. The party was thrown in
disorder, and one rider was pitched from his saddle
during the melee, obstructing the passage to the rest.8
Cortes remained the last to cover the retreat, and
sin ode-handed now and then turned on the swarming
warriors, striking with the energy of despair. Eager
to secure the great general, the enemy pressed heavily
upon him, and but for the stout armor protecting
himself and the horse he would certainly have per-
ished. As it was, he received two severe wounds in
the knee, besides many scratches. The last Spaniard
having left the bank, Cortes rang loud his San Pedro
cry, and clearing the way he leaped his heavily laden
horse across the chasm, six feet in width, and quickly
left behind him the discomfited crowd. " Had not
God helped me," he writes, "that moment would have
been nry last." Indeed, it was already rumored in the
city that he was dead. It being found impossible to
hold the causeway bridges, a guard was left only at
the others, while the remainder of the troops returned
to the fort, worn-out and demoralized.9

7 'Como los peones estaban cansados y heridos y atemorizados; . . . .ninguno
me siguio. A cuya causa, despu^s de pasadas yo las puentes .... las halle toma-
das.' Cortes, Cartas, 134. Where had he left his prudence?

8 ' HallC a todos los de caballo que conmigo iban, caidos en ella, y un caballo
suelto.' Id.

y With a loss of over twenty men. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 105. This
author places all the fighting on the causeway on one day, a Thursday, the

EVACUATION RESOLVED ON. 4G9

Long since it had been agreed among the Span-
iards that the city must be evacuated; time and
method were the only questions. The former of these
was now resolved on by the council : it should be this
very night. It was safer to meet the issue now than
later. The enemy was hourly reinforced. Perilous
indeed was the undertaking to pass with luggage,
war stores, prisoners, and women over the broken
causeway in the darkness; but to remain was death.
Botello, the astrologer, had declared for this time,
and so it was determined. For Botello was wise and
prudent, knowing Latin and the stars; he had foretold
the greatness of Cortes, and had recommended his
night attack on Narvaez, and general and soldiers
believed in him.10 Had he lived a century or two
later his words might have been employed as the vox
stellarum bv the almanac makers. The Mexicans had
said that they would make it a time of sore distress,
any attempted escape of the intruders, a time when
men must struggle, and women would pray and weep;
and if so, it were no worse for the fugitives that black
night should fling her mantle over the bloody scene.

Since the Indians were supposed to have destroyed
the crossing at the causeway channels, a portable

day of evacuating Mexico, and the day following the surrender of Montezuma's
body. Herrera, who is far more confused, has a sally on this day in three
directions, one being the Tlacopan road; but the operations on the latter route
are only partially told, and the rest referred to the third day of the siege.
There are also several contradictions to aid in confusing the many who follow
him. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xi. Prescott abandons himself to the guidance
of Clavigero for the occurrences of these days, but embellishes the narrative
with some incidents belonging to the siege of Alvarado.

10 'Botello. .. .afirmo que . . . . supiessen que moriria el o su hermano, y
algunos dc la copailia, y qui se saluaria el Capitan, y otros muchos, y ninguno
si salian de dia.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xi. ' Hora lo creyesen, hora no.'
Gomara, /list. Mcx., 1.39. ' Anteponendo le vane osservazioni di quel meschino
Soldato alia luce della prudenza militare,' is the indignant comment of Clavi-
gero, S'oria Mess., iii. 135. But there is no doubt that 'military prudence'
bad more weight in the matter than Botello 's words, and that the result was
not due to his advice. Solis casts the blame of crediting the 'ignorant char-
latan' Botello chiefly on the majority of the council, to whom Cortes yielded.
Hist. Mex., ii. 171-2. In order to lull any suspicions among the Mexicans,
says Bernal Diaz, a leading priest and some other captives were sent to the
Mexican camp with a proposal to surrender all the gold if the Spaniards were
allowed to leave in peace eight days later. Hist. Verdad. , 105.

470 LA NOCHE TRISTE.

bridge was made with which to effect the passage.
Two more would probably have been made had time
and convenience permitted, but misfortune willed it
otherwise. It was agreed that a large portion of the
effects must be left behind in order not to encumber
the march, but the gold demanded special care. The
royal officials, Mejia and Avila, were charged to secure
it, and for this purpose a number of carriers were as-
signed, the general giving also one of his own mares.
Their convoy was intrusted to a body of infantry,
under Alonso de Escobar.11 The secretary, Hernandez,
and the royal notaries were called to testify that all
had been done that was possible. There still remained
a large quantity of the bulky jewels belonging to the
king, besides a mass of unappropriated treasure, which
could not be intrusted to carriers, or for which no
carriers were found, and rather than leave them to
the 'Indian do^s' Cortes announced that the soldiers
might take all they wished — after permitting his favor-
ites the first selection. He warned them, however,
that the more they took the more their safety would
be endangered. The adherents of Cortes do not ap-
pear to have been eager to encumber themselves, and
Bernal Diaz shared this prudence in taking only four
chalchiuite stones. The men of Narvaez practised
less restraint, and many loaded themselves with the
metal. Cortes was afterward charged, with having
appropriated a considerable share of the wealth thus
thrown open; he certainly had funds with which to
send for horses, war material, and supplies.-

12

11 Lrjalde, Sccjunda Prob., in Icazbaketa, Col. Doc, ii. 424. For carrying the
royal treasures ' les dio siete caualios heridos, y cojos, y vna yegua, y muchos
Indios Tlascaltecas, que segun dixeron, fueron mas de oclienta.' Bernal Diaz,
J list. Vcrdad., 106.

12 Bernal Diaz, for instance, states that he had hardly taken the four
chalchiuites for his share, from a collection in a mat, when Cortes gave orders
to his mayordomo to secure it. loc. cit. His penchant for appropriating large
shares to himself is well known. Greed of gold was not now his motive, how-
ever, but rather a prudential care to secure means for his plans, and he could
hardly neglect them when taking so great care of the royal portion. Martyr,
Gomara, and Herrera estimate the treasure at 700,000 ducats, chiefly in
bulky jewels according to Gomara. Bernal Diaz reckons in pesos, which may
mean pesos de oro. Peter Martyr assumes it to have been the general fund,

ASSIGNMENT OF DUTIES. 471

Sandoval was appointed to lead the van, with two
hundred infantry and twenty horsemen, assisted by
Ordaz, Andres de Tapia, and others. With him went
fifty men under Captain Magarino to carry the bridge.
They were pledged to remain at their post to the last,
and were escorted by a select body of infantry and allies.
For the middle were destined the baggage and treasure,
the prisoners and the sick, under a large escort, super-
vised by Cortes himself, who, with Olid, Morla, Avila,
and other captains, and a special force of one hundred
men, were to render aid where needed. The artillery
was intrusted to two hundred and fifty Tlascaltecs and
fifty soldiers, and the rear was placed in charge of
Alvarado and Velazquez, with thirty horsemen and
about one hundred adherents of Cortes, with most of
the men of Narvaez. The allied forces, of whom a
number appear to have returned home during the
inaction of Montezuma's captivity, an^l who had
suffered greatly during the siege, must still have
numbered nearly six thousand men, including car-
riers, distributed among the three divisions.13 Among
the prisoners Cortes enumerates the legitimate son of
Montezuma, and two of his daughters, probably those
bestowed on the general in marriage, King Cacama
and his younger brother and successor, and several

from which the royal fifth had been set apart only at the last moment, but
not apportioned, dec. v. cap. vi. Solis assumes that 700,000 pesos remained
after the king's portion had been deducted. Hist. Mex., 174-5. One witness
estimates that over 2,000,000 pesos were lost during that night. Cortes, Besi-
deucia, ii. 414. The Carta del Ejercito reduces the loss to 400,000 pesos de
oro. Another witness states that 300,000 castellanos remained when the sol-
diers were told to help themselves; afterward the general compelled them
to surrender what had been thus given, only to keep it for himself. Cortes,
Residencia, i. 241-2. 'Lo demas. . . .lo dimos y repartimos por los espanoles
para que lo sacasen,' says Cortes, Cartas, 135, which may be interpreted
as either giving or intrusting. Whatever may have been left after the
Spaniards had taken their loads was gleaned by the allies. Gomara, Hist.
M ex., 159.

1J Bernal Diaz gives Sandoval 100 young unmarried soldiers, with Francisco
de Acevedo, the dandy, Ordaz, Tapia, and eight or nine of Narvaez' men, cap-
tains on his staff. To Cort6s he gives 50 men, and adds B. V. de Tapia to his
staff. Hist. Verdad., 105. This author is contradictory, however. Herrera
places Antonio de Quinones as Sandoval's chief aid, and Olid and Ordaz in
the rear. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xi.; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 100; Cortes, Carles, 134;
Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 30 et seq.

472 LA NOCHE TRISTE.

other high personages.14 The sick were to be carried
in hammocks and behind riders.

It is the evening of the 30th of June.15 Fiery
copper has been the sky that day; the sun blood-red
and moon-like, turning day to night, when night is
so soon to be employed as day. As the hour ap-
proaches, a fog sets in, which thickens into mist and
denser moisture until, to favor the Spaniards, provi-
dence turns it to a drizzling rain,16 thus to veil their
movements, and make substantial the silence of the
envy, the lake, the distant wood; and thereupon all
join fervently in the prayer of Father Olmedo and
commend their lives to almighty God.

About midnight the order is given to march.17
Stealthily they creep down the temple square and

14 Herrera adds a brother of Montezuma, and Sahagun names two sons.
Hist. Conq., 33. So does Vetancurt, although he assumes that one was saved.
Teatro Ilex. , pt. iii. 142-3. Ixtlilxochitl gives a longer list, including two sons
of Montezuma, and two sons and four daughters of Nezahualpilli, of Tezcuco.
One of the daughters escaped, but it was not the beloved of Cort6s, who had
been baptized and named Juana. Cacama is not included in the list, because
he is assumed to have been stabbed to death before the fort was evacuated.
Hist. Chick. ,302 ; Relaciones, 390. With the prisoners' division went Marina,
the interpreter, the Tlascaltec princesses Luisa and Elvira, and some other
women, protected, says Bernal Diaz, by 30 soldiers and 300 Tlascaltecs.

15 This date is based on CorteV letter, wherein he places the arrival on
Tlascala's border on Sunday, July 8th, after giving a clear account of the in-
termediate days. Any doubt about this date is removed by the testimony in
Lejalde, Se'junda Probanza, in Icazbalceta, Col. Hoc, i. 423, wherein the
leading captains state that the siege lasted six days. This testimony also
clears up the only doubtful point in CorteV account of the siege operations,
where he disposes of the wounding and death of Montezuma in one sentence,
and then resumes the description of the fighting in a manner that has assisted
to mislead Gomara and many others into extending the stay in Mexico till
July 10th. Ixtlilxochitl adopts this date, yet in the Relaciones, 390, 412-13,
he states that the siege lasted only seven days. Bernal Diaz places the eve of
the departure on a Thursday, July 10th [with Cortes it is Saturday], yet he
dates the battle of Otumba just one week later than Cortes. Hist. Vcrdad.,
105, 108. This latter date induces Zamacois to change the date of flight to
July 8th. Hist. Mcj. , iii. 406-7. ' La notte del 1 Luglio, 'says Clavigero, Storia
Mess., iii. 135, but his reasons for the date are wrong, and the term he uses
may apply also to the night following that adopted in the text.

16 The Spaniards recognized this as a favoring shield direct from God, says
Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 473-4.

17 Ojeda was instructed to see that no somnolent or sick person was left.
He found one man asleep on the roof and roused him. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x.
cap. xi. Gomara takes the trouble to deny the statement of Cano that 270
men, ignorant of Cortes' departure, were left behind to perish. Oviedo, iii.
551. A later note will explain the cause of this rumor.

THAT FATAL SHRIEK! 473

reach the Tlacopan road.18 The streets are wholly
deserted. All is quiet, save the dull rumble of tramp-
ing soldiers. The blessed rain, or some supernatural
interposition, seems to keep the whole city within
doors. And if this kind power will but have patience
and not desert them for one brief hour — ah, it is so
easy for Omnipotence to help ! Along the road like
a phantom the army moves. The van picks up the
guard at the canal crossings. The causeway is almost
reached. Already they begin to breathe freer; a
feeling of intense relief steals into their breasts,
and — Mother of God! what noise is that? It is the
piercing outcry of a woman19 — may the foul fiend
seize her! — breaking upon the stillness like a warn-
ing note from the watch-tower of Avernus. On the
instant the war-drum of the Tlatelulco temple sends
forth its doleful sound, chilling the fugitives to the
very heart's core. Quickly its tones are, drowned by
the nearer, shriller trumpet-blasts and shouts of war-
riors, echoed and reechoed from every quarter.

Meanwhile the advance column had reached the
sixth bridge crossing,20 the first to connect with the
causeway, and had obliged the Mexican picket to
retire, after exchanging a few shots. The portable
bridge was here laid, and the van crossed with
quickened steps, followed by the centre with the bag-
gage and artillery. At this juncture the enemy fell
upon the rear, rending the air with their yells, send-

18 The ravaging sallies of .the preceding days, which had involved the de-
struction of houses in the vicinity and along the approaches to Tlacopan, had
evidently obliged the enemy to retire from these streets and seek shelter else-
where for the night. Oviedo assumes that Cort6s led the way, but Diaz and
Herrera let him advance only when the first troops are guided into Tlacopan.

19 ' Pasaron cuatro acequias, y antes que pasasen las demas sali6 vna
muger a tomar agua y vi61os.' Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 32. 'A devil, without
doubt,' adds Camargo, who describes her as a keeper of an eating-house, and
indicates exactly the location of her house. Hist. Tlax., 167. Cortes states
that the alarm was given by the guard at the first breach held by the
Mexicans, where the portable bridge was laid down. Cartas, 136.

20 Sahagun names this Mictlantonco, and the next two Tlantecayocan and
Petlacalco. In another place he names the first Tecpantzinco, and the second
or third Tolteacali. Hist. Conq., loc. cit., and [cd. 1840] 121-2. Torqucmada
gives the second breach of the causeway the latter name. The names should
probably be written Tecpantzinco, Tolteca-Acalulco, and Petlacalco.

474 LA NOCHE TRISTE.

inof their missiles fast and furious, while from the
cross-roads issued a swarm, with lance and sword, on
Alvarado's flank. Over the water resounded their
cries, and canoes came crowding round the causeway
to attack the forward ranks. To add to the horrors
of the tumult, several men and horses slipped on the
wet bridge and fell into the water; others, midst
heart-rending cries, were crowded over the edge by
those behind. All the rest succeeded in crossing,
however, except about one hundred soldiers. These,
it is said, bewildered by the battle cries and death
shrieks, turned back to the fort, and there held out for
three days, till hunger forced them to surrender and
meet the fate of sacrificial victims at the coronation
feast of Cuitlahuatzin.21

The half mile of causeway extending between
the first and second breaches was now completely
filled with Spaniards and allies, whose flanks were
harassed by the forces brought forward in canoes on
either side. Dark and foggy as the night was, the
outline of the Indian crews could be distinguished
by the white and colored tihnatli in which many of
them were clad, owing to the coldness of the air.
Fearlessly they jumped to the banks, and fought the
Spaniards with lance and javelin, retreating into the
water the moment the charge was over. Some crept
up the road sides, and seizing the legs of the fugitives
endeavored to drag them into the water. So crowded
were the soldiers that they could scarcely defend
themselves; aggressive movements were out of the
question.

Repeated orders had been transmitted to Magarino
to hurry forward the removal of his bridge to the
second channel, and, seeing no more soldiers on the
opposite bank of the first opening, he prepared to

'll This native rumor, as recorded in the mannscripts used by Duran, Hist.
Inrl.j MS., ii. 476-7, is probably the foundation for Cano's statement, that
Cort es abandoned 270 men in the fort. Herrera reduces them to 100. ' Que
se boluieron a la torre del templo, adonde se hizieron f uertes tres dias. ' dec.
ii. lib. x. cap. xii.

HARD FIGHTING. 475

obey, but the structure had been so deeply imbedded
in the banks from the heavy traffic that his men
labored for some time in vain to lift it, exposed all the
while to a fierce onslaught. Finally, after a number
of the devoted band had succumbed, the bridge was
released, but before it could be drawn over the cause-
way the enemy had borne it down at the other end so
as effectually to wreck it.22 The loss of the bridge
was a great calamity, and was so regarded by the
troops, hemmed - in as they were between two deep
channels, on a causeway which in width would hold
only twenty men in a line. On all sides were enemies
thirsting for blood. Presently a rush was made for*
the second channel, where the soldiers had already
begun, in face of the foe, to cross on a single beam,
which had been left intact when the bridge was de-
stroyed. As this was an exceedingly slow process,
many took to the water, only to receive, their death-
blow at the hands of the watermen. Some were taken
prisoners; some sank beneath their burden of gold;
the horses found a ford on one side where the water
was not above the saddle «

The canoes, however, were as numerous here as
elsewhere, and their occupants as determined; and the
horsemen had the greatest trouble to keep their seats
while resisting them. The general, being at the head,
suffered most. At one time some Indians seized him
b}^ the legs and tried to drag him off. The footing
of the horse being so insecure, the attempt would
probably have succeeded but for the prompt aid of
Antonio de Quinones, and Texmaxahuitzin, a Tlas-
caltcc, known afterward as Antonio. Olid, who also
came to the rescue, was almost overpowered, but
managed to free himself by means of backhanded
blows from his muscular arm. One of the cavalry,
Juan de Salazar, the page of Cortes, then took the

'n Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 10G, assumes that the enemy bore it down
before the baggage train had crossed, and that the channel was filled in con-
sequence with artillery, baggage, and dead bodies. Gomara gets the bridge
across the second breach-. Both must be mistaken, however.

476 LA NOCHE TRISTE.

lead to clear the way for the rest, only to fall a victim
to his zeal. The next moment his master had gained
the bank, and thereupon directed the troops by the
ford.23

Thus in the darkness the wild roar of battle con-
tinued, the commingling shouts and strokes of com-
batants falling on the distant ear as one continuous
moan. The canoes now pressed on the fugitives in
greater number at the ford than in the channel.
Sandoval, with his party, had swum the channel
before the Mexicans assembled there in great num-
bers, and was now leading the van down the cause-
way, scattering the assailants right and left. Little
regular fighting was attempted, the Spaniards being
intent on escaping and the Mexicans quickly yielding
before the cavalry, taking refuge in and round the
canoes. With greater hardihood and success, how-
ever, they harassed those on foot. On reaching
the next channel, which was the last, the fugitives
found with dismay that it was wider and deeper than
the others, and with bitter regret they saw their
mistake in not bringing three portable bridges. The
enemy was here also gathering in ever increasing
force, to watch the death trap. Every effort to clear
a passage was stubbornly resisted, and, the soldiers
growing more irresolute, a rider was sent to bring
Cortes. Before he arrived, however, Sandoval had
already plunged in with a number of the cavalry,
followed by foot-soldiers, who seized the opportunity
to fall into the wake, by either holding on to the
trappings of the horses or striking out for them-
selves. The passage was extremely difficult, and more
than one horseman reeled and fell, from the united
pressure of friends and foes. Those who followed
suffered yet more, being pushed down by comrades,
struck by clubs and stones, pierced by spears, or, most

23 Camargo relates the incidents of the passage in detail, and says that
Cortes fell into a hole as the enemy pounced upon him. The two deliverers
disputed the honor of having rescued the general. Hist. Tlax., 1G9.-

THE DREADFUL BRIDGE. 477

horrible of all, drawn in by dusky boatmen, who care-
fully guarded them for the dread stone of sacrifice.

With five horsemen Cortes led a body of one hun-
dred infantry to the mainland. Accompanying this
force was a number of carriers with treasures secured
by the general and his friends. Leaving the gold in
charge of Jaramillo, with orders to hold the entrance of
the causeway against assailants from the shore, Cortes
returned to the channel where Sandoval had taken a
stand to keep clear the bank and protect the passage.
Tidings coming that Alvarado was in danger, Cortes
proceeded to the rear, beyond the second channel, and
found it hotly contested. His opportune arrival in-
fused fresh courage, as with gallant charges he relieved
the troops from the terrible pressure. He looked in
vain foV many comrades who had been placed at this
post, and would have gone in search of them had not
Alvarado assured him that all the living" were there.
He was told that the guns reserved for the rear had
for a while been directed with sweeping effect against
the ever growing masses of warriors around them ; but
finalty a simultaneous attack from the canoe crews
on either side, and from the land forces to the rear,
impelled by their own volume, had overwhelmed the
narrow columns nearest the city, together with their
cannon, killing and capturing a large number, and
throwing the rest into the panic-stricken condition
from which he had just extricated them.

Leaving Alvarado to cover the rear as best he
could, Cortes hastened to direct the passage of the
middle channel. What a sight was there ! Of all the
bloody terrors of that dark, sorrowful night, this was
the most terrible! A bridge had been wanting, and
behold, the bridge was there! With dead and living
fugitives the chasm on either side the slippery beam
had been filled,24 and now the soldiers and allies

2i ' El foso se hinch6 hasta arriba ; . . . .y los de la retroguardia pasaron sobre
los muertos. Los espanoles que aqui quedaron muertos fueron trescientos, y
de los tlaxcaltecas y otros indios amigos fueron mas de dos mil. ' Sahagun,
Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 122.

478 LA NOCHE TRISTE.

were rushing, heedless of the groans beneath them,
across this gory support, still narrow and full of gaps,
to be filled by the next tripping fugitive. Scattered
pell-mell on the bank lay the baggage and artillery,
abandoned by the fleeing carriers, which, proving only
an obstruction, Cortes ordered it thrown into the
channel in order to widen the crossing.

But the end was not yet. Great as had been the
woe, it was yet to be increased at the last and wider
channel. Here was indeed a yawning abyss, having
likewise a single remaining beam, whose narrow slip-
per}r surface served rather as a snare than a support.25
The necessarily slow motion of the train had enabled
the Mexicans to come up in swarms, and like sharks
surround the chasm. Harassed on every side, and
with an avalanche rolling: against the rear, the re-
treating thought only of escaping the new danger,
and at once. They threw aside their arms and treas-
ures and plunged in, bearing one another down re-
gardless of any claims of friendship or humanity.
And woful to hear were the heart-rending cries from
that pit of Acheron. Some begged help of Mary and
Santiago: some cursed their fate and him who had
brought them to it, while many sank with mute
despair into the arms of death ; and over all roared the
wild cries and insults of the Mexicans. In strong
contrast to the panic-stricken men appeared a woman,
Maria de Estrada, who, with shield and sword, faced
the enemy like a lioness, standing forth among the
men as a leader, and astonishing friend and foe with
her prowess.26

Cortes did all he could, as became an able com-
mander and valiant soldier, to save his men. He was
indefatigable in his efforts, being everywhere present,
encouraging, guiding, and protecting. Yet his posi-
tion was most trying; there were that night so many

83 Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 4, 53, 68.

26 ' Casb esta Seriora, con Pedro Sanchez Farfan [who seized Narvaez], y
dieronle en Encomienda el Pueblo de Tetela.' She married a second time,
and died in Puebla. Torquemada, i. 504.

FALL OF VELAZQUEZ DE LEON. 479

brave soldiers given over to despair, so many ears
deaf to commands and prudent counsel. Unable to
do more at the channels, he hastened to look to
those who had crossed and were proceeding in strag-
gling bands to join Jaramillo. Heedless of companies
or officers, the soldiers had banded in parties of a
score or two, and sword in hand, where this had not
been thrown away, they were hurrying down the
causeway.27 The assailants fell off somewhat beyond
the last channel, and finding the advance compara-
tively safe, guided by his soldierly impulses Cortes
aofain returned with a few horsemen28 and foot-soldiers
to cover the remnant of the army. The rear, com-
posed chiefly of the Narvaez party, were approaching
the last channel, but under the continued onslaught
panic had seized them. They made hardly an effort
to defend themselves, and like the Indians during the
massacre by Alvarado they huddled one' against the
other, offering their backs as a target for unsparing
attack. Among this number was the loyal and noble
Velazquez de Leon, who shared with the Tonatiuh the
command of this section. How he fell is not known,
but he never crossed the last breach.29

Alvarado had been wounded and had lost his horse,
in common with most of his party. Finding it im-
possible to control the men, he gathered a small band
round him and sought the channel, leaving the rest
to look to themselves.30 On reaching the spot he saw

2T Bernal Diaz formed one of a band of 50, who were repeatedly attacked
with arms and midst insults. He quotes some of the low expressions used.
Hist. Verdad., 10G.

28 One authority states that Cortes was nearing Tlacopan, when Olid and
others called out to him that the fugitives were accusing the captains of aban-
doning them, and urged that they should turn back. ' It is a miracle to have
escaped,' was his reply, ' and fewer will be left if we return.' Saying this he
headed a dozen horsemen and a few foot-soldiers and galloped back. Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 106. But Cortes was not the man to wait in such a
case till entreaty came. ' Yo con tres 6 cuatro de caballo, ' he says, ' y hasta
veinte peones, que osaron quedar conmigo, me fui en la rezaga.' Cartas, 135.
He takes the palm from all American conquerors, exclaims Oviedo, iii. 326.

29 Zamacois makes atonement for a lack of research by inventing doughty
deeds for this hero. Hist. Mej., iii. 417-18.

30 Among the soldiers contributed in later times by Garay's expedition
was one Ocampo, who, fond of scandal and pasquinades, libelled many of the

480* LA NOCHE TRISTE.

a confused mass of struggling humanity in the water,
but the solitary beam which spanned it was vacant,
and steadying himself with his lance he sprang swiftly
across. Narrow and slippery as was the beam, it was
no insignificant feat for a wounded man to cross upon
it, but time magnified the performance to something
miraculous. When Alvarado came to the channel, it
is related, no friendly beam spanned the wide, deep
gap. His life turned on brief resolve and instant ac-
tion. Lithe, strong, and determined, even though
wounded, he was not yet ready to yield all. With a
searching glance into the troubled pool and across
the awful chasm he stepped back for a preparatory
spring. Then, rushing forward, he planted the long
pike upon the yielding debris and vaulted across,
to the wonder of all witnesses. The Indians, says
Camargo, prostrated themselves in admiration, and
tearing up grass, ate it, with the exclamation, "Truly,
this man is the Tonatiuh!" So runs the stoiy, pre-
served by tradition, and by the name yet given to the
spot, ' El Salto de Alvarado.'31

captains, among them Alvarado, declaring that he had left Velazquez with
over 200 men to die. Bernal Diaz., I list. Verdad., 105-7. The charge came
forward in the residencia, but Alvarado brought witnesses to prove that he
had lost all control over the men, and could do nothing else than to save
himself, wounded and unhorsed as he was. There were other witnesses who
did all they could to blacken his fame, and to attribute to his neglect of duty
a great portion of the loss sustained during that sad night. Ramirez, Proceso,
4, 38, 53, GS, and 2S8. Ramirez decides against the accused. But Alvarado
was admittedly brave, recklessly so, and it must be regarded rather as his
misfortune that a panic seized the men. Perhaps, as commander intrusted
with this section, he should have remained' longer at his post. This signified
death, and such men as then comprised his command he regarded as hardly
worth dying for. He chose to save life at the expense of a blemish on his
honor. More it never amounted to, for the court absolved him. He redeemed
the fault afterward by brave achievements.

31 Camargo intimates that several Tlascalan chiefs of the expedition testi-
fied to the feat. Hist. TIax., 168; and Gomara adds that several followers
tried to imitate it, but failed, and were drowned. Hist. 31ex., 1G0. Contra-
dictory as Bernal Diaz is about the incidents of the night, he strenuously
insists that the channel was examined during the following siege and found
to be too wide and too deep to allow of such a leap. Hist. Verdad., 107. This
solitary denial of a story which has been adopted by almost every writer,
from Oviedo to Prescott, finds support in testimony during the hero's resi-
dencia, wherein it is distinctly stated that he crossed the channel on a fixed
beam. His own testimony gives assent to the charge so formulated, although
hitherto he had no doubt allowed the other version to be believed, Ramirez,
Proceso, 4, 53, 68 et seq.

RETREAT TOWARD TLACOPAN. 481

Cortes and his small band of rescuers came up as
Alvarado appeared, pike in hand and bleeding, ac-
companied by a few stragglers.32 Among these was
Juan Tirado, who, in gratitude for his deliverance,
erected at this bridge after the conquest a hermitage
to San Acacio, known also as De los Martires —
martyrs to avarice, as Torquemada intimates.33 The
badly wounded were now mounted behind the horse-
men,34 and repelling the foes who still pressed on them,
Cortes in person covered the remnant of the army in
its retreat toward Tlacopan,35 losing in this final
struggle the gallant Captain Morla.36 The route lay
through Popotla village or suburb; and here, accord-
ing to tradition, Cortes seated himself on a stone to
weep over the misfortunes of this Sorrowful Night.37

By a similar process of annealing, gold is made soft
and iron hard ; so by misfortune the wise man is made
wiser while the fool is hardened in his folly.

32 Seven Spaniards and eight Tlascaltecs, all badly wounded. Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 106.

33 'Duro poco este nombre, pues tampoco les convenia a los muertos, que
iban cargados de Oro. ' Monarq. Ind., i. 504. Zamacois describes the site "as
he found it not long ago. Hint. Mcj., iii. 421-3. Bernal Diaz implies that
the ' martyr ' name was given in honor of those captured and sacrificed during
the siege, a year later. Hist. Verdad., 153.

3i Alvarado was taken on Gamboa's horse, Laso on Sandoval's. Ramirez,
Proceso contra Alvarado, G9, 119.

33 Alvarado said that only the dead remained behind, but Olid insisted
that a number were still fighting the enemy. Cortes accordingly went back
again and rescued several more. CaManeda, in Id. , 44. Bernal Diaz also states
that Cort6s returned as far as the bridges. Hist. Verdad., 106.

30 The same who sprang into the sea, off Yucatan, to replace the rudder of
his vessel, unshipped during the storm.

37 La Noche Triste, as it ,has ever since been called. Amid so much that
is romantic the tendency to further romance is often uncontrollable. The
truth of this statement is open to grave doubts. ' Llego [Alvarado] a Cortes,
que estaba encima de unas gradas de un qii, sentado diciendo muchas lastimas. '
Oviedo, iii. 514. Zamacois describes the enormous tree, yet standing, which
shaded the stone and bears the name of ' Arbolde laNoche Triste.'' Hist. Mcj.,
iii. 424. Prescott improves the occasion by allowing the army to file past in
sad dilapidation, regardless of the fact that the army was already gathered in
Tlacopan. Mex., ii. 371-2. Testimony confirms the statement of Cortes that
'fui en la rezaga, peleando con los indios hasta llegar a una ciudad que se dice
Tacuba' [Tlacopan]. Cartas, 135-6.

Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 31

CHAPTER XXVII.

RETREAT TO TLASCALA.

July, 1520.

Fatal Mistake of the Mexicans — A Brief Respite Allowed the Span-
iards— The Remnant of the Army at Tlacopan — They Set out for
Tlascala — An ever increasing Force at their Heels — Rest at
the Tepzolac Temple — Cortes Reviews his Disasters — The March
Continued amidst Great Tribulation — Encounter of the Grand
Army — Important Battle and Remarkable Victory — Arrival at
Tlascala — The Friendly Reception Accorded them There.

What would Emperor Charles have said to Hernan
Cortes had they met on the morning after the Sor-
rowful Night ! It is related of Xerxes that with a
golden crown he rewarded a pilot who had saved his
life, and thereupon ordered him beheaded for having
sacrificed in the operation the lives of so many of
his Persian subjects. Now Cortes had not saved the
emperor's life, nor yet the emperor's gold; he had
sacrificed many lives, and had little to show for them.
Had Charles been there, and had he valued Spaniards
as did Xerxes Persians, he might have cut off the
Estremaduran's head; but Cortes was yet worth to
Charles more than all that had been thus far lost in
New Spain.

Prosperity implies ability ; adversity," weakness of
mind and character. In the lwh-souled and chival-
rous, prosperity tends to yet loftier heights, while ad-
versity sinks the unfortunate still lower; nevertheless,
the fortitude and dignity which come to the really
great under misfortune are among the grandest sights
in this universe. I have said that Cortes might have

(482) .

IN THE MORNING. 483

ridden to Mexico over palm branches, midst hosannas,
had he but known it; but had he done so, there would
have been no greatness attending the act. The door
of peaceable exit from the city of Mexico had long
been open to him ; but to have accepted Montezuma's
invitation hence would not have raised Cortes in the
estimation either of himself or of his soldiers.

After all the terrible disasters of the Noche Triste
the Spaniards were not wholly forsaken by fortune,
though they called it the irrepressible Santiago on
his milk-white steed who caused the Mexicans to
neglect their opportunity of vigorously pursuing the
fugitives beyond the last channel, and in their help-
less state to exterminate them. Yet we cannot help
asking why Santiago did not come to their assist-
ance sooner, and save them untold woe. The Span-
iards, however, were not captious in their criticisms
of benefactors, and so a small stone was erected on
the Tacuba road in honor of the mounted saint.1 If
we would have the real cause why the Mexicans did
not follow up the Spaniards, we may find it in their
greed for spoils, as Sahagun observes, which detained
the warriors, especially round the channels. A thor-
ough search was soon instituted by them; the canals
were dragged, and quantities of arms, baggage, and
personal effects were secured, beside the gold and
jewels which had been taken by the Spaniards. Their
own dead they decently buried, while those of the
Spaniards and their, allies were more summarily dis-
posed of, and the whole road cleared of obstructions
and whatever might infect the atmosphere.2

According to Gomara the discovery of the bodies
of Montezuma's son and heir and other princes cre-
ated such sorrow that pursuit was on this account
suspended. It seems not unreasonable that the na-

1 ' Esto despues lo declararon los mismos Indios.' Vetancvrt, Teatro Mcx.,
pt. iii. 143. Nor do they omit the ever recurring story of the virgin image
casting dust into the eyes of the pursuers.

- The Tlasc;iltec and Cempoalan bodies were thrown among the reeds, and
the Spanish into deeper water. Sahayuii, Hist. Couq. (ed. 1840), 126-7.

484 RETREAT TO TLASCALA.

tives should have charged their death wounds to
the Spaniards, who, rather than see men like King
Cacama free to create mischief, should have preferred
to dispatch them, offering, Medea-like, a bribe to
reverence and love with a view to retard the Colchian
pursuers.3 Although this accusation could not be
proven, their death was nevertheless to be avenged.
At least forty Spaniards and a number of allies had
been captured during the night, and at the obsequies,
which were of the most imposing order, they added
solemnity to the occasion by yielding their hearts'
blood ; while those who, according to native tradition,
turned back to hold the fort for three days before
they swelled the throng of victims, were reserved for
the coronation soon to follow.

The respite from close pursuit had enabled the
fugitive army to join, in detached groups, the nucleus
already gathered under Jamarillo in one of the squares
of Tlacopan,4 the capital of the smallest tripartite
state, half a league from Mexico. A sorry spectacle
was this remainder of the brilliant army which had
so lately entered Mexico as conquerors. A haggard,
bleeding, ragged crowd, dreggy with mire and smeared
with gore, many without weapons, and without a ves-
tige of their baggage and war stores. When Cortes
arrived with the last remnant the sun was rising, and
fearing the danger of an attack in the narrow streets,
such as had made the sallies in Mexico so disastrous,
he hastened to conduct his men into the open field.
The movement was made none too soon, for imme-

3 Duran and Ixtlilxochitl make the murders take place in the Spanish
quarters, as we have seen. Sahagun permits two of Montezuma's sons to fall
between the last channel and Popotla, while guiding the fugitives. Hist. Conq.,
33 (ed. 1840), 122. Gomara assumes also that the pursuers may have been
content with the injury inflicted, or cared not to renew the fight on more open
ground. Hist. Mex., 161. Solis attributes the respite wholly to the discovery
of the bodies. Hist. Mex., ii. 185-6.

4 ' Llegado a la dicha ciudad de Tacuba, halle toda la gente remolinada
en una plaza, que no sabian donde ir. ' Cortes, Cartas, 136. 'Hasta cerca de
Tlacupan hasta un lugar que se llama Tilihucan.' Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 33.
' Tacuba .... is at the present day chiefly noted for the large and noble church
which was erected there by Cortez.' Latrobe's Rambler, 128.

TOTOLTEPEC TEMPLE. 485

diately after the scouts gave warning of approaching
hosts, magnified to a hundred thousand or more,
speedily the war shrieks again broke on the ears of
the startled troops. The Mexicans had sent word to
Tlacopan and the neighboring towns to intercept the
fugitives, and assistance coming with the dawn they
joined in the attack.5

A Tlascaltec chief had recommended a northward
course, round the lakes, as the least exposed to pursuit,
and offered himself as guide.6 The inarch was accord-
ingly directed north-westward through some maize-
fields, with Cortes leading. The enemy were upon
them before the rear left the city, and several soldiers
fell in the onslaught. A short distance before them
rose the hill of Totoltepec, Bird Mountain,7 sur-
mounted by a temple with several strong buildings,8

5 Gomara assumes that the Tlacopan people were not aware of the broken
condition of the troops. Now they joined the 40,000 Mexicans who had set
forth prepared for pursuit. Hist. Mex., 161. ' Ya auian venido de Mexico ....
dar mandado a Tacuba, y a Escapucalco, y a Tenayuca, para que nos saliessen
al encuentro. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 106. The Mexicans were disgusted
with those of Tlacopan for their neglect. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii.

6 ' Un Angel de Guarda, 6 San Pedro, como otros quieren, 6 Santiago
Apostol,' observes the enthusiastic Lorenzana. Cortes, Hist. N. Espana, 14.3.

7 'Totolpec. ' Ixtli/xochUl, Hist. Chich., 302; Toltotepec is Vetancurt's mis-
spelling. 'Cerro llamado de Muteczuma.' Lorenzana, ubi sup.

8 ' Una torre y aposento fuerte.' Cortes, Cartas, 136. ' Vnas caserias q en
vn cerro estauan, y alii juto a vn Cu, e adoratorio, y como fortaleza.' Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 107. 'A este templo llamaron de la Vitoria, y despues
nuestra Seilora de los remedios.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii. Sahagun
calls the rise Acueco, and places upon it the Otomi village of Otoncapulco.
Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 122. Vetancurt follows, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 143, while
Camargo calls it Tzacuyocan. The variations in Sahagun's editions lead Tor-
quemada to say that the Spaniards moved the same day from Otoncalpulco
pueblo to Acueco, an Otomi village, i. 504-5. This, Brasseur de Bourbourg
follows. The Spaniards may have passed through it on departing, but would
hardly move from a stronghold to a probably open village while surrounded
by enemies. If food was the object, the able-bodied soldiers would have
made a sally for it. It appears that the army camped for the night on the hill
now occupied by the Remedios shrine, and in the fortress-like temple, to
which a small village was attached. Alzate, however, who took pains to in-
quire into the subject, found that the natives applied the name Otoncapulco,
not to the Remedios hill, but to the mountain, three fourths of a league off.
On this mountain he found the ruins of a strong building, and none on the
hill, whence he assumes that the camp was not made on the site of the
shrine, but on the mountain. Gacetas de Lit., ii. 457-9. Bustamante accepts
this view, but Archbishop Lorenzana, whose testimony in the matter must
be reliable, says : 'Se conservan aim algunos vestigios de la antigua Fortaleza,
y esta se ha convertido dichosamente en el eelebre Santuario de N. Sra. de
los Remedios.' Cortes, Hist. N. Espana, p. xiii. He also intimates that the

48G RETREAT TO TLASCALA.

and a small village. This appeared an eligible spot
for the rest which they so much needed. Crossing the
Tepzolac Creek, at its foot, Cortes ordered the advance
guard, under Ordaz, to capture it, while he faced the
pursuers. Little resistance was offered at the temple,
but the general was hotly pressed, as the enemy per-
ceived that their prey was about to escape. At this
juncture it was said that the Virgen de los Remedios
appeared, and by casting dust into the eyes of the foe
enabled the Spaniards to effect their escape with little
loss into the temple. "By this time," writes Cortes,
"we had not a horse that could run, or a horseman
who could lift an arm, or a foot-soldier who could
move. y

A few additional intrenchments were thrown up,
and the necessary guards posted to watch the baffled
enemy, who perceiving the strength of the place con-
tented themselves with flinging their missiles and
filling the air with shouts. Feeling comparatively se-
cure, the troops abandoned themselves to rest round
blazing fires. The food found in the place, although
insufficient for the demands of the half-starved men,
afforded some comfort, which was increased by grateful
sleep.10

Thus were refreshed the wounded and disheart-
ened. And with grateful hearts the remnant of the
brave arm y returned thanks to God for deliverance.
Some, however, attributed their escape to the presence
among them of the image of the Virgen de los Reme-

Otoncapulco name is misapplied. Hence it may be assumed that the common
application of Otoncapulco to this hill is due to a misinterpretation of Sahagun's
versions, which have been greatly tampered with, for that matter, and that
the ruins mentioned by Lorenzana had disappeared by the time Alzate ex-
amined the place.

!» Carta*, 136; Cabrera, Escado Armas, 110. 'Aqui se sefialb mucho Gon-
calo Dominguez, hombre diestro y valiente.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii.
Prcscott makes several blunders and omissions in connection with this day.

10 A few stragglers managed to reach the camp, and among them one
Sopucrta, who had escaped death by feigning it. Herrera, ubi sup. Sahagun
states that Otomis from Teucalhuican, and from the immediate neighbor-
hood, no doubt, brought food, and invited the Spaniards to the former town,
a few leagues from there. Hist. Conq. , 33. Torquemada follows him, but the
story is probably an exaggeration.

VIRGEN DE LOS REMEDIOS. 487

dios, which Rodriguez de Villafuerte is said to have
afterward placed in the great temple of Mexico. It
had been brought here by the owner, although some
supposed it might have come over of its own accord,
as it is said to have miraculously done in later times
when detained in Mexico against its will.11 Some
years after the Noche Triste it was found on this hill
under a bush, by a converted cacique named Juan de
Tobar, who kept it for a long time, and then by divine
direction built a hermitage for it on the hill, where it
had been found. The many miracles reported of the
shrine induced the City of Mexico in 1574 to adopt
it as a patron, and by the following year the simple
chapel was replaced by a fine temple worthy of the
sanctity of the image which has absorbed so large a
share of holy pilgrimage.12

The review held on Remedios Hill revealed the full
extent of the blow suffered, "one which Spaniards
alone could have endured," says Peter Martyr. At
the beginning of the siege the army mustered twelve
hundred and fifty Spaniards and six thousand allies,
with arms and ammunition in abundance, and now

11 It has been shown previously, by testimony not accessible till later years,
that the image placed in the great temple was a picture on a tablet, while
that of Remedios is a doll. But, of course, the image that could move through
the air could also transform its shape. Bernal Diaz assumes, as we have
seen, that Montezuma had ordered the image to be cared for ; yet many believe
that Rodriguez secured it before or after the massacre, while the more pious
prefer to suppose that he could not find it, for want of time, perhaps, and
that it moved miraculously to the camp. Acosta, Hist. Ind., 524; Ixtlilxochitl,
Hid. Chich., 302. After the departure of the troops the image hid itself on
the spot, or Rodriguez, tired of the burden which had saved his life, ungrate-
fully left it there. It is also supposed to have been carried to Tlascala ere it
reappeared on its later site. Cabrera, Escudo Armas, 100 et seq. ; Alaman,
Disert., i. 122. Lorenzana accepts it as the image from Mexico's temple.
Cortes, Hist. JSf. Espaila, 138.

12 It has frequently been brought to Mexico, and is still brought to avert
epidemics and other ills, to bring rain or other blessings. When detained it
would travel back of its own accord to the shrine, a proof of which was
afforded by the travel stains on the dress. One rainy night it arrived covered
with mud. Latrobe's Rambler, 133. Thompson describes it as ' a little alabaster
doll, with the nose broken, and the eye out. . . .about eight inches high.' Her
wardrobe and jewels are valued at over $1,000,000. Recollections, 103-9.
Ho gives an account of the veneration for the image and its miraculous power.
The history of its origin and worship is to be found in a multitude of books,
among which may be mentioned, Medina, Chrdn. S. JJie<jo Mex., 30 et seq.;
Cabrera, Escudo Armas, 106 et seq.; Bustamante, Mem. Piedad., Mex., 1-52.

488 RETREAT TO TLASCALA.

little more than five hundred soldiers and less than
two thousand allies remained.13 The baggage, artillery
and ammunition, intrusted to the trains of carriers, had
all been lost, and a great portion of the arms carried by
the men, so that only twelve battered cross-bows and
seven firelocks could be counted. What better com-
mentary could we have on the night's disaster! The
side arms were fortunately better preserved, and there
were twenty-four horses left, now the only formidable
element of the army.14 Of the treasure none could
tell what had been saved, the holders keeping the fact
secret. It was whispered, however, that Cortes had
taken good care of the portion appropriated by him,
Bernal Diaz, among others, insisting that with the
first party conducted by the general to Tlacopan went
a number of carriers with gold bars and jewels.
Among these is said to have been some of the royal
treasure, but the officers declared that it had all been
lost, including the mare with the fifth proper, and the
account books and records. The loss of the papers,
however unfortunate for history, must have been

13 Cortes prudently limits, and we must add untruthfully, the loss to 150
soldiers and some 2000 allies. It is with a view to this estimate that lie reduced
the force brought into Mexico to 570 men, to which must be added the 140
composing the garrison. Deducting the 150 lost, 500- remain, and since he
would hardly overestimate the number, lor obvious reasons, this figure is
probably near the truth. Bernal Diaz musters 1300 at Tlascala, and has 80
at Mexico. Deducting from this 800 men stated to have been lost before
entering Tlascala, not counting those who fell in other provinces, leaves about
580; yet he acknowledges only 440 alive. Hist. Verdad., 108 et seq. Herrera
is also contradictory, admitting in one place 500, and in another ' less than ' 400
soldiers and GOO allies. Oviedo reduces the soldiers to 340. iii. 513. Vetan-
curt adopts Bernal Diaz' 440 soldiers and Herrera's GOO allies. Prescott hastily
declares Gomara as nearest to the truth, yet he departs from him in the result.
With regard to the allies, he reckons the full number of all who were brought
to Mexico, while it is pretty obvious, from figures and facts,* that a portion
must have been allowed to return home during the inaction of the emperor's
captivity. The list of losses, as given by different authorities, stands as fol-
lows : 150 soldiers, over 2000 allies, Cortes; over 200 soldiers, over 2000 allies,
Lejcdde, Probauza; nearly 200 soldiers, over 1000 allies, Solis; 300 soldiers,
over 2000 allies, at one bridge, Sahagun, 122; 450 soldiers, 4000 allies, Gomara,
followed by Ixtlilxochitl, Clavigero, Camargo, and others; over 500 soldiers in
all New Spain, ( 'arta del Ejercito; over 600 soldiers, Robertson; over GOO sol-
diers, B. V. de Tapia, in Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 38; 800 soldiers
in all New Spain, Cortes, Residencia, i. 42 ; 870 soldiers in all New Spain, Bernal
Diaz ; 1170 soldiers, 8000 allies, Cano, in Oviedo, iii. 551.

14 The loss in horses varies from 45, in Cortes, to 56, in Lejalde, Probanza,
both acknowledging 24 left.

VAIN REGRETS. 489

rather convenient to Cortes, at least, who had a
fancy for adjusting facts and figures to suit his
schemes.15

Deeply stricken was Cortes, and bitterly did he
repent of the mistakes which had contributed to this
sad result : of having left Alvarado in charge to follow
his rash bent; of having treated Montezuma and his
chiefs so inconsiderately on his arrival; and, above
all, the faulty arrangements for the flight by night.16
His had been the greatest conquest yet undertaken
in the New World, and his the greatest disaster.
The men of Narvaez had suffered most, partly, it is
said, because they were most eager to burden them-
selves with gold, but rather because they were inex-
perienced, and assigned chiefly to the rear. It was
the gaps in the ranks of his veterans that touched
Cortes most. Gone was the dear dandy Francisco de
Salcedo, whom slovenly comrades should no more
trouble! The cavalry, so sadly depleted, missed

15 ' Perdido se todo el oro y joyas y ropa,' etc. Cortes, Cartas, 135. It had
been confided to Tlascaltecs, and was nearly all lost, says their chief. Camarr/o,
Hist. Tlax., 169-70. The officers testified afterward before public notary : ' Se
perdio todo el dicho oro 6 joyas de SS. AA., 6 mataron la yegua que lo traia.'
Lejalde, Probanza, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 425. Two witnesses during the
residencia of Cort6s stated that the general had two mares, one given to carry
the royal treasures and the other laden with his own. The latter being lost,
he claimed the other to be his, and in this manner appropriated 45,000 pesos
or more which belonged to the king. Cortex, Residencia, i. 69, 101-2. Not
long after the retreat he called on all to declare, under penalty, what gold they
had saved of that taken from the unappropriated piles. From those who did so
the treasures were taken, although it was understood that they had been given
to them. All this Cortes kept. Id., 101-2, 241-2; ii. 402. Many refused to
surrender, and since the leaders had also secured shares from the common
pile, the order to reveal possession thereof was not enforced, says Bernal
Diaz. He adds that one third was to be retained by the possessor us a reward.
Cortes kept as a forced loan what had been surrendered. Hist. Verdad. , 117-18.
The loss of treasure, that thrown away by carriers and pressed soldiers, or
sunken with their bodies, has been estimated at from several hundred thousand
pesos to over two millions, in the values of that time ; to which Wilson sarcas-
tically objects, that 'nothing was really lost but the imaginary treasure, now
grown inconveniently large, and which had to be accounted for to the emperor.
The Conquistador was too good a soldier to hazard his gold ; it was therefore
in the advance, and came safely off.' Conq. Mex., 412-13.

10 ' Si esta cosa fuera de dia, por ventura no murieran tantos,' adds Gomara,
Hist. Mex., 161. While grieving he recognized 'el manifiesto milagro que la
reyna de los angeles su abogada, el apostol San Pedro, y el de los ege"rcitos
Espafioles Santiago, habian hecho en haberse escapado 61.' IxtfUxochitl, JJ<sf.
Chief i., 302. Vetancurt moralizes on the flight as a chastisement by God,
who saved the remnant to spread the faith. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 145-6.

490 RETREAT TO TLASCALA.

among its number the dashing Lares17 and the brave
Morla. Neither could Botello be injured by the
curses freely given him for his false reading of the
stars.18 The death which most deeply moved Cortes,
however, was that of the true-hearted and brave
Velazquez, whose standing and influence, as a relative
of the Cuban governor and as a man of high birth,
had so greatly assisted the general in carrying out
his schemes. Cortes had in return conferred on him
some of the most important commissions, ever re-
garding him as among the truest of his friends. With
him had died his native wife, Elvira, the daughter of
the Tlascaltec lord Maxixcatzin, and nearly every
prisoner.19

With so many losses to deplore, it proved a solace
for Cortes to find present his favorite captains, San-
doval, Alvarado, and Olid. His interpreters were
also here, and foremost the loving Marina, whose life,
together with that of Luisa, Xicotencatl's daughter,
was due to the zealous care of the latter s brothers.
Martin Lopez, the ship-builder, also survived, and
the sight of him assisted to give the thoughts of the
general a hopeful bent, rousing in his enterprising
spirit projects for vengeance and recuperation. Rem-
nants though they were, his forces were still larger
than those with which he had overcome Narvaez,
and which he had till then regarded as sufficient for
the conquest of the empire. The experience gained
and a knowledge of the country were in themselves
an army; and, thank fortune, he had some gold, and
better still, allies. Tlascala was now his hope. Ev-
erything, indeed, depended on the little republic, and

17 On a later page Bernal Diaz says he fell at Otumba. Hist. Verdad.,
107, 246.

18 Herrera attempts to save somewhat the reputation of the astrologer by
the statement that he prophesied death for himself or his brother.

19 Every one, say Cortes and Herrera; but Ixtlilxochitl states that one
sister of King Cacama was saved, and he intimates that one or two of his
brothers also escaped. He is contradictory, however. Hist. Chich., 302, 390.
The one who escaped must have been Cuicuitzcatl, the newly made king of
Tezcuco. Brasseur de Bourbourg adds two of his brothers, probably from
misinterpreting Ixtlilxochitl. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 339.

AT CALACOAYAK 491

whether it would afford him shelter and aid. He
knew that the loss of so many of its warriors under
his banner had brought wide-spread affliction, which
might turn to hatred toward him as the cause.
Thereupon he talked to the Tlascaltec chiefs who
were yet alive, and endeavored to stir in them the
thirst for revenge, and excite their desires for rich
spoils and increased domain.

20

Besiegers and besieged sat watching each other the
whole day, but the latter made no signs of stirring.
Thinking that they would not venture forth for some
time, many of the former began to file off homeward,
leaving, nevertheless, a strong force round the hill.
Cortes feared that the morrow would bring them
back with reinforcements and make escape difficult.
Trusting again therefore to the darkness, now joined
to the more advantageous circumstance, of an open
field, he set forth, leaving the fires blazing to lull the
watchfulness of the foe. Eight captains were ap-
pointed for the different sections to maintain the
arranged order of march,21 Cortes with a portion of
the cavalry taking the rear, as the post of danger.
The rest of the horsemen led the van, while the sound
infantry formed a cordon for the centre, wherein
the wounded were carried in hammocks, or hobbled
along on hastily prepared crutches, a few being taken
up behind the horsemen. The rear had hardly left
the temple before the enemy wrere upon them with
swords and lances, many of the captured and recov-
ered weapons of the Spaniards being now used against
themselves. But the attack was not severe, partly be-
cause the pursuers had been reduced to irregular bands
from the mainland settlements, whose chief object
was plunder. At dawn the town of Calacoayan was

20 Ixtlilxochitl names some of the chiefs to whom these offers were made.
Hint. Chich., 302.

'21Avila, a veritable martinet, maimed a soldier with a blow for stepping
from the ranks to pluck some fruit. IJerrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii. The
same story has been told of Avila in Cempoala.

492 RETREAT TO TLASCALA.

sighted, and on approaching it the mounted scouts
came in a ravine upon an ambuscade formed by its
warriors. Believing them to be numerous the horse-
men galloped back, and joined by others returned to
charge. It is related that the leader halting for a
moment to arrange for the attack, a soldier became
impatient, and hoisting an improvised flag on his
lance he called out, "Santiago! follow me who dare!"
The rest responded, and the enemy was routed with
slaughter.22 The town was ransacked for food and

Citlaltepec oZacamolco?
Tepotzotj, t^fZumpango

Qwnltftl^ ^ oTeotihuacan

Teuculhuacan °
Calacoayan0 ^ill cuCO Otumba oHueyotlipan

Tlacopano ( /%J o <> Calpulalpan

Mexico UF^ Zultepec

J§
Tlascala &ra§£

a ° #W^

#2§l Iztaccihuatl #,\*fej?'

^ Huexotzinco ^P^r
Popocatepetl^

Cholula °Huitzilapan

Quauhquechollano Tepeaca"

o

Itzucan Tecamarfialco.

Acatzingo

o

Quecliolac

fired as a warning to the assailants. The march was
resumed, and the plain of Tizaapan reached, but
owing to the fight at the town and the constant
skirmishing only three leagues were made that day.
Toward sunset they reached the hamlet of Teucul-
huacan, and took peaceable possession of the temple
for the night.23

*

22 Cortes allows the five scouts to defeat the enemy, who are frightened by
the supposition that a larger force is upon them. Cartas, 137. Herrera is more
explicit with regard to the ambuscade, and makes Ordaz lead up the reinforce-
ments, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii.

?3 ' Mas no cenar.' Gomara, Hist. Mex. , 162. Sahagun states, however, that
this was the town to which the Otomis had on the preceding day invited,
them, chiefly because they were related to the Otomis of the Tlascaltec division
under Cortes. Hist. Conq., 34-5. A risky proceeding, if true, for an isolated
community, on whom might fall the vengeance of the hostile Mexicans. In

SAHAGUN AND BRASSEUR DE B0URB0URG. 493

At noon on the 3d the march was resumed, with
quickened steps and with less interruption. Though
persistent in harassing, the pursuers fled whenever the

the account of the route followed to Tlascala Cortes is still the best guide, for
he not only kept a record, but wrote his report while the occurrences were
yet fresh. He is wanting in details, however, and fails to give names to
localities. These omissions are remedied by Sahagun, who now seems more
reliable. Other authors are vague or misleading for the route, but the oc-
casional incidents told by them are noteworthy. Bernal Diaz indicates only
one stopping place, Quauhtitlan evidently, before Otumba is reached. Camargo
skips to a. place adjoining Otumba, and Ixtlilxochitl takes the army to Quauh-
ximalpan, a place which modern maps locate south of Remedios. He resumes
the northern route, but names some towns that cannot be identified. Gomara
adheres pretty well to Cortes, but his commentator, Chiiftalpain, supplies names
for places, which differ from Sahagun and indicate a deviation from the ex-
treme northern course, as will be seen. Torquemada follows chiefly Sahagun,
whom he recommends. Orozco y Berra has closely studied the journey, and
throws much light on it, more so than any other writer ; yet his conclusions
are not always satisfactory. Ilinerario del Ejercito Espaiiol, in Mex. Not.
Ciudad., 246 et seq. I have already spoken at leugth, in Native Races, iii.
231-G, on the life and writings of Father Sahagun, and will here refer only
to the twelfth book of his Historia General, inserted by Bustamante, at the
beginning of the set, under the title of Historia de la Conquista de Mexico.
This copy is from one found by Munoz in the Franciscan convent of Tolosa,
in Navarre. Another copy of the twelfth book, in possession of Conde de
Cortina, claimed as the true original, was published separately by the same
editor, at Mexico, 1840, with lengthy notes from Clavigero and other writers
to complete the chain of events, and to comment on the suppression in the
former issue of statements concerning Spanish misdeeds. It has also an addi-
tional chapter. Neither copy, however, corresponds quite to that used by
Torquemada, who in more than one instance quotes passages that are startling
compared with the modified expressions in the others. The severity of the
friar toward Spanish conquerors was no doubt a strong reason for the sup-
pression of his work. The twelfth book begins with Grijalva's arrival and
the omens preceding it, and carries the narrative of the conquest down to the
fall of Mexico. According to his own statement, on page 132, it is founded
to a great extent on the relations given him by eye-witnesses, soldiers who
had assumed the Franciscan robe and associated daily with the friar; but
much is adopted, with little or no critique, from superstitious natives, the
whole forming a rather confusing medley, so that it is difficult to extract the
many valuable points which it contains. This difficulty is, of course, not en-
countered by such followers as Bustamante and Brasseur de Bourbourg, and
similar supporters of native records or anti-Spanish versions.

In the Native Races I give the traits which characterize the French abbe
and his famous works on Central American culture and antiquities, and it
remains only to refer briefly to his version of the conquest, comprised in
the fourth volume of the Histoire de.s Nations Civilisees. His pleasing style
lends attraction to every page, but his faults become more conspicuous from
the comparison presented by a vast array of authorities, revealing the indis-
creet and enthusiastic readiness to accept native tales, or anything that favors
the hypotheses by which he is ruled, and in the disposition to build magnificent
structures on airy foundation. His version, indeed, strives rather to narrate
the conquest from a native standpoint, and to use Spanish chronicles only as
supplementary authority. To this end he relies chiefly on the now well
known writings of Sahagun, Ixtlilxochitl, Camargo, and Torquemada, and it
is but rarely that he is able to quote the often startling original manuscripts
possessed only by himself.

494 RETREAT TO TLASCALA.

cavalry charged, and took refuge on the hill-slopes, fling-
ing with their missiles jeers and insults. "Women!"
they cried; " cowards, who fight only when mounted!
You are going whence none of you shall escape ! " The
latter threat was frequently heard, but its meaning
failed as yet to be understood. There was a worse
enemy than the Mexicans, however, and that was
hunger, which made itself severely felt, "although
Spaniards can endure its pangs better than any other
nation," vaunts Gomara, "and this band of Cortes'
better than all." Eagerly they scanned the road side
for fruit or roots, and many ate grass, while the Tlas-
caltecs threw themselves upon the ground and begged
their gods to take pity upon them.24 One soldier
opened a dead body and ate the liver, and when
Cortes heard of it he ordered the man hanged, but
the sentence was not executed. The route, at first
craggy, passed through the towns of Quauhtitlan and
Tepotzotlan, along the lake of Zumpango, to Citlal-
tepec, where camp was formed. The inhabitants had
fled, but food was there to eat, and even to carry on
their journey, and there they remained all the next
day.25

21 ' Mordiendo la tierra, arrancando yeruas, y alcado los ojos al cielo, dezian,
dioses no nos desampareys en este poligro, pues teneys poder sobre todos los
hombres, hazed que con vuestra ayuda salgamos del. ' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x.
cap. xii.

25 Herrera conforms to Cortes and Gomara in admitting a stay of two
nights at one place, but makes this Tecopatlan, called ' duck town,' from its
many fowl. This is evidently Tepotzotlan. But it was not near the lake
like Citlaltepec, and 'duck town' applies rather to a lake town, in this
region, at least. Cortes also writes, in Cartas, 137, ' fuimos aquel dia por
cerca de unas lagunas hasta que llegamos a una poblacion,' and this does not
apply well to Tepotzotlan, which lies a goodly distance from the lakes, re-
quiring certainly no march along ' some ' lakes to reach it. Hence the Citlaltepec
of Sahagun must be meant. This author, however, supposes the Spaniards to
stay one night at each place. Hist. Conq., 36 (ed. 1840), 129. Ixtlilxochitl
calls the place after Tepotzotlan, Aychqualco. Hist. Chich. , 302. At Tepot-
zotlan, says Vetancurt, some of the people remained to receive the Spaniards —
this is in accordance with one of Sahagun's versions — and here remained to
hide the son of Montezuma, whom he supposes to have escaped with the troops.
Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 144. According to Chimalpain's interpretation the Span-
iards stay the two nights at Quauhtitlan, and thence proceed by way of Eca-
tepec, now San Cristobal, skirting the northern shore of Tezcuco Lake, and on
t ) Otumba. Hist. Conq. , i. 304-5. This route certainly appears the most direct,
but there is no authority for it. The sentence from Cortes might no doubt be
adopted equally well for this road; but Sahagun, Ixtlilxochitl, and Herrera

A HOST AT HAND. 495

On the morning of the 5th of July they skirted
the lake and turned westward to Tlascala, pursued by
increasing forces;26 owing to which, or to the rough-
ness of the road, or to the guide, less progress was
made than on the previous day, and camp was pitched
at the deserted hamlet of Xoloc. The following day
they proceeded toward the Azaquemecan Mountains,
and halted at the town Zacamolco.27 Observing a
mysterious movement among the Indians on the slope,
Cortes set out with five horsemen and a dozen foot-
soldiers to reconnoitre. After skirting the mountain
he came in sight of a large army,28 with a portion
of which he came to close quarters, the fleet natives
having gained on the foot-soldiers in making the turn
of the hill. In the melee Cortes was badly wounded in
the head.29 He retreated to camp and had the wound
bandaged, and the forces were hurried away from the
town, which appeared too exposed for an attack. The
Indians pursued them so closely that two men were
killed and a number wounded, beside four or five
horses. One of the animals died, and although the.
troops deplored its loss, the meat proved acceptable,
for roasted maize with a little fruit had been their
only food for several days.30 Camp appears to have

name towns which lie east and north of the Zumpango Lake, and during the
rainy season now prevailing the passages between the lakes were rather
swampy. Tezcuco was beside too close for the fleeing army. Alaman accepts
tne route south of Zumpango, Disert., i. 122, against which nearly all the
above reasons apply.

26<Nos convenia ir muchas veces fuera de camino.' Cortes, Cartas, 138.
Owing to the guide's inefficiency, adds Gomara, Hist. Mex., 1G2.

27Sahagun also calls the mountain, or the slope, Tona. His confusing
versions sometimes reverse all the names. Cort6s places it two leagues from
the last camp.

28 ' Detras del [hill] estabauna gran ciudad de mucha gente.' Cortes, Cartas,
138. Zacamolco is also called a large town. There could hardly be two large
towns so close together in a district like this, so that the other must have been
Teotihuacan, ' city of the gods,' with its ancient and lofty pyramids, sacred to
all Anahuac, and one of the chief centres of pilgrimage. For description of
ruins, see Native Races, iv. 529-44.

29 'Con un golpe de piedra en la cabeza tan violento, que abollando las
armas, le rompi6 la primera tunica del cerebro. ' So Solis defines the wound,
which afterward grew dangerous. Hist. Mex., ii. 203. He supposes that it
was received at Otumba.

3u ' Le comieron sin dexar [como dizen] pelo ni huesso.' Gomara, Hist.
Mex., 102. 'La cabeza cupo a siete o ocho.' The horse was Gamboa's, on.

496 RETREAT TO TLASCALA.

been formed for the night in a hamlet among the
hills, the enemy being left on the opposite western
slope of the range.

A serious encounter being apprehended the next day,
additional crutches and hammocks were prepared for
those of the wounded who had hitherto been carried
on horseback, so as to leave the cavalry free in its
movements.31 Before dawn on July 7th32 the march
was resumed, in the hope of eluding the forces in the
rear, little suspecting that this was but a wing of the
main body now preparing to surround them. They had
proceeded about a league, and were on the point of
entering the large plain of Otumba,33 when the scouts
came galloping back with the information that the
whole field was filled with warriors in battle array.
The hearts of the Spaniards sank within them. They
were hoping to escape an enemy such as this.34 Cortes
ordered a halt, and with his captains talked over the
situation. Retreat was out of the question, and to
turn aside would be useless. "We must charge upon
this host," said Cortes; "we must make our path
through its very centre. Remember your dead com-
rades; remember your God; comport yourselves like
Christian soldiers, and this idolatrous horde will melt
before you like the morning mist." He thereupon
issued the necessary instructions for charging and

which Alvarado was saved after his leap. Herrera, ii. x. xii. ; Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 107. Ixtlilxochitl says that Zinacatzin, of Teotihuacan, killed
it — he whom we shall find leading the enemy on the morrow.

31 ' Y pareci6 que el Espiritu Santo me alumbro con este aviso,' exclaims
Cortes, Cartas, 139. Many a soldier carried a comrade on his back. Gomara,
Hist. Max., 1G3.

32 According to Cortds, whose dates I have already shown to be reliable.
He makes it a Saturday. Prescott makes it the 8th, a mistake which has
been copied by several writers, including Brasseur de Bourbourg and Carbajal
Espinosa.

33 ' Llanos de la provincia de Otupam. ' The battle taking place near
Metepec. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 302-3. Plain of Otumpan, also called
Atztaquemecan. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 170. ' Los Llanos de Apan. ' ' ElValle
de Otumba.' Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist. N. Espafia, xiv. 148. Clavigero calls
ic the plain of Toiran, derived from Sahagun, who applies the name to the slope
of the range bordering it.

3i Following the intimation given by Sahagun, Torquemada states that the
enemy came pouring in from rear and sides to surround the troops, i. 508.

A BRILLIANT DISPLAY. 497

resisting, and for protecting the disabled. The horse-
men were to ride with loose rein, lancing at the faces,
so as to break the enemy's lines, and open a path for
the infantry, who were to follow and thrust their side-
arms at the bowels of their assailants.35

Commending themselves to the virgin, and invoking*
the aid of Santiago, the troops advanced and entered ,
the plain, skirted on the east by the lower ranges of
the Tlaloc, which inclosed in the distance the town
of Otumba. The sight was as grand as it was terri-
tying. In every direction were seemingly endless
columns, with flowing plumage, brilliant shields of
varied design*, and above and beyond these a forest of
glittering iztli points. "It was the finest army Span-
iards ever encountered in the Indies," exclaims Bernal
Diaz. Their number was legion, and the richness of
their attire signified the presence of the strength and
nobility of the empire. The original ^estimate was
doubled, and that was increased fourfold, until, like
Don Quixote's sheep, two hundred thousand seemed
small. Aware of the route taken and the destination
of the Spaniards, Cuitlahuatzin had sent orders to the
caciques of Otumba, Teotihuacan, Calpulalpan, and
adjoining region, to mass their forces here and exter-
minate the intruders. This order came most oppor-
tune, for at the time a fair was held at Otumba,
which attracted a large concourse, from which volun-
teers were readily obtained for so laudable an object,
represented not only as easy of achievement, but as
profitable from the spoils that were to follow. A
strong force from the lake region had come to form
the nucleus of the army, the command of which was
assumed by Cihuacatzin, lord of Teotihuacan.36

35 While they were halting, writes Ojeda, a big Indian with club and shield
advanced *to challenge any Spaniard to single combat. Ojeda responded, but
in advancing against the man his negro slave followed him, and either the
sight of two frightened the native or he sought to decoy them, for he retreated
into a copse. Herrera, ii. x. xiii.

36 Caviar go, Hist. Tlax., 171-2; Torquemada, i. 509. Ixtlilxochitl spells
the name Zihuatcatlzin, and Oviedo calls it Xiaquetenga, based probably on
that of the Tlascaltec chief. Duran, Hist. lad. , MS. , ii. 480. ' La flor de Mexico,
y de Tezcuco, y Saltocan.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 108.

Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 32

498 RETREAT TO TLASCALA.

The sight of the sorry remnant of the Spanish
army was greeted by the native host with triumphant
shouts, trumpet blasts, and the clashing of weapons.
Nothing should now prevent their escape; they were
doomed ! Cautiously the Indians advanced to sur-
round them; for though the wounded and bedraggled
band was small, it still looked viperish. Like the
French in Egypt the Mexicans might have said that
the centuries were looking down on them from the
mystic towers of Teotihuacan, consecrated to the
sacred past. It was natural enough for them to feel
glad and proud; surely the invaders had brought
them misery enough to justify any return. But let
them not forget that there are still strong men, now
nerved to desperation. And just beyond the mountain
fringe, toward which pointed their holy banner of the
cross, was a promised land, 'the land of bread,' and,
as they hoped, of trusty friends.

Cortes did not wait for them to advance too near be-
fore he made a charge. With head and arm bandaged
he led the cavalry, which in parties of five rushed at
the enemy, lancing straight at the face, and opening a
way for the infantry, which followed at a quick pace,
thrusting sword and pike as they had been directed.37
This tactic disconcerted the natives somewhat, and
discarding their projectile weapons the front ranks
seized on lances, two-handed swords, and heavy clubs,
encouraging one another by shouting the names of
their towns and districts. After breaking the lines
the horsemen turned to open another path in the
direction of the infantry, throwing the Indians in a
disorderly pressure one against the other, and keeping
them in a state of apprehension as to where the
mounted avalanche would next roll over them. Again
the horsemen turned, dashing close along the flanks
of the troops, scattering the intermediate assailants in
confusion, and rendering them an easy prey to the

37 Solis clears the way with volleys, but only seven muskets remained and
no ammunition.

DESPERATE FIGHTING. 499

foot-soldiers. Swift as the wind the gallant Sandoval
flew past, crying to his comrades: "We win to-day,
senores! We win to-day, God helping us!" Maria
de Estrada was likewise there, cheering onward the
men, and sharing danger with the foremost of the
brave.

It would indeed seem to persons of less confidence
than the Spaniards that some supernatural power
had been necessary on this day to deliver them.
Nor did the Tlascaltecs belie their fame as warriors,
for they fought like lions, as the soldier- chronicler
declares, the chief Calmecahua being particularly con-
spicuous for his bravery.38

For a while the horsemen had it all their own way,
chiefly, as Cortes observes, because the enemy con-
sisted of such disorganized masses as to prevent one
another either from fighting or fleeing; but as they
became more used to the Spanish tactics they offered
firmer resistance. The horse of the general being
so severely struck in the mouth as to become un-
manageable, Cortes dismounted and turned it loose
to seek another. The injured animal, seemingly im-
bued with its master's spirit, dashed at the enemy in
mad career, creating quite a panic in its course. The
cavalry took advantage of the confusion to follow,
partly with a view to secure the animal; after re-
gaining the main body they indulged in a brief rest.
The heat no less than the fighting had tired out both
men and horses ; but there was for them little respite,
for no sooner had the foes observed their inaction
than they closed in round them with renewed courage.
" Thrust well and deep/' came the order to the soldiers,
" for they are all chiefs !" And so they seemed, from
their rich dress, their elaborate devices, and their
glittering ornaments. Cortes now mounted a horse
whose viciousness had hitherto consigned him to the

38 Camargo states that he lived to an age exceeding 130 years. Heroes in
all ages have enjoyed the privilege of not being tied down to laws governing
ordinary mortals.

500 RETREAT TO TLASCALA.

baggage department,39 and again the cavalry formed,
this time in more compact order. But the enemy,
ever relieved by fresh men, maintained the firmness
with which they had begun the charge, and both
horsemen and foot -soldiers found the pressure be-
coming greater and the fight hotter. Thus the battle
continued during the greater part of the forenoon,40
the natives evidently as fresh as ever, and the Spaniards
visibly failing. " We thought surely that this was to
be our last day," writes Cortes, "in view of the great
strength of the Indians and the little resistance they
could find in us, tired as we were, and nearly all
wounded, and faint with hunger."

A feeling of suffocation and deathly despair comes
over the Spaniards as the dusky host fold them in
closer and yet fiercer embrace. Hot falls the blood-
reeking breath upon their faces, as, flushed with suc-
cess and sure of their victims, the foe lay hold of the
Spaniards to drag them away to the sacrifice. Rare
offerings to the gods, indeed, are these magnificent
men! And such they will surely become if Mary,
Santiago, or the ready genius of Cortes appears not
quickly to the rescue! But how shall there be rescue?
What rescue is there to the sinking ship alone in mid-
ocean? Can this Cortes for the release of his com-
rades baffle death like Hercules for the release of
Alcestis ?

So it would seem. Behold yonder grand personage,
borne aloft in open litter, high over the others, with
plumed head-dress, and above it the gold-net standard,
the tlahuizmatlaxopilli, set with precious feathers, and
secured to his back by a staff, according to custom.41

39 An ill-natured brute, which attacked the enemy with teeth and hoofs. He
did good service all through the following campaign, till he fell in one of the
last battles of the great siege. Camaryo, Hist. Tlax., 17*2.

40 'Dure este terrible conflicto por mas de cuatro horas . . . .Llegado el medio
dia. con el intolerable trabajo de la pelea, los espanoles comenzaron a desmayar.'
Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 132.

al ' En vnas Andas, vn Caballero mandando, con vna Rodela Dorada, y que
la Vandera, y Serial Real, que le salia por las Espaldas, era vna Red de Oro,
que los Indios llamaban Tlahuizmatlaxopilli, que le subia diez palmos.' Torque-
mada, i. 509. ' Su vandera tendida, con ricas armas de oro, y grandes penachcs

BRILLIANT ACHIEVEMENT. 501

This is the generalissimo of all the native forces there
gathered, and around him are the flower of the army
in feathered armor of rich designs, guarding with
zealous care the banner, and encouraging the rest to
renewed efforts and brave deeds. Cortes sees him,
and his purpose for weal or woe is fixed almost before
his comrades are aware of the chieftain's approach;
for he comes as captain of the hounds to be in at the
death of these Spanish foxes. Cortes is well aware
of the importance attached by natives to the person of
the general, and to the safe-keeping of the standard.
In these centre all the hope of their armies: success
is theirs so long as they remain; but once brought
low, and the Indian regards all as lost. Even at this
juncture Cortes does not fail to observe the increased
firmness and spirit among the warriors as the banner
approaches. Here, then, is the one chance more, which
is all the brave man asks. With a quick motion to
his mounted followers, pointing to the sacred insignia,
and as if he would throw the whole might of Spain
into his brief words, Cortes cries out : " Seflores, let us
break with them ! In the name of God and St Peter,
senores, let us close with them!" Not a man there
but knew that the next moment would determine all,
would determine the fate of every Spaniard in New
Spain.

Throwing themselves with the compact force of one
of their own cannon-balls against the heaving mass,
they mow an instant path to the charmed centre.
The wave of disorder strikes the sacred guard, while
the unruly horse of Cortes, bearing him unresistingly
onward, overturns the litter of the generalissimo, and
hurls the bearers to the ground. "Victory!" shouts
Cortes, when he recovers his breath; and "victory!
victory!" echo his people, while Juan de Salamanca
plunges his lance into the body of the prostrate chief,

de argenteria. ' Bern al Diaz, Hist.Verdad., 108. Ixtlilxochitl calls the gold
net matlaxopili. Hist. Chick., 303. Camargo more correctly agrees with Tor-
quemada.

502 RETREAT TO TLASCALA.

and seizing the sacred banner, presents it to the general
as his rightful trophy.42

The welcome cry of Cortes electrified the whole
Spanish line, while the warriors lately so triumphant
stood stupefied with disma}7". With the disappear-
ance of the palladium their courage had fallen, while
the Spanish soldiers, with the confidence and strength
of joy, rushed from wing to wing upon them. The
warriors wavered; then, with one more searching
glance in the direction of the guiding emblem,
they became convinced that their leader had in-
deed fallen. Consternation followed; the panic from
the centre overtook the more distant, and valiantly

42 The accounts of this incident vary greatly. According to Bernal Diaz
* Cortes di6 vn encuetro co el cauallo al Capita Mexicano, qle hizo abatir su
vadera .... quie siguid al Capitan q traia la vandera que aun no auia caido del
encuentro que Cortes le di6, fue vn Juan de Salamanca, natural de Ontiueros,
con vna buena yegua ouera, que le acabb de matar. ' Hist. Verdad., 108. The
banner could not have fallen without the general. Gomara intimates that
Cortes charged alone against the ' capitan general, y dio le dos lambadas, de
que cayo y murio.' Hist. Mex., 163. This is also substantially the view of
Duran and Camargo. Herrera leaves the impression that Salamanca alone
follows Cortes in the charge, and cuts off the head and banner of the com-
mander after his chief had wounded and overthrown him. dec. ii. lib. x. cap.
xiii. Torquemada, Clavigero, Prescott, and others, also assume that Cortes
lances the generalissimo, but they let the cavalry follow. Sahagun, who
obtained his information from participants that afterward became friars,
merely states that Cortds and one other led the charge, which resulted in the
overthrow of the general and his banner. Hist. Cong. (ed. 1840), 132. Cortes
is still more reticent in saying : ' quiso Dios que murio una persona dellos,
que debia ser tan principal, que con su muerte ceso toda aquella guerra.'
Cartas, 139. The assumption that Cort6s overthrew the commander with
his lance rests chiefly on the fact that Cortes as leader of the charge receives
credit for everything that happens. Writers also forget that the commander
was carried aloft in a litter the better to observe the movements of the army.
His burdened carriers would with greater likelihood have been overthrown
by the horses or in the disorder created by their advance. This supposition
is confirmed by Cortes' reference to the affair, wherein he gives credit to
none for the act, his usual custom when some one else performed a note-
worthy deed. He was seldom chary in giving credit to himself for achieve-
ments, as may be gathered alone from his account of the stay in Mexico
City, which announces that he it was who tore down the idols, who captured
the temple after another had failed to do so, who single-handed covered the
retreat of his comrades on the Tlacopan causeway on the morning preceding
the flight, and who with less than a score that 'dared stay with him' pro-
tected the retreat of the last remnant from the city. The supposition receives
further support from the permission given by the emperor to Salamanca to
add to his escutcheon the trophy taken from the commander. This implies
that although the victory was due to CortCs he could not have inflicted the
mortal wound. Salamanca became alcalde mayor of Goazacoalco. Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 108, 111.

A DECISIVE BATTLE. 503

as they had fought before, as cravenly did they
now flee.43

Forgetful of wounds and hunger, and regardless of
the imminent danger attending such a course, the
Spaniards pursued the foolish fugitives, thrusting and
slashing at them until they had killed twenty thou-
sand— a round figure, truly, and one which accords
well with the estimates of the entire force. But after
all, what the natives had hitherto suffered must have
been little compared with the present slaughter, for
their dead lay very thick along the line of retreat.
Hardly one among the Spaniards had come off scath-
less, while few of the poor Tlascaltecs were left to
share in the rich spoils.41

After recalling the troops from their bloody pursuit,
the first care of Cortes was to see that the wounded
soldiers had rest and refreshment. Then a solemn
thanksgiving service was held, and right earnestly did
they all join in its offering. Cortes ascribed the vic-
tory to St Peter, as with his name on his lips he had
made the miraculous charge. But Santiago was the
soldiers' favorite, as they declared he was present and
fought with them: and near the village of Tenexcalco
a chapel was afterward erected to commemorate his
appearance.45

Obviously this battle was the most important so far
in the New World; and it must ever be regarded as
one of the most remarkable in history. The natives
were probably much less numerous than the estimates
of the boastful victors; still they were immensely
superior in number and condition to the Spaniards,
enfeebled by recent defeat, by wounds, and want.

43 ' Los principales, lleuaro co gra llanto, el cuerpo de su general, ' says
Herrera; but this is doubtful, to judge also from his subsequent observations.

41 ' Murieron. . . .casi todos los amigos de los espaiioles, y algunos de ellos
mismos.' Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 132. Solis acknowledges only
wounded, of whom two or three died afterward. Hist. Mex., ii. 203. Cortes
did not escape additional wounds, from which he was soon to suffer intensely.

40 The natives were particularly ready to testify to this supernatural aid,
as Camargo relates, Hist. Tlax., 172, perhaps for their own credit, as good
converts and brave warriors.

504 RETREAT TO TLASCALA.

Further, the latter had no fire-arms wherewith to
terrify the natives, only swords and pikes. Their main
advantage lay in their horses, their discipline, and the
genius of their leader ;46 all strengthened by the enthu-
siasm born of a national pride, and a certain knowledge
that failure meant utter destruction.

Fatigued as all were, and weakened from battle,
Cortes resolved nevertheless to push on toward Tlas-
cala the same day, fearing that the enemy might be
shamed into a rally, or receive such reinforcements
to their already immense numbers as to encourage
them to return. In this he was not mistaken, for
Cuitlahuatzin had ordered Tezcuco, Chalco, and neigh-
boring districts to send larger forces, and so insure an
assumed victory for the Otumban army. The rein-
forcements appear to have been already in motion
when news came of the defeat, accompanied by the
rumor that a Tlascaltec army was on the way to aid
the Spaniards. The hasty march eastward of the
fugitives offered in itself sufficient encouragement for
straggling marauders from the surrounding villages to
follow in their wake and harass them with occasional
missiles.47

By night the town of Temalacayocan48 was reached,
and here the army obtained some food and camped
in and around the temple. Badly wounded as he
was, Cortes took charge of the watch, for sleep had
no power over his mind at that moment. Before him
rose invitingly the ranges of the Tlascaltec border,

46 ' Never,' writes Gomara, 'did a man show such prowess as he, and never
were men so well led. He by his own personal efforts saved them.' Hist.
Mex., 163. 'Se tuuo la vitoria despues de Dios, por el valor de Cortes.'
ILrrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiii. While quite prepared to uphold the general
as a hero, Bernal Diaz takes exception to this praise as unjust to his many
followers, who not only did wonders in sustaining him, but in saving his life.
Hist. Verclad. ,111.

47 Ixtlilxochitl assumes that another army was encountered and routed
with great slaughter, a few leagues ahead, at Teyocan. Hist. Ckich. , 303.

i% lxtlilxocldtl. Chimalpain calls it Apam, which appears to have been situ-
ated farther north. Lorenzana refers to all this extent as the plains of Apan,
the name which it now bears. Camargo names the plains of Apantema, Ta-
cacatitlan, and Atlmoloyan as traversed by the army to reach Tlascala. Hist.
Tlax., 172.

DISMAL FOREBODINGS. 505

where he hoped to find a haven. It was only hope,
however; for Cortes came not as before, heralded as
the invincible conqueror, to whose bravery and deeds
the warlike republic was delighted to offer homage;
nor with the vision of the mighty Montezuma bend-
ing before him; nor with the prospect of entering
to assume control of a great empire. All this was
changed. He had lost his former prestige, and could
present himself only as a fugitive to seek protection
for a remnant of his army. And this at the hands of
those who might yet smart under the stigma of defeat
by a handful, and who might now find it prudent and
convenient to accept the friendship and wealth of the
victorious Aztecs. What if the people of Tlascala
should reject him? "We were not very confident in
finding the natives of the said province faithful and
friends of ours," writes Cortes; "for we feared that
they, on seeing us so dismembered, might seek our
lives, in order to recover the liberty which they
formerly enjoyed. This thought and fear kept us in
as great an affliction as when we marched along
harassed by those of Culua."49 Nevertheless he sought
to cheer his men with hopes for the best, and to
remind them how necessary it was, now above all, to
guard their conduct so as to give rise to no jealousies
or unpleasantness, since even a petty quarrel might
raise a whirlwind to overwhelm them. Should God,
however, not permit them to rest in Tlascala, they
must recall their many glorious victories over greater
forces than could henceforth be brought against them,
and be prepared with stout hearts and vigorous arms
to meet the issue.

The march was resumed in the morning with the
usual precautions, although the pursuers fell off as
the border was approached. Soon the Spaniards
reached a fountain on the slope of a hill, close to an
ancient fortress, which marked the boundary of the

49 Cartas, 140. ' Pues quiza sabiamos cierto, que nos auian de ser lcales, 6
que voluntad ternian.' Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 108.

506 RETREAT TO TLASCALA.

republic.50 Resting there for a while, they drank of
the water and were refreshed. Then they passed on
to Hueyotlipan, a town of three or four thousand
families, about four leagues from the capital.51 Here
food was obtained in sufficient abundance, yet not
without the stimulus of presents. The women, how-
ever, were most sympathetic in their offers to tend
the wounded, although only too many were deep in
mourning and clamorinof for vengeance for brothers,
sons, or husbands, who had fallen during the retreat.
The captains did their best to console them with the
prospect of speedy victories, with bitter retaliation on
the hated Aztecs. Whatever doubt yet remained of
Tlascaltec disposition was dispelled in the afternoon
by the arrival of the lords, including the ruler of
Huexotzinco, with a large suite, bearing provisions
and other presents, and cheering the hearts of the dis-
comfited with the most cordial greeting. They still
showed admiration for the white heroes, and extended
a sympathy for their sufferings which displayed itself
even to tears. This feeling was particularly strong in
Maxixcatzin, the most powerful of the four chiefs,
who gently upbraided Cortes and his captains for not
having listened to his warnings. Remonstrances were
now out of place, however, and he and his could only
bid them welcome, and tender their estates and ser-
vices. They were to regard themselves as in their
own house. Their escape from the plots and over-
whelming forces of the Mexicans had raised them and
their prowess in the estimation of the Tlascaltecs, and
they were prepared, as friends and as vassals of the
Spanish king, to shed their last drop of blood in the
task of avenging the common injury suffered at the
hands of their ancient enemies. How inexpressibly
dear is the prospect of revenge! The hatred of the

50 Brasseur de Bourbourg gives to a village here the name of Xaltelolco.
Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 352. Ixtlilxochitl refers to it as Huexoyotlipan, and states
that Citlalquiauhtzin came up with food and presents from the lords.

51 Cortes calls the town Gualipan ; Bernal Diaz, Gualiopar ; Gomara, Hua-
zilipan ; Herrera gives it 2000 houses.

RECEPTION. 507

Tlascaltecs for the Mexicans was too deep to be
smothered by one reverse, and the desire to avenge
their fallen brethren intensified it. When the news
came of the hostile gathering at Otumba they had
endeavored to procure reinforcements for their allies,
but had not been able to collect a sufficient number
in time.52

Cortes was deeply moved by the kind expressions
and offers accorded him, and sought in every wTay to
strengthen this so vital friendship. He exhibited
profound grief over the death of so many Tlascaltec
allies, and sympathized in particular with Maxixcatzin
over the loss of his daughter Elvira, who had fallen
with her husband Velazquez. He also distributed
presents, chiefly such as had been obtained from the
Otumba battle-field, and induced his men to follow
the example. Maxixcatzin's heart was completely
won by the gift of the banner taken froni the Mexican
generalissimo,53 and other chiefs were gladdened with
different trophies. The troops remained at Hueyot-
lipan for three da}rs,54 in order to recruit somewhat,
and then, assisted by a number of carriers, they passed

52 c Yo queria, ' said Maxixcatzin, ' yr en vuestra busca con treynta mil guer-
reros.' Barnal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 109. This is confirmed by the Aztec version
of Duran, which says that the rumor of Tlascaltec preparations helped to in-
timidate the proposed Mexican reinforcements for Otumba. Hist. Ind., MS.,
ii. 483. According to Oviedo, 50,000 warriors, followed by 20,000 carriers, met
the Spaniards at the frontier, iii. 514. Camargo extends the number to 200,000,
'who came too late, but served nevertheless to check pursuit from the enemy.'
Hist. Tlax., 173. Gomara stamps Oviedo's statement as hearsay, but adds
that the Tlascaltecs declared themselves prepared to returii with the Spaniards
at once against Mexico. This Cortes declined to do for the present, but allowed
a few soldiers to join a band in pursuit of marauding stragglers. Hist. Mex. , 1G4.
The delay in collecting the proposed reinforcements may have been due to the
small faction hostile to the Spaniards, headed by the captain-general, Xicoten-
catl the younger, who seems never to have forgiven the disgrace of defeat which
they had been the first to inflict upon him. He had accompanied the lords to
Hucyotlipan, perhaps to gloat over the misfortune of his victors. According to
Herrera, Captain Juan Paez — Torquemada writes Perez — was one of the in-
valids at Tlascala, and to him 100,000 warriors had been offered to go to the
aid of his general ; but he declined, on the ground that his strict orders were
to remain with his 80 men at Tlascala. For this he was naturally upbraided
by Cortes as a coward, fit for hanging. The story is not very probable, dec.
ii. lib. x. cap. xiv. ; Torquemada, i. 512.

53 ' Que estimo el mucho, y puso por una de sus armas. ' Ixtlilxochitl, Jlist.
Chich., 303.

54 Cortes, Cartas, 140. Bernal Diaz intimates one day.

508 RETREAT TO TLASCALA.

on to the capital. Here the whole population came
forth, headed by the lords, to welcome them, with
music, and flowers, and acclamations.55 Cortes w^as
taken in charge by Maxixcatzin and lodged in his
palace; Alvarado became the guest of old Xicotencatl,
and the others received every attention. The recep-
tion concluded with a series of festivities.56

55 ' Co mas de duzientos mil hombres en orden : yuan las mugeres, y nhlos,
en la delantera. ' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiii. This order may have been
intended to signify peace and welcome.

56 Camargo differs from Bernal Diaz, in intimating that all were lodged in
Maxixcatzin 's palace, while Ixtlilxochitl assumes that CortCs was the guest of
Xicotencatl. ' Magiscacin me trajo una cama de madera encajada, con alguna
ropa yd todos hizo reparar de lo que el tuvo.' Cortes, Cartas, 141.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

INVALUABLE FRIENDSHIP.

July- September, 1520.

Divers Disasters to the Spaniards — Mexico Makes Overtures to
Tlascala — A Council Held — Tlascala Remains True to the Span-
iards— Disaffection in the Spanish Army — Cortes again Wins
the Soldiers to his Views — Renewal of Active Operations against
the Aztecs — Success of the Spanish Arms — Large Reinforcements
of Native Allies — One Aztec Stronghold after another Succumbs.

At Tlascala were certain invalid Spaniards, who
praised the natives for their kind treatment, and for
the almost universal sympathy exhibited with regard
to the misfortunes at Mexico. The army now learned
that disaster had also befallen the Spaniards in other
parts of the country. The news of the flight had
spread with marvellous rapidity, and Cuitlahuatzin's
envoys had not failed to magnify the successes of his
arms while urging throughout the country the ex-
termination of the invaders. This advice had found
ready acceptance in the provinces west and south of
Tlascala, which had additional reasons for hostility in
the assumption of the little republic since she became
the ally of the strangers.

Shortly after the departure of the army from the
coast a party of fifty men with five horses had fol-
lowed with baggage and valuables. At Tlascala a por-
tion of them, with two horses, under Juan de Alcantara
senior, received the portion of treasure set aside during
the late repartition for the coast garrison, estimated
at sixty thousand pesos. With this they set out on
their return to Villa Rica, accompanied by a few in-

(509)

510 INVALUABLE FRIENDSHIP.

valids. On the way they were surprised and slaugh-
tered, the treasures and effects being distributed as
spoils.1

The larger division of the party, under the hidalgo
Juan Yuste,2 which were to join Cortes, also picked
up some convalescents, together with additional treas-
ure and baggage, and proceeded to Mexico by the way
of Calpulalpan. They numbered five horsemen, forty-
five foot-soldiers, and three hundred Tlascaltecs, the
latter under command of one of Maxixcatzin's sons.
Advised of their approach the natives of Zultepec,
among others, were induced, more by cupidity than
patriotic zeal, to form an ambuscade along the steep
declivity of a narrow pass which had to be followed.
Here they fell upon the party on all sides as the}7 de-
scended in single file, encumbered beside by their
burdens. Resistance was ineffective, and those not
slain wrere carried to Tezcuco to be offered up to the
idols, while their effects were distributed, some of the
trophies being dedicated to temples of the Acolhuan
capital, there to tell the mournful tale to the returning
conquerors.3

1 This appears to have taken place on the Xocotlan road, followed by the
Spaniards on first entering the country, for in the temple of this town, says
Bernal Diaz, were found the saddles and other trophies. He estimates the
treasure lost at 40,000 pesos. Hist. Verdad., 108, 116-117; Lejalde, Probanza,
in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 425.

2 Herrera writes, under Iuste and Morla. If correct there were two Morlas.

3 Herrera copies this account, but gives also another in an earlier chapter,
which leads one to suppose that Yuste and a few companions escaped to the
mountains. They either perished of hunger or were captured at some set-
tlement while offering the remnant of their treasures for food. An inscrip-
tion by Yuste on a piece of bark recorded their sufferings. 'Por aqui pass6
el desdichado Iuan Iuste, con sus desdichados compaiieros, con tata hambre,
que por pccas tortillas de mayz, did vno vna barra de ofo, que pesaua ocho-
cientos ducados.' dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiii. ; dec. iii. lib. i. cap. v. Torque-
mada repeats both versions, i. 530-1. Peter Martyr and Gomara are also
confused, allowing the Yuste party in one page to fall at the pass, and on
another to turn back to Villa Rica from Tlascala. Hist. Mex.t 165, 181-2. A
misinterpretation of a vague passage by Cortes is the cause of the mistake,
into which nearly every writer has fallen. The party carried, according to
the Cartas, 141, 183-4, a number of agreements with the natives, and other
valuable documents, beside CorteV personal effects and valuables, worth over
30, COO pesos de oro. Bernal Diaz says three loads of gold. The inhabitants
said that people from Tezcuco and Mexico had done the deed to avenge
Cacama. But none except the natives of the district could have had time
to gather for the attack.

EFFECTS OF THE DEFEAT. 511

About this time a vessel arrived at Villa Rica with
three or four score of adventurers, under Captain
Coronado, and being told of the fabulously rich
Mexico they resolved to lose no time in following the
army, in order to secure a share of treasures. It was
just after the flight from Mexico, and the provinces
were in arms, elated at the triumphs at the lake. On
approaching the Tepeaca district the party was sur-
prised, and partly slaughtered, partly captured, the
prisoners being distributed among the towns of the
province for sacrifice.4

These reports created no small alarm for the safety
of Villa Rica, and several Tlascaltec messengers were
sent with letters, by different routes, to bring news.
Orders were also given to the comandante to forward
powder, fire-arms, bows, and other necessaries that he
could spare, together with some men, sailors, if no
others were available. The reply was reassuring, for
although the natives had fuller particulars of the
disaster at Mexico than Cortes had chosen to impart
to the garrison, yet everything remained quiet. The

4 Herrera places the number of the party at 50 or 60. dec. ii. lib. x. cap.
xv. Bernal Diaz speaks of the slaughter in Tochtepec of 72 men and 5 women,
and he leaves the impression that they were a part of the Narvaez force which
had followed the army at their leisure. Hist. Verdacl., 108. This is no doubt
the party described in the text. Yet Herrera, in cap. xvii., refers to the de-
struction at Tochtepec of a force of 80 men under Captain Salcedo, who was
sent to reduce this province a few months later. This incident, mentioned by
no other original authority, may be identical with the preceding. Had the
party in question belonged to the original force of Narvaez it would have
accompanied Yuste and Alcantara. Such not being the case, it must have
arrived after their departure. This receives confirmation from Gomara's state-
ment that several small parties, who had been attracted to New Spain by
Cortes' conquests, were killed in Tepeaca and Xalacinco. Hist. Mex., 173. The
narratives of Bernal Diaz and Cortes specify some of these, numbering from
ten to eighteen men, who fell at Quecholac, Tepeaca, and other places. It is not
likely that so many small parties could have arrived on the coast during the
short interval of CorteV departure from Cempoala and his retreat to Tlascala ;
nor that they would have ventured in small numbers into a strange country,
during so unquiet a period ; nor would a mere dozen have been allowed to
penetrate so far as Tepeaca ere they met their fate. Hence they must have
belonged to the large party spoken of in the text, whose members, dead or
captive, were distributed among the different towns which had aided in their
defeat. This appears to be the only way to reconcile the differing statements,
which have so confused every writer as to lead them into apparent blunders
or into the omission of facts. See Robertson's Hist. Am., ii. 99; PrescoWs
Mex., ii. 409-10; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 353-5.

512 INVALUABLE FRIENDSHIP.

remittance of war material was small, and the men
who convoyed it numbered less than a dozen, men
stricken by disease, and led by Lencero, who became
the butt of the drdles de corps.5

Every attention and comfort was tendered at Tlas-
cala to the Spaniards while caring for their wounds
and awaiting the development of projects. Hardly a
man had arrived scathless, and quite a number had
received injuries which maimed them for life or re-
sulted in death.6 Cortes' wounds were most serious.
The indomitable spirit which sustained him so far
now yielded with the failing body. Severe scalp
cuts brought on fever,7 which caused his life to hang
in the balance for some time. Finally his strong
constitution and the excellent empiric methods of the
native herb doctors prevailed, to the joy, not alone of
Spaniards, but of Tlascaltecs, who had shown the
utmost anxiety during the crisis.

During this period of Spanish inaction the Mexi-
cans were energetically striving to follow up their
blow against the invaders. The first act after ridding
the capital of their presence was one of purgation,
in which the victorious party fell on those whose
lukewarmness, or whose friendly disposition toward
Montezuma and his guests, had hindered the siege
operations and aided the enemy. A tumult was soon
raised, wherein perished four royal princes, brothers
and sons of Montezuma,8 whose death may be at-

5 Bernal Diaz intimates that only two vessels remained of Narvaez' fleet,
and one of these was now destroyed so that the crew might be sent to Tlascala.
The reinforcements numbered four soldiers and three sailors, two of whom
suffered from swollen stomachs, and the rest from venereal diseases. Hist.
Verdacl, 109.

6 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 109, mentions only four deaths.

7 ' Se le pasmo la cabeca, o porque no le curaron bien, sacado le cascos : o
por el demasiado trabajo.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 162. Solis describes the
progress of the cure with a minuteness that would do credit to a medical
journal. Hist. Mex., ii. 212-14.

8 The Cihuacohuatl, Tzihuacpopocatzin, Cipocatli, and Tencuecuenotzin.
The account of this tumult is given in a memorial on the conquest by an
Indian, possessed by Torquemada. i. 509-10. Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes
Tzihuacpopocatzin and the Cihuacohuatl to be sons of Tizoc, and the last two

AFFAIRS AT THE CAPITAL. 513

tributed to Cuitlahuatzin's desire to remove any
dangerous rival to the throne. Not that this was a
necessary precaution, since his standing, as a younger
brother of Montezuma, and his successful operations
against the Spaniards, were sufficient to raise him
above every other candidate.9 Furthermore, as com-
mander-in-chief of the army and as leader of the sue- ■
cessful party, he held the key to the position, and
accordingly was unanimously chosen. About the same
time Cohuanacoch was elected king at Tezcuco, in
lieu of the }rounger brother forced on the people by
Cortes, and Quauhtemotzin, nephew of Montezuma,
rose to the office of high-priest to Huitzilopochtli.
The coronation was the next prominent event,10 for
which the indispensable captives had already been
secured from the fleeing army. What more precious
victims, indeed, could have been desired for the in-
augural than the powerful Spaniards and the hated
warriors of brave Tlascala? And what grander site
for the ceremony than the great temple, recovered
from the detested intruders and purified from foreign
emblems? In connection with this came a series of
festivals.11

The utmost activity was displayed in repairing the
damage caused by the Spaniards, and in fortifying
the city and its approaches against a possible future
invasion. The construction and discipline of the army
were improved in some degree after the examples
given by the Europeans; its tactics were revised, and
its arms perfected with the aid of captured weapons,

to be the sons of Montezuma, the last named a bastard. Cipocatli, accepted
by him as the other name for Asupacaci, the legitimate heir of the emperor,
he assumes with Cano to have been murdered by Quauhtemotzin. Hist. Nat.
Civ., iv. 345. But we have seen that Cortes appears more correct in saying
that the prince fell with him during the Xoche Triste. Brasseur do Bour-
bourg's assumption serves merely to show how hasty and untrustworthy his
statements often are.

9 Cortes assumes only two rivals, the natural sons of Montezuma, ' el uno
diz que es loco y el otro perlatico.' Cartas, 153.

llJ Twenty days after Montezuma's death. Ixtlilxochitl, Relatione*, 413, 304.

11 Of which Sahagun gives some account. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 137. See
also Torquemada, i. 511.

Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 33

514 INVALUABLE FRIENDSHIP.

the Chinantec pike being also introduced and tipped
with Toledo blades or other metal points. Envoys
were despatched to near and distant provinces, bidding
for their support by remission of taxes and tributes,
by restoration of conquered territories, by patriotic
appeals, and by roseate views and promises.12 The
Spaniards were painted as selfish, perfidious, and cruel,
intent on conquering the whole country, on enslaving
the people, on extorting their substance, and on over-
throwing social and religious institutions. Spoils and
heads of Spanish men and horses were sent round to
disabuse the people of their supposed invulnerability;
and as a further encouragement the dreaded Cortes
was declared to have fallen.

The most important missions were those to Micho-
acan and Tlascala, the former an independent kingdom
of considerable extent, stretching westward beyond
the lake region to the Pacific, over an undulating,
well watered territory, which abounded in all the re-
sources of a rich soil and a tropic climate. The in-
habitants, the Tarascos, were distinct from the Aztecs
in language, but fully their equals in culture, which
was of the Nahua type, and as a rule successful in
resisting: the armed encroachments of the lake allies.
The present ruler was Zwanga, who held court at
Tzintzuntzan, on Lake Patzcuaro. He received the
embassadors of Cuitlahuatzin with due attention, but
hesitated about the answer to be given. The Aztecs
had from time immemorial been the enemies of his
people, and to aid them would surely bring upon him
the wrath of the Spaniards, who must still be powerful,
since the Mexicans came to plead for his alliance. In
this dilemma it was resolved, with the advice of the
council, to send plenipotentiaries to Mexico, in order
to learn more fully the condition of affairs, and there
determine what should be done.13

12 ' El les hace gracia por un aiio de todos los tributos y servicios que son
obligados a le hacer.' Cortes, Cartas, 155; Gomara, Hist. Mcx., 173.

13 Beaumont, Crdn. Mech., MS., 68 etc.; Native Races, ii. 107.-8; v. 508
et seq.

MEXICAN OVERTURES. 515

More decisive in its results was the mission to
Tlascala. Regarded as the most important of all, it
was intrusted to six prominent men, of acknowl-
edged talent for negotiation. They came fortified with
choice presents of robes, feathers, salt, and similar de-
sirable commodities, and were received with customary
courtesy by the assembled lords and council. The
eldest was the first to speak. He recalled the inti-
mate relationship between Mexico and Tlascala in
blood and language, deplored the feud which had so
long existed, and urged the establishment of per-
manent peace, for mutual benefit, whereby the Tlascal-
tecs would gain all the advantages of a long prohibited
trade. One obstacle alone interposed to prevent a
happy harmony, which was the presence of the Span-
iards, to whom was due the unfortunate condition of
the whole country. Their only aim was to make
themselves masters, to overthrow the .gods of the
natives, to enslave the inhabitants, and impoverish
them by exactions.

The Tlascaltecs would after rendering service be
treated with the same base ingratitude and perfidy
as the over generous Montezuma, and reap not only
universal detestation, but the anger of the gods.
Better, therefore, to seize the present favorable oppor-
tunity to deliver themselves from dreadful calamities,
to establish prosperity and independence on a firm
basis, and by a joint alliance recover the alienated
provinces and share ,the revenues therefrom.1* The
first step to this desirable end was the destruction
of the Spaniards, now at their mercy, whereby they
would gain also the gratitude of neighboring peoples,
the fame of patriots, and the blessing of the gods.

The speech delivered, together with the presents,
the envoys withdrew to let the council deliberate.
Bitter as was the enmity between the two peoples,
intensified by the recent defeat, there were not want-

14 ' Entrarian en parte de todas las rentas de las provincias sugetas por el
imperio.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 304.

516 INVALUABLE FRIENDSHIP.

ing persons to whom the argument and offers seemed
all that the most brilliant fortune could brinsf. What,
indeed, had they in common with a strange race by
whom they had been conquered, and whose presence
portended many changes in their social and religious
institutions, transmitted by their forefathers, and up-
held with the blood of generations? Their indepen-
dence would be endangered. Besides, the invaders had
been shamefully defeated, and might never again hold
up their heads. The whole country was mustering to
drive them out, and, if successful, woe to Tlascala,
as their ally. In any case a struggle was in pros-
pect, wherein their sons and brethren would be sacri-
ficed by the thousands. And for what? For the
benefit of strangers, always ready with their yoke of
slavery. On the other hand, they were offered the
peace so long desired, with its accompanying blessings ;
deliverance from the trade blockade and seclusion
which had so lonsr afflicted them, together with the
attractive adjunct of assured independence, and the
triumphant and profitable position of conquering allies
of the Mexicans.15

The strongest advocate of these views was Xico-
tencatl junior, who had never forgotten the several
Spanish victories that checked his triumphal career
as soldier and general, and humiliated him in the
eyes of the whole people. Yet this feeling was
tinged with love for the independence and welfare of
the country, threatened, in his eyes, by the invaders.
With the news of disaster at Mexico his party had
assumed respectable proportions. Some of its members
were impelled by motives similar to his own; some
were bribed by Mexican gifts, and promises of wealth
and preferment; some were tempted by the arms,
baggage, and treasure of the fugitives, whom it seemed

15 ' Tanto supieron decir a la seiioria estos embajadores, que casi toda
ella, .... la redugeron a su voluntad y dcseo. ' Old Xicotencatl being one of the
most devoted. Id. Herrera also assumes that this chief favors the Mexicans,
but the supposition is due to confounding the two men of this name. dec. ii.
lib. x. cap. xiv.

THE COUNCIL-CHAMBER. 517

easy now to overcome. Not a few considered the
burden of maintaining a horde of strangers, with the
prospect of afterward yielding them service and blood
for their aggrandizement. When the collectors of
provisions for the Spaniards made their rounds they
could not but observe the bitter feeling which pre-
vailed in some quarters.16 The elder Xicotencatl ap-
pears to have remonstrated with his son for breeding
trouble; but this availed little, as may be supposed.
During the deliberation of the council on the Mexican
proposal the young chieftain stepped beyond the timid
suggestions of those who inclined toward an Aztec
alliance, and boldly advocated it as the only salvation
for Tlascala.

Next spoke the wise Maxixcatzin, the leading rep-
resentative of the republic. In his chivalrous nature
devotion to the Spaniards exercised an influence,
while as ruler of the richest district, in agriculture
and trade, he had also an eve to the benefits which
would accrue from an alliance with them. He re-
called the many instances of treachery and want of
good faith on the part of the Mexicans to show how
little their promises could be relied on. It was merely
the presence of the Spaniards that prompted their
offer of alliance, which was to restore Mexico to its
former terrorizing strength. This accomplished, the
ancient enemy would not fail to remember that Tlas-
cala, in addition to the old-standing enmitv, had been
one of the chief instruments in their late suffering and
humiliation, and had figured as conqueror and master
over them. They would lose no time in avenging
themselves, and by the destruction of the republic
remove forever so dangerous an enemy. Far better,
then, to maintain the friendship of the Spaniards,
whose good faith had been tried, and whose prowess
was not broken by one defeat. Previous to their
arrival they had been suffering from the want even

10 ' A q venistes, a comernos nucstra hazienda, anda que boluistcs destro-
?ados de Mexico, echados como viles mugeres.' Id.

518 INVALUABLE FRIENDSHIP.

of necessaries, and had been exposed to incessant
ravages and warfare, which threatened their very ex-
istence. With the Spaniards' aid they had been freed
from this want and danger; they had enriched them-
selves with trade and spoils, and had raised the re-
public to the most prominent position it had ever
occupied, all far beyond what the Mexicans would
ever permit. What did the gods say? Oracles and
omens had foretold the doom of the empire. It was
in vain to struggle with fate, which had decreed the
control to the new-comers. The interests of the state
demanded the friendship of these destined victors, who
offered them wealth and glory, while good faith and
honor demanded loyalty to the invited guests, from
whom so many benefits had already sprung.

Observing the effect of the appeal on the wavering
members, }roung Xicotencatl hastened to defend his
cherished plans, but with such imprudence as to rouse
Maxixcatzin to strike him. He was thereupon jostled
out of the council-chamber, badly bruised and with
torn clothes.17 Against this expulsion none of his sup-

17 Bernal Diaz assumes that the young chief had been brought before the
council a prisoner, to be arraigned for his machinations. His father "was so
deeply incensed against him as to decree his death, but the other chiefs were
lenient out of respect for the father; the conspirators were arrested. Hist.
Verdad., 109-10. A later writer states, on doubtful authority, that the
chieftain was also removed from the command of the army; and Solis assumes
that the act of jostling him down the steps in the council-hall was the form
of degradation, which took place during a special session, after the delibera-
tion. He appealed to Cortds, who caused him to be reinstated. Hist. Mex.,
ii. 220-3. According to Camargo, the elder Xicotencatl had ceded his place
as ruler to the son, owing to his advanced age. Hist. Tlax. , 1 73-4. In such
a case no imprisonment or degradation could have been admitted; perhaps in
no case, since he merely advocated what he considered to be the best for the
country. Duran states that he was surrendered to Cortes, who ' le puso en
prisiones, y creo que al cabo le mand6 matar,' Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 485, a
statement which may have aided to confuse Gomara, who allows Cortes to
execute him already during his first stay at Tlascala. On the present occasion
he lets Maxixcatzin strike the leader of the opposite faction. Hist. Mex. , 90,
1G4. His blunder and vagueness helped Herrera to confound the two Xicoten-
catls, and Brasseur de Bourbourg to attribute to father and son the same
opinion. Hist. Nat. Civ. , iv. 365-7. This is also the view of Ixtlilxochitl. The
discussion was held in the hall or oratory of Xicotencatl, where Cortes had
planted the cross. While Maxixcatzin was advocating the Spanish cause a
cloud settled on the cross and darkened the room. This miracle encouraged
the orator, who threw down the younger Xicotencatl and won all to his side.
The Mexican envoys were now dismissed with a refusal, whereupon the

THE DECISION. 519

porters ventured to remonstrate, and the vote being
unanimously in favor of Maxixcatzin's views, the
Aztec envoys were notified accordingly.18 How mo-
mentous this discussion! And did the council of
Tlascala realize the full import of their acts? For
thereby they determined the present and permanent
fate of many powerful nations besides themselves.
Undoubtedly the country would at some time have
fallen before the dominant power; but, had it been
possible for the nations of the great plateau to combine
and act in unison, very different might have been their
ultimate condition. Cortes and his company owed
their safety to a decision which kept alive discord
between the native tribes, while the Tlascaltecs were
saved from what probably would have been a treach-
erous alliance, perhaps from annihilation, only to sink
into peaceful obscurity and merge into the mass of
conquered people.19 They endeavored to keep the
disagreement in the council -chamber a secret from
Cortes, but he heard of it, and failed not to confirm
Maxixcatzin in his devotion by holding forth the most
brilliant prospects as the result of this alliance. The

cloud dissipated, leaving the room bright and the cross resplendent, and at-
tracting many believers. Hist. Chich., 304-5. Sahagun allows Xicotencatl,
chief among the lords, to attack the second lord for urging the murder of the
Spaniards, llisi. Conq. (ed. 1840), 138.

16 With reference to the attack on Xicotencatl in the council -chamber,
Herrera says, 'Sin tener los Mexicanos otra respuesta se boluieron, con relacion
de lo que passaua, ' dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiv. , a sentence which Clavigero elaborates
into a flight of the envoy on observing the agitation of the people. ' E' per5
da credersi, che il Senato mandasse degli Ambasciatori Tlascallesi per portar
la risposta.' Storia Mess., iii. 149. Prescott and others also suppose that
they fled; but this i3 unlikely, since personages so conspicuous as envoys
could hardly have escaped from the centre of the republic without the knowl-
edge of the senate, who had, beside, given them a guard, as well for their
honor and protection as for preventing the undue exercise of their curiosity.
Envoys enjoyed great respect among these peoples. Camargo and Ixtlilxochitl
assume more correctly that the envoys were notified and dismissed.

19 Tlascala sealed her enslavement, as some view it, ignoring national in-
terests for the sake of shameful revenge. Behold now the punishment in her
decay, and in the odium cast on her descendants by other peoples. So says
Bustamante, in Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 140. They have certainly
dwindled away ever since Cortes began to scatter them as colonists in different
directions ; but this was the natural and inevitable consequence of the pres-
ence of the stronger element. During Spanish dominion they enjoyed some
slight privileges, and since then no odium has attached to them except in
casual references to the conquest by prejudiced writers.

520 INVALUABLE FRIENDSHIP.

words bv which the council decided for Cortes were
to him as drops of perspiration on the lately fevered
brow, which tell that the crisis is passed.

There was another cloud about this time appearing
on the horizon of the fortunes of Cortes. During his
stay at Tlascala the men of Narvaez began again
to moot the subject of return. The golden vision
of Mexico's treasures had been rudely dissipated,
leaving only the remembrance of hardships and dis-
grace. The flowery Antilles appeared more alluring
than ever to these gold-seekers, only too many of
whom were more accustomed to the farm than to the
camp. They could think of nothing but the ease and
security of the fertile plantations, where nature un-
loaded its wealth, and where docile natives ministered
to every want. In furtherance of this idea it was
urged on Cortes, by Duero and other leaders, to retire
to Villa Rica before the Mexicans had succeeded in
their efforts to cut off his retreat. There they would
intrench themselves while awaiting aid from the
islands and arranging a fresh campaign, having the
vessels to fall back on, if necessary. But to these
intimations Cortes would not for a moment listen.
And there were many reasons for this — his ambition
to be all or nothing in this enterprise, his crimes
against Velazquez, his irregularities regarding the
king's interests, which only brilliant success could
redeem. As well might they talk to the unyielding
hills; he would join his dead comrades in the canals of
Mexico, or voluntarily ascend to the sacrificial stone,
but he would not turn back from this adventure.

When the general revealed his firm intention to
renew the campaign as soon as possible, the outcry
became loud. The Noche Triste and the narrow
escape at Otumba had left impressions too horrible to
be easily forgotten. They shuddered at the thought
of renewing such risk, and cursed the gold which had
allured them to former discomfitures. If the general
wished to throw away his life he might do so, but

DISAFFECTION AGAIN. 521

they were not such madmen. Moreover, it was highly
imprudent to place so much faith in the Tlascaltecs,
who might at the first encounter with the enemy
abandon or betray allies differing so greatly in lan-
guage, religion, and customs. A formal demand was
therefore addressed to him, through the notary, to re-
turn to Villa Rica, on the ground of their small num-
ber and dismembered condition, devoid as they were
of clothing, arms, ammunition, and horses, and with
so many maimed and wounded. They were wholly
unfit to undertake any campaign, much less against
an enemy who had just defeated them when they
were far stronger in number and armament than now.
Declared, as it was, in the name of the army, though
in truth by the men of Narvaez only,20 and headed by
such persons as Duero, with invocation of the imperial
name, the proposal placed Cortes in a dilemma. Yet
it roused in him only a firmer determination. He
was more master now than ever he could be under the
new proposal; and Cortes loved to be master. The
same reasons which. had moved him before to advance
into Mexico in quest of independent fame and wealth,
and to evade the prospective disgrace and poverty,
imprisonment and death, were reasons stronger now
than ever.

Here was another of those delicate points on which
the destiny of the Estremaduran seemed ever turning.
Rousing himself to meet the issue, though still weak
with disease, he summoned an audience. "What is
this I hear?" he asked of the assembled soldiers. "Is
it true that you would retire from the fertile fields of
New Spain, you, Spaniards, Castilians, Christians!
leave the ship-loads of gold which in the Aztec capital
we saw and handled; leave still standing the abomi-

20 ' En nombre de todos.5 Gomara, Hist. Mex., 166. Whereat Bernal Diaz
is exceedingly wroth. 'We, the old soldiers, stood by Cort6"s,' he asserts,
' and Gomara's omission to say so is intended to exalt him at our expense. ' Hist.
Verdad., 110. Cortes himself intimates that the request was general. Cartas,
142. But Herrera more justly attributes it to ' la mayor parte.' dec. ii. lib.
x. cap. xiv.

522 INVALUABLE FRIENDSHIP.

nable idols with their bloody ministers, and tamely
summon others to enjoy the riches and glories which
you are too craven to achieve ? Alack ! for your
patriotism, for duty to your emperor, to God, for the
honor of Spanish arms ! Know you not that one
step further in retreat than necessary is equivalent
to the abandonment of all? Or perhaps the fault is
my own. I have been too careful of mine ease, too
cowardly to expose my person to the dangers into
which I directed you; I have fled before the foe — help
me to remember, friends — I have left my comrades to
die unaided on the battle-field while I sought safety,
I have fed while you starved, I have slept while you
labored, or my too sluggish brain has refused the duty
due by your commander." The speaker paused, but
only for a moment. At this, the very beginning of his
plea, a hundred eyes were affectionately regarding him
through their moisture, a hundred tongues were deny-
ing all insinuations of baseness as applied to him, their
great and brave commander. Already their hearts
were aflame with avarice and ambition; aflame, like
St Augustine's, with Christian zeal and fervency of
devotion, soldier fanatics as they were, stern, fore-
head-wrinkled men — for fighting men, no less than
fighting dogs, display a gravity in their e very-day
demeanor unknown to tamer spirits. "Are not my
interests yours, and yours mine?" continued Cortes.
"Therefore, I pray you, ascribe not my views to dis-
regard of your wishes, but to a desire to promote the
good of all. What people going to war that does not
sometimes suffer defeat; but what brave men ever
abandoned a glorious campaign because of one repulse ?
And do you not see that it is more dangerous to go
than to remain — that to retreat further would only
invite further attack? I will not allude before soldiers
of mine," concluded the speaker, "to the everlasting
infamy of abandoning these brave Tlascaltecs to the
enmity of the combined forces of the plateau for
having stood the Spaniards' friend in time of danger.

RESOLUTION TO REMAIN. 523

Go, all of you who will! abandon your sacred trusts,
and with them the riches in mines, and tributes here
awaiting you, and fair encomiendas, with countless
servants to attend before your new nobility; for my-
self, if left alone, then alone will I here remain and
general Indians, since Spaniards have all turned
cowards !"

Hearts of steel could not withstand such words so
spoken; and loud came the shouts of approval from
Cortes' old comrades, who swore that not a man should
be allowed to endanger the common safety by leaving.
This manifestation was in itself sufficient to shame the
disaffected into resignation, although not into silence,
for mutterings were frequent against the quality of
persuasion employed by the general and his beggarly
followers, who had nothing to lose except their lives.
In order somewhat to allay their discontent Cortes
promised that at the conclusion of the next campaign
their wishes should be consulted, and the first favor-
able opportunity for departure be tendered them — a
cool proposal, affecting only those who would be left
of them, yet made with sober visage by the artless
Cortes.21

21 'Si mal nos sucediere la ida [of the next campaign] hare lo que pedis:
y si bien, hareis lo que os ruego. ' Thus Cortes, by his skill and firmness, saved
not only the conquest but the lives of his men, which must have been sacri-
ficed in a retreat. Had they reached Villa Rica they would not have re-
mained there, but would have passed on to the islands, thus abandoning the
country. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 167. Most of the points in the above speech are
to be found in the lengthy harangue prepared by this author. Oviedo's is
weaker, and loses itself in repetitions and crude elaborations, adorned with
learned references ill suiting a soldier addressing rude men, although not
altogether inconsistent with CorteV love of display. Toward the conclusion
is said : ' If any one there is who still insists on leaving, let him go ; for rather
will I remain with a small and brave number than with many, if composed in
part of cowards and of those who respect not their honor. Even if all fail
in their duty I shall not. We shall now know who, being of us, will drink
water from the hand, and who will kneel to drink with the face to the ground,
so that they may be bidden to depart, as God said to Gideon.' Oviedo, iii. 332-3.
The test, if ever intended, was not made, since all acquiesced. Solis, the
inveterate speech-maker, has unaccountably subsided for this period; perhaps
he is piqued at finding himself so fully anticipated. Cortes gives a brief
synopsis of what he indicates to have been a long speech. On no account
would he commit so shameful, dangerous, and treasonable an act as to aban-
don the country. Cartas, 142-3; Claviyero, Storia Mess., iii. 151; TIerrera,
dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiv.

524 INVALUABLE FRIENDSHIP.

The determination of Cortes was now what it
always had been, namely, to conquer and become mas-
ter of all New Spain; and the greater the difficulty
the greater the glory. Fearing that further evil
might result from continued inactivity, and from re-
maining a burden on the allies, Cortes resolved to lose
no time in taking the field.22 In the fertile plains to
the south of Tlascala lay the rich province of Tepe-
yaeac,23 euphonized into Tepeaca, long hostile to the
republic. Intimidated by the subjugation of Tlascala
and Cholula, the three brothers who ruled it24 had ten-
dered their submission to the conquerors, only to return
to their old masters, the Aztecs, the moment fortune
seemed to favor them. The latter had indeed, in
connection with their other preparations, made par-
ticular efforts to stir the provinces round Tlascala and
toward the coast, sending large garrisons to form
centres for the native armies, the object being partly
to cut off communication with the coast, so as to
prevent reinforcements from reaching the Spaniards,
and partly to effect a rear movement when it might be
decided to attack the republic. Reinforcements had
already been surprised in this region and slaughtered,
as we have seen, and raids had been made on the
allied frontier.

Here was all the cause the Spaniards required for
attack, and as the country was for the most part open,
the horsemen would have great advantage over na-

22 'Habiendo estado en esta provincia veinte dias, aunque ni yo estaba muy
sano de mis heridas, y los de mi compania todavia bien flacos, sali della.'
Cortes, 143. Gomara follows, while Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. , 1 10, writes that
after a stay at Tlascala of 22 days Cortes announced the determination to
march on Tepeaca, which provoked murmurs from the men of Narvaez.
Preparations for the campaign appear to have intervened before the march
began, and negotiations with the province to be assailed. Herrera intimates
that fully 50 days had passed before negotiations were opened, dec. ii. lib. x.
cap. xv.

23 ' Significa Tepeyacac, remate, o punta de zerro,' owing to the position of
the city at the end of a mountain range. Id., cap. xxi.

21 Their father, Chichtuc, had been sole ruler, but after Lis death the sons
divided the province. Id. This author assumes that it was merely an ally of
Mexico, but there is little doubt about its being tributary. 'Ixcozauhqui, le
principal de ses trois chefs.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 368.

THE TROOPS MUSTERED. 525

tive troops. Its subjugation, therefore, promised to
be easy, and would secure the rear. The Tlascaltecs
approved of beginning- the campaign with the out-
lying provinces,25 where the concentration of forces
was smaller, and where the memory of Aztec misrule
and oppression might readily induce the inhabitants
to transfer their allegiance, so as to strengthen the
conquerors and allure fresh allies. They were eager
to begin the campaign, and offered a large force of
warriors. Xicotencatl junior also evinced a prompt-
ness to cooperate, as if to remove any ill feeling that
might have arisen from his machinations.26 In order
to thoroughly enlist their sympathies Cortes made an
arrangement with the lords whereby a number of
privileges were assured to their people, together with
a fixed proportion of the spoils27 to be obtained during
the war.

The troops were mustered at Tzompantzinco, near
Tlascala, amidst a large concourse of people. There
were about four hundred and fifty Spanish soldiers,
with nearly twenty horses, a few firelocks and field-
pieces, and a number of cross-bows, but the arms were
chiefly swords and pikes. The reinforcements consisted
of six thousand Tlascaltecs, including a few Cholultecs
and Huexotzincas, a larger force being prepared under
Xicotencatl to follow later.28 A demand had mean-

25 The suggestion of thus opening the campaign is claimed by native his-
torians for the Tlascaltec lords, -Ixtlilxochitl naming Xicotencatl as the origi-
nator. J list. Chick., 303; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 177.

20 And out of gratitude for CorteV intercession in his behalf, as Solis
claims.

27 Half of the booty obtained in all conquered countries, with incorpora-
tion of Cholula, Huexotzinco, and Tepeyacac. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 176.
This extent of jurisdiction is doubtful. 'Les haria en nobre de su Magestad
escriptura de conservarlos en sustierras, ygovierno,' is the moderate arrange-
ment given in Vetancvrt, Te.atro Max. , pt. iii. 146. When in 1655 an attempt was
made to encroach on their rights they produced the document and obtained
justice^

2o Bernal Diaz, who alone enters into details, enumerates 420 soldiers,
4000 Tlascaltecs, 17 horses, and 6 cross-bows, without artillery or ammunition.
Hist. Verdad. ,111. But this is hardly reliable, for a few lines before he refers
to 440 men, and there is no doubt that some ammunition, field-pieces, and
other war material must have been obtained from Villa Rica. Herrcra speaks
of musketeers and 6000 allies, 50,000 more to follow, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv.

526 INVALUABLE FRIENDSHIP.

while been sent to Tepeaca to confirm the oath of
allegiance once tendered the Spanish sovereign and
dismiss the Aztec garrisons, whereupon all past offences
would be forgiven. The reply was a contemptuous
refusal, with the threat that any attempt at coercion
would bring upon the invaders worse punishment
than they had received at Mexico, for they all would
be dished up at the festive board. Every proposal
being rejected, a formal notice was sent condemning
the province to be chastised with sword, and fire, and
slavery, for rebellion and murder of Spaniards.29

The army now advanced on Zacatepec, the first
town on the Tepeaca border, where an ambuscade
had been prepared in some maize fields. This was
discovered in time to prevent a surprise, but a
fierce encounter took place, wherein the horsemen
did good execution, and victory was soon obtained,
with slaughter of the flying. Ojeda, who had led
the Tlascaltecs into the thickest of the fight, came
during the pursuit to the residence of the cacique and
planted there the republican flag, in token of capture.
These warriors had suffered severely, owing in part to
the use of large lances by the enemy, but the Span-
iards had only a dozen wounded, beside two horses,
one of which died.30 During the three days' stay at

Gomara allows 40,000 allies to set out at once, with provisions and carriers.
Hist. Mex.y 168. Ixtlilxochitl mentions only 4000, and names some of the
leaders. Hist. Chich., 305. Herrera states that a question arose as to the
prudence of trusting so small a body of soldiers with so large a force of allies — ■
which soon swelled to over 100,000 — -who might in case of disagreement
overwhelm them. A council was held, which decided that the loyalty of the
Tlascaltecs had been sufficiently tried, and that a small number of allies would
be of no service, ubi sup. , cap. xiv.

29 Cortes' first messengers returned with two Mexicans, who brought the
contemptuous reply. They were given presents, and told to summon the
native chiefs to a parley. On their return with a threatening answer ' f ue
acordado, . . por arte Escriuano . . . que se diessen por esclauos a todos los
aliados de Mexico, que huviessen muerto Espanoles. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Ver-
dad., 112. ' Respondieron que si mataron Espaiioles fue con justa razon, pues
en tiempo de guerra quisieron passar por su tierra por fuerca, y sin demandar
licencia.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 168.

30 ' Tuuiero los Indios amigos buena cena aquella noche de piernas, y bracos,
porque sin los assadores de palo, que eran infinitos, huuo cincuenta mil ollas
de came humana.' The Spaniards suffered from want of water and food.
Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv. Rather a strong story. The Spaniards could

SUBJUGATION OF TEPEACA. 527

this town the neighborhood was reduced, with pillage
and enslavement.

The next camp was formed at Acatzingo, which had
been abandoned by the enemy after a short fight.
These successes so discouraged the Mexican garrisons
that they abandoned the province, and the allies, on
marching straight for Tepeaca, five days later, entered
it without opposition. This now became the head-
quarters for the different expeditions sent out to re-
duce the surrounding districts;31 and rare work they
made of it, plundering, and tearing down idols, and
making captives. Salt, cotton, feather ware, and other
commodities were abundant, and with their share
therein the Tlascaltecs were highly delighted, but the
Spaniards obtained little gold. The rulers of the
country had fled; one of them to Mexico, to re-
monstrate against the retreat of the garrisons, and
to demand additional aid. Finding themselves aban-
doned, the inhabitants sent to beg mercy of the
conquerors, and being assured that no further harm
should be done them, they returned to the city
and again tendered allegiance. Several other towns
were taken, some, like Tecalco, south of Tepeaca,
being evacuated, others tendering submission in ad-
vance, while still others required hard fighting to
subdue.

The reduction of the Tepeaca province, which was
virtually accomplished in about a month,32 produced
an immediate and marked effect, not only on the
natives, but on the late refractory Spanish soldiers.

not well suffer from hunger in the midst of maize fields, in harvest time.
Oviedo takes occasion to dwell on the common practice of devouring the slain
on the battle-field, thus saving the trouble of burial, iii. 334. ' Mi pare una
favola,' is Clavigero's comment. Storia Mess., iii. 152. See Native Hares.

31 ' Padeciendo siempre de agua, y comida. ' Herrera, ubi sup. But this
could hardly be the case in so rich a province, at this time.

32 ' En obra de veinte dias hobe pacificas muchas villas y poblaciones a ella
sujetas. . . .sin que en toda la dicha guerra me matasen ni hiriesen ni un
espaiiol.' Cortex, Carta*, 143. 'En obra de quarenta dias tuvimos aquellos
pueblos pacificos, ' but with great hardship, ' porque de sangre, y polvo que
estaua quajado en las entranas, no echauamos otra cosa del cuerpo, y por la
boca,' etc. Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 112-13.

528 INVALUABLE FRIENDSHIP.

The latter were reconciled to the prosecution of the
conquest on finding the opening campaign so speedy
and comparatively bloodless, and fresh confidence was
infused into the Tlascaltecs, and new allies came for-
ward, while the prestige of Spanish arms began again
to spread terror among the enemy and open a way
into other provinces. This was promoted by messen-
gers, who carried promises of release from Aztec
tyranny, and pointed out the fate of rebellious and
stubborn Tepeacan towns. The Mexicans, who during
the inactivity of the allies had grown somewhat lax
in their efforts to conciliate subject provinces, now
became more earnest, more free with presents and
offers to remit tribute. These endeavors were greatly
counteracted by their troops, however, whose in-
solence and greed drove the inhabitants to tacitly or
openly favor the Spaniards.

The withdrawal of the Aztec garrisons from Tepeaca
served to strengthen those on its frontier, particularly
at Quauhquechollan,33 ten or eleven leagues south-
west of the new Spanish head-quarters, which pro-
tected the approach to the southern pass into the
valley of Mexico.34 Its province bordered on Hue-
xotzinco and Cholula, and skirting the snow-crowned
Popocatepetl it extended for some distance south
and south-east of it. The lord,35 who had tendered
allegiance to Spain simultaneously with Montezuma,
had recently sent in the assurance of his loyalty, with
the explanation that fear of the Mexicans had pre-
vented him from doing so before. A few days later
came his messengers to ask protection against the
Aztec garrisons, reinforced to the extent of some
thirty thousand men,36 who, from their camp within a
league of .the city, were plundering and committing

33 The name of a beautiful bird, now San Martin de Huaquechula. This
town was known to the Spaniards under the name of Guacachula.

31 'A la entrada de un puerto que se pasa para entrar a la provincia de
Mejico por alii.' Cortes, Cartas, 145. After the conquest it was moved to a
more open site, three leagues south. Torquemada, i. 316.

30 Calcozametl. Brasseur de Bourboxrg, Hid. Nat. Civ., iv. 372. .

36 Herrera reduces Cortes' figure to 20,000.

FURTHER SUCCESSES. 529

outrages. This appeal being quite in accord with the
plans of Cortes, he at once complied by sending Olid
and Ordaz, with two hundred soldiers, thirteen horses,
most of the fire-arms and cross-bows, and thirty
thousand allies.37 It was arranged with the Quauh-
quechollans that they should begin the attack as sooi
as the Spaniards came near, and cut off communica
tion between the city garrison and the adjoining camp
Olid marched by w^ay of Cholula, and received ei
route large accessions of volunteers, chiefly from the
province to be aided and from Huexotzinco, all eager
for a safe blow at the Aztecs, and for a share of the
spoils. So large, indeed, was the enrolment that some
of the ever timid men of Narvaez conjured up from
this a plot for their betrayal into the hands of the
Mexicans, with whom rumor filled every house at
Quauhquechollan, making in all a larger number than
at Otumba. The loyalty of the new province being
wholly untried, and that of Huexotzinco but little
proven, the alarm appeared not unfounded, and even
the leaders became . so infected as to march back to
Cholula, whence the chiefs of the suspected allies were
sent under guard to Cortes, with a report of the
occurrence.38 The latter examined the prisoners, and
readily surmised the cause of the trouble; but, as it
would not answer to dampen native ardor for the war
by leaving them in that suspicion, he apologized for

37 Bernal Diaz names Olid alone for the command, and Gomara adds Ordaz
and Andre's de Tapia, while Herrera substitutes Ordaz and Avila, The latter
is probably wrong in giving them 300 soldiers, and Peter Martyr errs, through
his printer, perhaps, in allowing only 3000 allies.

38 Cortes writes that this occurred in a town of Huexotzinco province,
and that here the Spaniards were alarmed by the report of collusion between
the Huexotzincas, the Quauhquechollans, and the Aztecs. The leaders de-
scribed the expedition as difficult. Cartas, 146. Gomara follows, naming the
captain who brought the chiefs captive to Cortes. Hist. Mex., 1G9. Bernal
Diaz points out very plausibly that Huexotzinco lay wholly out of the way ;
and, ignoring the accession of volunteers, he assumes that the report of a vast
gathering of Mexican troops round Quauhquechollan was the cause for alarm,
among the Narvaez party only. Olid appealed to their honor, and did all he
could to encourage them, but failed. Hist. Verdad., 112-13. Clavigero
believes, on the other hand, that Clid caught the alarm as readily as the rest.
Storia Mess., iii. 154. The joining of Huexotzincas may have led to the
belief that the march lay through their territory.

Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 34

530 INVALUABLE FRIENDSHIP.

what had happened as a misunderstanding, smoothed
their ruffled feelings with presents, and encouraged
their zeal. With an additional force of one hundred
soldiers and some horses he set out for Cholula to
assume command in person, shaming the men out of
their fears,39 and accepting the large reinforcements
which were offered on the way.

As soon as he came in sight, at the end of the
valley, the Quauhquechollans, who had made their
preparations in advance, fell on the garrison, securing
at the same time the scouts and stragglers. The
Aztecs resisted valiantly, encompassed though they
were by assailants who filled the roofs and heights
round the temple which formed the citadel. An
entry was effected by the Spaniards, and the natives
rushed upon the warriors with such fury that scarcely
one wTas left to tell the tale. A number of the be-
sieged, outside the citadel, had already fled toward
the Aztec camp, whose battalions were now de-
scending, brilliant in feathered mail and ornaments.
Entering the further side of the city they began
to fire it. Cortes was summoned to the rescue, and
hurrying onward with the cavalry he soon routed
their disorganized masses, leaving pursuit chiefly to
the allies. At a certain pass the enemy rallied, to be
dislodged within a few moments and cut off from their
camp. Exhausted by battle and flight, under a broil-
ing sun, they turned in disorderly scramble up the steep
mountain slope, only to find themselves checked on the
summit by fleeter bands of Quauhquechollans and other
allies, and obliged to make a stand. By this time
they could hardly raise their hands in self-defence,
and the battle became little more than a butcher}^
during which scattered remnants alone managed to
escape, leaving the rich garments and jewels of

39 Bernal Diaz states that Cortes did not go, but sent Olid a sharp letter,
which roused him to proceed with the expedition. But our chronicler was
sick with fever all this time, and has evidently not been well informed.
Cortes' description of the route and of different occurrences indicates that he
must have been present.

REDUCTION OF ITZOCAN. 531

the dead to stay the pursuers, who now, according
to Cortes, numbered over one hundred thousand.
Several Spaniards were wounded, and one horse
killed.40 The field being reaped, the victors entered
the camp,41 which was divided into three parts, each
large enough, it is said, to form a respectable town,
well appointed, with hosts of servants, supplies, and
paraphernalia. Laden with spoils they returned to
the city to receive a well merited ovation. The citi-
zens were afterward rewarded with several privileges
for their loyal aid;42 deservedly rewarded, for with-
out their cooperation the place could not have been
captured without difficulty, since it lay between two
rivers43 coursing through deep ravines, and was shielded
on one side by a steep mountain range. Beside its
natural strength the city was protected by a breast-
work of masonry , which extended toward the mountain
and down into the ravines, forming here a smooth
facing of some twenty feet, and rising in other places
into a distinct wall of great height and width,44 with
a parapet. There were four entrances,45 wide enough
for one horseman only, with staircase approaches, and
with maze-like lappings of the walls, which rendered
it difficult to force an entrance. Along the walls lay
piles of stones and rocks ready for the foe. The
population was estimated at five or six thousand
families, supported in part by a number of gardens
within the city, and subject to it were three towns
in the valley, containing an equal number of people.
Four leagues south of Quauhquechollan lay Itzo-
can/6 a well built city, with a hundred temples, says

40 ' Cayeron muchos dellos [enemy] mnertosyahogados de la calor, sin, herida
ninguna, y dos caballos se estancaron, y el uno murio. ' CorUs, Cartas, 149.

41 ' En Mexinca.' Gomara, Hint. Mex., 169.

42 ' Y se les conservan el dia de hoy, ' says Lorenzana, in CorUs, Hist. N.
Espana, 160.

43 ' Dos tiros de ballesta el uno del otro.' Cortes, Cartas, 150.

44 ' Ties estados en alto, y 14. pies en ancho,' says Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x.
cap. xvi. ' Alto como cuatro estados por de fuera de la ciudad, 6 por de dentro
esta casi igual con el suelo. ' Cortes, Cartas, 150. Meaning, in places.

45 Herrera says two.

46 Later Izucar ; now Matamoros.

532 INVALUABLE FRIENDSHIP.

Cortes, and a population of three or four thousand
families, situated in a fertile, irrigated valley, which
from the climatic protection afforded by the sheltering
mountains included cotton as one of its staples, and
had also some attractive gold mines. The place lay
at the foot of a hill, surmounted by a strong turreted
fort, and offered a striking resemblance to Malaga, it
was said. The level sides were protected by the
banks of a deep river, which here formed a semicircle,
and all round the city ran a wall five feet high, well
provided with towers and stone ammunition. The
cacique was an alien, appointed by Montezuma, whose
niece he had married, and possessed strong sympathies
for the lake government, which maintained a fine gar-
rison. To reduce the place, so as to root out a strong-
hold for the dissemination of Aztec influence, was of
the first importance.

Thither, therefore, Cortes proceeded with his forces,
including allies, who were by this time so numerous
as to cover the plains and mountains, wherever the
eye could reach, representing at least one hundred
and twenty-five thousand men. On arriving before
the city it was found occupied only by warriors, esti-
mated at from five to eight thousand, the women and
children having all withdrawn. Guided by natives
the army passed to a point affording a comparatively
easy entrance. The surprised garrison now thought
less of resistance than of securing their retreat across
the river. It was spanned by a bridge, but this the
Spaniards destroyed as they fell upon them, and many
of the unfortunate Aztecs took to the water in their
confusion, only to add to the list of victims. The
cavalry, swimming across with ease, overtook and
arrested a large portion of the flying till the allies
came up to aid in the slaughter.47 Two captives were

47 Bernal Diaz assumes that Olid is the sole leader; that he was here
wounded, and lost two horses. Returning to Tepeaca he was received with
great honor, and joined in laughing at the alarm which had caused the
army to turn back at Cholula, He would never after have anything to do
with the opulent and timid soldiers of Narvaez, he said. Hist. Verdad., 114.

SOME BLOODLESS VICTORIES. 533

sent to offer pardon to the inhabitants, on the con-
dition of their returning and remaining loyal. Soon
after the chiefs came to make arrangements, and
within a few days the city had resumed its wonted
appearance.

Cortes thought it the best policy, in this frontier
town of his conquest, to make a favorable impression
by extending merc}r, and with the rapid flight of
his fame as an irresistible conqueror spread also his
reputation as a dispenser of justice, lenient or se-
vere, as the case might be. A number of caciques
hastened accordingly to propitiate him, during his
stay in this quarter,48 by tendering submission and
praying to be confirmed in authority. Among them
came a deputation from the inhabitants of Oco-
petlahuacan,49 at the foot of Popocatepetl, who cast
the blame for delay on their cacique. He had fled
with the retreating Mexicans, and they disowned
him, praying that the dignity might be conferred
on his brother, who had remained, and who shared
the popular desire for Spanish supremacy. After a
judicious hesitation the request was granted, with the
intimation that future disobedience would be severely
chastised.50

Still more flattering overtures came from the ca-
ciques of eight towns in Cohuaixtlahuacan,51 some
forty leagues to the south, who had already tendered
allegiance on the occasion when Pilot Umbria first

Gomara supposes that the bridge had been destroyed before the flight,
so that few of the garrison escaped from the sword and the stream, llist.
Mex., 171.

48 Ixtlilxochitl extends the stay at Ytzocan alone to twenty days. Hist.
Chich. , 305. Others make it less.

49 Cortes calls it Ocupatuyo, which Lorenzana corrects into Ocuituco, and
Torqnemada into Acapetlahuaca, i. 315, while Clavigero insists that it should
be Ocopetlajoccan. Storia Mess., iii. 157.

50 ' Vinieron asimismo a se ofrecer por vasallos de V. M. el senor de . . . .
Guajocingo, y el senor de otra ciudad que esta a diez leguas de Izzucan. ' Cortes,
Cartas, 152.

51 This name is badly misspelled. Chimalpain identifies it with Huax-
t6ca, which is decidedly out of the way, Hist. Covq., ii. 12, while Orozco y
Berra stamps 'en verdad erronea' the suggestion of Lorenzana that it is
Oajaca; but modern maps do place it in Oajaca, very slightly modified in
spelling.

534 INVALUABLE FRIENDSHIP.

passed through that province in search of Zacatula's
gold mines.52

Before leaving Itzucan, Cortes was called upon to
appoint a successor to the fugitive cacique. The
candidates were a bastard son of the late native ca-
cique, whose death was due to Montezuma, and the
son of the deceased ruler's legitimate daughter, mar-
ried to the lord of Quauhquechollan. The general,
being only too eager to please so loyal an ally, decided
in favor of his son, on the ground of legitimacy; but
since he was not yet ten years old, the regency was
intrusted to the bastard uncle, aided by some chiefs.53
The boy followed the army to imbibe Spanish ideas
and instruction, and received baptism not long after,
with the name of Alonso,54 the first Christian prince
in New Spain.

Another important yet troublesome expedition was
to secure the road to Villa Rica, on which so many
Spaniards had fallen, and which was still dangerous.
It was intrusted to two hundred men, with ten horses,
and a large force of allies.55 The first reduction in
this quarter had been Quecholac, where pillage and
enslavement formed the retaliation for murders com-
mitted,56 and Tecamachalco, which gave greater trouble
before it fell, and yielded over two thousand slaves,

52 They had always been loyal, they said, although deterred by fear of
Mexico from sooner proclaiming it; the four remaining pueblos of the province
would soon send in their allegiance. Cortes, Cartas, 152-3.

53 The construction of sentences in Cortes, Carta*, 152, and the complex
relationship, have misled nearly every one who notices this incident — as,
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 171; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 147; Berual Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 116a.

M Alonso Coltzin. Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 12. Ixtlilxochitl calls him
Ahuecatzin. Hist. Chich., 305. Alvarado stood sponsor." Terrified by some
idle gossip, or by the preparations for his baptism, the boy asked the friar
when he was to be sacrificed; but received comfort in a pious exhortation.
Torquemada, i. 520.

55 Herrera gives the command to Olid and Juan Rodriguez de Villafuerte,
the owner of the much disputed first madonna image, accompanied by Juan
Nunez, Sedeno, Lagos, and Mata. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvii. Olid may have
been detached from Quauhquechollan after the first success had made
troops less necessary; yet Herrera indicates that he set out before this
expedition.

56 'En lo de Cachula fue adonde auian maerto en los aposentos quinze Es-
paiioles.' Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 112.

RETALIATION. 535

besides much spoil.57 The chastisement of these dis-
tricts had taught the easterly parts a lesson, so that
more hardship than fighting was now encountered,
for the march lay to a great extent through unin-
habited tracts. It was in the region of Las Lagunas
that some captive Spaniards had been denuded and
fattened, and then goaded to death, like bulls in a ring,
for the amusement of the natives. The bodies had
then been devoured, a part of the flesh being jerked
and distributed over the district as choice morsels,
and pronounced savory. Forty of the most guilty
tormentors were secured in a yard for execution. In-
formed of their fate they began to dance and sing,
commending themselves quite cheerfully to the gods
as they bent their heads to the sword.58 How blessed
the righteous when they die!

57 B. V de Tapia, in his testimony against Cortds, states that about 6000
prisoners were sent to him from these districts by Olid, all of whom had
surrendered without resistance, and that he ordered the men, 2000 in number,
to be executed, the women and children being sold or distributed. Cortes,
Residential, i. 59-GO.

58 'Boluiero a Tepeaca, y auiendo estado treynta dias en esta Jornada
hallaron a Hernando Cortes, que era buelto de Guacachula.' Herrera, dec. ii.
lib. x. cap. xvii. These successes are said to have been dimmed by a severe
defeat at Tochtepec, on Rio Papaloapan, whither Salcedo had been sent with
80 men. It was the entrep6t for trade in this region, and was held by a
strong Aztec garrison, aided by native warriors with Chinantec pikes. Owing
partly to the efficient use of this weapon, and partly to the carelessness of
Salcedo, the troops were surprised and slaughtered to a man, after selling
their lives as dearly as possible. The disaster being a blow also to Spanish
prestige which it would never do to overlook, Ordaz and Avila were sent
not long after with a larger force, some horses, and 20,000 allies, to exact
retaliation in death, captivity, and rich spoil. The victors came back with
ample plunder. Herrera, ubi sup. See note 4 this chapter for doubts on the
massacre.

CHAPTER XXIX.

KING- MAKING AND CONVERTING.

October -December," 1520.

Conquest in Detail — Barba Caught — Other Arrivals and Rein-
forcements— The Small-pox Comes to the Assistance of the Span-
iards— Letters to the Emperor — Establishing of Segura de la
Frontera — Certain of the Disaffected Withdraw from the Army
and Return to Cuba — Division of Spoils — Head-quarters Estab-
lished at Tlascala.

Thus all was going gayly with the Estremadnran
once more. It was easy work overcoming the divided
Aztec forces, which combined had proved so formi-
dable. And there was little trouble now from factions.
None advocated a station by the sea-side, with ships
ready for flight; none thought of abandoning New
Spain for Cuba. The simple presence of the general
was as the shield of Abas, which performed so many
marvels, and the mere sight of which could on the in-
stant stay a revolt or reduce a province to submission.

The successes of the Spaniards were rapidly en-
larging the fame and influence of their leader, bring-
ing among other fruits, as we have seen, alliances and
reinforcements, not alone from native sources, but
from Spanish. The first accession of the latter was
thirteen soldiers and two horses, brought in a small
vessel under the hidalgo, Pedro Barba, formerly com-
mandant at Habana. Commandant Rangel at Villa
Rica had received instructions to secure any vessel
that might arrive, both with a view to obtain recruits,
and to prevent news from travelling to Cuba of the
defeat of Narvaez, or other incidents. As the vessel en-

(536 J

THE GENTLE BARBA. 537

tered the roadstead he accordingly approached it in a
well manned boat, with hidden arms. "How fares Nar-
vaez?" was Barba's first inquiry. "Exceedingly well,"
replied Rangel. "He is prosperous and rich, while
Cortes is a fugitive, with a score of miserable followers
at the most; or he even may be dead." "All the better,"
rejoined Barba; " for I bear letters from the most mag-
nificent Velazquez, with instructions to secure the
traitor, if he be alive, and send him at once to Cuba,
whence he shall go to Spain, as commanded by our
most illustrious Bishop Fonseca." As a matter of
course, Senor Barba will accept the proffered hospi-
tality; he will go ashore and deliver his message to
Narvaez in person. And he will catch this slipper}^
fox from Estremadura, and carry him hence to be
hanged; he will carry him to his worshipful master
Velazquez to be hanged. So entering the boat he
is conveyed away, but only, alas! to be declared a
prisoner; only, alas! to learn that though damned,
Cortes is not dead, and is by no means likely at once
to meet strangulation at the hand either of Barba,
Narvaez, or Velazquez. Meanwhile other visitors in
other boats proceed to secure the crew. The vessel
is dismantled; and since Cortes is the king, and not
Narvaez, the so lately fierce and loyal Barba, nothing
loath, declares for Cortes. Indeed, Barba was by no
means unfriendly to the general, as proven by his
attitude at Habana two years before. Any such
reinforcement was gladly welcomed at Tepeaca, and
Cortes sought to insure Barba's loyalty by making
him captain of archers.1 A week later arrived another
small vessel, under the hidalgo Rodrigo Morejon de
Lobera, with eight soldiers, a mare, a quantity of cross-
bow material, and a cargo of provisions. It was se-
cured in the same manner, and the soldiers and sailors
proceeded to join the army. Thus Cortes draws them

1 'Con este...vino vn Francisco Lopez, vczino, y Regidor que fue de
Guatimala. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 113. Vetancurt assumes that Pedro
del Castillo — Diaz calls him 'el Almirante Pedro Cauallero' — secured Barba
and his vessel. Ttatro Mex., pt. iii. 148; Cortes, Rcsidencia, ii. 165.

538 KING-MAKING AND CONVERTING.

in, friend and foe alike being his fish, if once they
enter his net.

More substantial reinforcements were in store,
however. Governor Garay, of Jamaica, had in no
manner been discouraged by the failure of his last
expedition to Panuco, and the rumors of his rival's
success in New Spain fired him to renewed efforts,
the more so since he possessed the royal grant, the
vessels, and the men, with ample means to sustain
them. In the spring of 1520 he had despatched
three vessels, with about one hundred and fifty soldiers
and sailors, a few horses, and some artilleiw, under the
former commander, Pineda.2 Ascending the Panuco
the expedition came to a town,3 and met with good
reception, but the natives soon tired of giving their
substance to strangers, who may beside have been
guilty of excesses, and they made hostile demonstra-
tions. Pineda showed a bold front, and proceeded to
attack the town, but was surprised and killed, together
with a number of soldiers and the horses.* The rest
escaped as best they could in two of the vessels, pur-
sued by a fleet of canoes. One of the caravels was
wrecked not far above Villa Rica, whereupon a por-
tion of the men resolved to proceed by land rather
than suffer starvation on board, for in the hurry of
the flight the lockers had received no attention. Both
the sea and land parties arrived at the Spanish port,
where every care was given them.5 Thence they were

2 c El capita Diego de Camargo, ' says Herrera ; but Bernal Diaz explains
that this man stepped into the captaincy on the murder of 'fulano Alvarez
Pinedo,' at Panuco. 'Dixeron, que el Capitan Camargo auia sido Fraile
Dominico, e que auia hecho profession.' Hist. Verdad., 114.

3 Seven leagues up, says Herrera.

* 'Muerto diez y siete 6 diez y ocho cristianos, y herido otros muchos.
Asimismo . . . muerto siete caballos. ' Cortes, Cartas, 144. Bernal Diaz as-
sumes that the whole attacking force was killed and some vessels destroyed.
' Dexaron vna carauela, ' says Herrera.

5 Herrera states that hunger caused the land expedition to abandon the
vessels some twenty leagues above Almeria. The people from the wrecked
caravel were taken on board the last vessel, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xviii. Cortes
leaves the impression that both vessels arrived at Villa Rica, perhaps because
the one was wrecked so near it. ' Vn nauio . . . y traia sobre sesenta soldados. '
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad.. 114. This may include the land party, but not
the sailors.

FRESH ARRIVALS. 539

forwarded to Tepeaca, where their cadaverous com-
plexion and swollen bodies procured for them the
nickname of ' panzaverdetes,' or green paunches.
Hardship and bad food had carried a number past
relief, and even in Tepeaca several died, including
Camargo, as Bernal Diaz believes.

A month later, after the Quauhquechollan expedi-
tion, another vessel arrived with about fifty soldiers/'
under Miguel Diaz de Auz, an Aragonian cavalier.
He had been sent to reinforce Pineda, but after re-
maining at Rio Panuco for a month, without seeing
even a native, he had come down to search for the
fleet. The fame of Cortes and the promise of rich
spoils induced him to follow the preceding party, in
contradistinction to which his stout and lusty re-
cruits were dubbed the ' strong-backs.'7 Hearing
that two other vessels had been fitted out to follow
the Panuco expeditions, and were probably now
cruising along the coast, Cortes ordered 'a crew to be
sent in pursuit, with the sole desire, as he expressed
it, to save them from the fate which had so nearly
overtaken Camargo. One was never heard of, and
the other, the largest, entered the port before the
searching vessel had left, it seems, bringing about
one hundred and twenty men and sixteen horses.
Camargo was induced to remonstrate with the captain
against proceeding to Panuco, since the result could
only be disastrous, the native lord having, beside,
tendered allegiance to Cortes in Montezuma's time.8

6 ' Con hasta treinta hombres de mar y tierra.' CorUs, Cartas, 154. 'Sus
soldados, que eran mas de cincuenta, y mas siete cauallos,' says Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 114; and, since Cortes would be less apt to indicate large ac-
cessions, he may be correct.

7 ' Este fue el mejor socorro. . .Diaz de Auz sirvi6 muy bien a su Magestad
en todo lo que se ofrecio en las guerras, . . traxo pleyto despues . sobre el
pleyto de la mitad de Mestitan, . . conque le den la parte de lo que rentare cl
pueblo masde dos mil y quinientos pesos.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 114-15.
He was excluded from the town itself, owing to cruel treatment of Indians.

8 ' El seiior de aquel rio y tierra, que se dice Panuco, se habia dado por vasallo
deV.M., encuyo reconocimiento me habia enviado a la ciudad de Tcnuxtitan,
con sus mensajeros, ciertas cosas. ' Cortes, Carta*, 144-5. But this is probably
a mere assertion, since the Spanish expeditions had never been higher than
Almeria, and the cacique could have had no inducement for submitting.

540 KING-MAKING AND CONVERTING.

But the captain would not listen to him. To the joy
of Cortes, however, a storm arose, which obliged this
captain to slip his anchor and put to sea; obliged him
to take refuge in San Juan de Ulua harbor, where he
found his vessel so unsafe as to require her to be
stranded, whereupon the forces and armaments were
landed.9 Cortes at once sent a sympathizing message,
offering the captain every assistance, but never for a
moment intending to give him any. He even ten-
dered other vessels for his voyage — so he tells the
emperor.10 But there is no doubt that the tender was
illusive, and that he did all in his power, with bribery,
promises, and even force, to secure the men and arma-
ment, and at the same time to weaken his rivals by
their loss. According to some accounts he caused
their vessels to be sunk to prevent departure,11 an act
which Oviedo declares a fair war measure, particu-
larly on the part of Cortes, who greatly needed
reinforcements. Men destined for so comparatively
unattractive a region as Panuco must have been
pleased by the prospect of ready spoils and Mexican
treasures soon to fall into their hands under so able
and successful a leader as Cortes. They were there-
fore readily induced to join him, the captains alone, as
in the last instance, interposing objections for a while.
These several accessions amounted, according to the
testimony of Cortes, to about two hundred men and
some twenty horses,12 together with a large quantity

9 Bemal Diaz refers to the last accession from Garay's expeditions as 40
soldiers and 10 horses, under an old man named Ramirez. Protected by heavy
cotton armor they were nicknamed the 'albardillas.' Hist. Verdad., 115.

10 ' Si todos 6 algunos dellos se quisiesen volver en los navios que alii
estaban, que les diese licencia.' Cortes, Cartas, 163.

11 Oviedo, iii. 335; and so Herrera also intimates in reference to Camargo's
only remaining vessel, 'laqual se anego tabien detro de 10. dias en el puerto.'
dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xviii.

12 The last two vessels bring 150 men and 16 horses, probably over 20, to
which must be added Camargo's force, amounting no doubt to 50 effective men,
for Bemal Diaz admits 60 soldiers, not counting sailors; and Herrera intimates
that over 100 men must have reached Villa Rica of the total force on board
Camargo's three vessels. Bemal Diaz' estimates for the five vessels which he
enumerates exceed 170 soldiers and 20 horses ; on fol. 1 15 he contradicts several
points, including the total, to which the sailors may be added, while a small
reduction is to be made for deaths among Camargo's men. Vetancurt follows

THE TERRIBLE SCOURGE. 541

of small-arms, artillery, and ammunition. Thus again
and again was the shrewd and lucky Cortes aided by
the very means which his great enemies and rivals
had sent to be used against him; aided to reap the
advantages they had planned and plotted to secure.
And all the while he was pitting the antagonisms of
native foes one against another, employing them also
to assist him in securing the grand prize. Greatness
is but another name for good fortune. Circumstances
certainly did as much for Cortes in promoting success
as Spanish arms and superior civilization.

Civilization ! What fools we are, pluming ourselves
in its radiance, the radiance of ghastly electrical
lights, adopted instead of the glorious sun of nature.
For is not the unartificial nature, and nature God,
while artifice is rather of the devil? And yet we
persist in glorifying artifice and calling it deity.
The human sacrifice of the Aztecs was a horrible
rite, but in the hands of the Spaniards is not Chris-
tianity a bloody mistress? And does not European
civilization constantly demand the sacrifice of millions
of lives, if not for the propitiation of gods, then to
avenge an insult, to preserve the integrity of a
nation, or to gratify the spleen of rulers? At hand
even now, coming to the assistance of the magnifi-
cent Cortes, civilization's pride and pet for the
moment, is another ally of civilization, more terrible
than horses, blood-hounds, gunpowder, or steel. At
the time of Narvaez' departure for Cuba, small-pox
was raging there so severely that it offered a reason

Bernal Diaz, and so does Prescott, who assumes that full 150 men and 20 horses
must have been obtained. Alex., ii. 438. Robertson raises this nearer to the
truth by saying 180 men, Hist. Am., ii. 104, as does Brasseur de Bourbourg,
who nevertheless, on an earlier X>age, adds Sahagun's fanciful reinforcement of
300 men. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 371, 387. While the Spaniards were curing them-
selves, 'lleg6 a Tlaxcala un Francisco Hernandez, espafiol, con 300 soldados
castellanos y con muchos caballos y armas.' ISaliagun, Hist. Conq., i. 37. The
later edition does not give the number. Gomara merely states that numerous
small parties came over from the Antilles, attracted by CorteV fame, through
Aillon's reports, he seems to say. Many of them were murdered on the way,
but sufficient numbers reached him to restore the army and encourage the
prosecution of the conquest. Hist. Mex., 173.

542 KING-MAKING AND CONVERTING.

for preventing the governor from leaving with the
expedition. A pioneer vessel of the fleet sowed the
malady at Cozumel, whence it entered the continent.
Before it spread far in this direction Cempoala was
infected by a negro slave of Narvaez.13 The Spaniards
knew little about its treatment, and that little they
sought to impart, not for their own safety, since those
that were left of them were considered almost proof
against the malady, but for the sake of the allies.
Their advice did not avail much, however, for the
natives were too devoted to their panacea, the hot
and cold bath, which only intensified the evil. The
terrible force of the first attacks of epidemics and en-
demics is well known, and it has been advocated with
apparent truth that the diseases of a strong people
fall with particular force on weaker races. After
desolating the coast region for some time, the small-
pox crossed the plateau border during the summer,
and in September14 it broke out round the lakes, on
its way to the western sea, smiting high and low,
rich and poor. For sixty days, according to native
records, the hueyzahuatl, or great pest, raged here
with such virulence as to fix itself a central point in
their chronology. In most districts, says Motolinia,
over half the population died, leaving towns almost
deserted, and in others the mortality was appalling.
Those who recovered presented an appearance that
made their neighbors flee from them, until they be-
came accustomed to the sight. Learning how con-
tagious was the disease, and terrified by the number
of deaths, the inhabitants left the bodies to putrefy,
thus aiding to extend the pest. In some cases the
authorities ordered the houses to be pulled down over

13 Said to have been named Francisco Eguia. Sahagun, Hist. Conq. , i. 30, 66,
and Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., i. 278. Herrera writes that many assumed the
malady to heave been one of the periodical scourges that used to fall on the
country. ' Y el no auer tocado a los Castellanos, pareceque trae aparencia de
razon. ' dec. ii. lib. x. cap. iv. But it appears to have been wholly a new dis-
ease to the natives.

14 ' En el mes que llamaban Tepeilhuitl que es al fin de setiembre,' as
Sahagun assumes. Hist. Conq. , i. 39.

KING TOTOQUIHUATZIX. 543

the dead, so as to check the contagion. Not the least
of the evil was a famine, which resulted from a lack of
harvesters.15

Among the first victims at the capital were King
Totoquihuatzin, of Tlacopan, and Cuitlahuatzin, the
successor of Montezuma. The latter had ruled barely
three months,16 but sufficiently long to prove himself
a most able leader of his people in their struggle for
liberty, for he was brave, full of devices, and ener-
getic, yet prudent; a man who, not content with
securing the expulsion of invaders, had sought to
strengthen his position with alliances and by attract-
ing the subject provinces through gifts, remissions,
and promises. If he did not succeed so well as he
had hoped, the fault must be ascribed to the reputa-
tion of the previous government and to dereliction
of duty among his officers.

As a monarch he would not have fallen far short
of the native ideal, for as a general he had dis-
tinguished himself; and, the brother of Monte-
zuma, he had in his court imbibed the dignity and
majestic manner born of constant adulation from sub-
servient nobles and plebeians. Crafty and unscrupu-
lous, he appears not to have hesitated at crime and
breach of faith to secure his aims for personal and
state advancement. The flourishing condition of his
own province indicated a not unwise administrator;
and the beauty of Iztapalapan, its magnificent pal-
aces, and exquisite gardens filled with choice plants
from different regions, pointed to a ruler of cultivated
uasue.

There is no doubt that Mexico lost in him one of

15 Motolinia, Hist. Ind., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 14-15; Sahagun, Hist.
Conq., i. 39, 66; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 514; Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 101 ;
Id. (Paris ed. 1837), iv. 460 (a chapter omitted in the original); Gomara, Hist.
Mex., 148; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., i. 279; Torquemada, i. 489; Tezcoco en
los uHimos tiempos, 273.

16 'Vivid despues de su eleccion solos sessenta dias. ' Cano, in Oviedo, iii.
549. The election having taken place twenty days after Montezuma's death,
according to Ixtlilxochitl, who assumes that he ruled only 40 or 47 days.
Hist. Chicle, 304; Id., Relaciones, 413. Others extend the rule to 80 days,
both as leader and king, perhaps, which would agree with Cano's version.

544 KING-MAKING AND CONVERTING.

the most promising of sovereigns, and perhaps the
only leader capable of giving her a longer lease
of freedom in face of the irresistible onslaught of
foreigners.17 Thus bravely worked the small-pox
for Cortes and the superior civilization.

The strongest candidate for the Mexican throne
was now the high-priest Quauhtemotzin,18 a young
man of about twenty-three19 years, rather handsome,
of fairer complexion than the average of his race,
grave and dignified, as befitted a prince, and ' quite a
gentleman for an Indian.' He is said to have been
the son of Montezuma's sister by Itzquauhtzin, lord
of Tlatelulco, the twin town or suburb of Mexico,
who had been fellow-prisoner of the late emperor,
and sharer in his fate.20 The brothers and descendants
of Montezuma had been pretty well removed by death,
or through the machinations of Cuitlahuatzin ; but if
nearer legitimate claimants existed, Quauhtemotzin
had eclipsed them all in experience, influence, and
fame, as a brave and able leader. As the chief com-
panion of his predecessor, and one who even before
the appearance of the latter had led the uprising
against the Spaniards, he had become identified as a
true patriot, keeping himself at the head of the
dominant party which began and continued the
struggle for freedom. In order further to secure his

17 Such characteristics may be seen in Spanish as well as native records ;
yet Solis writes, 'su tibieza y falta de aplicacion dexase poco menos que bor-
rada entre los suyos la memoria de su nombre.' Hist. Mex., 372. Sufficient
proof of his energy is found in the siege resulting in the expulsion from
Mexico.

18 The native authorities incline to Quauhtemoc, but the Spanish generally
add the 'tzin,' the 'c' being elided, and the 'Q' changedto 'G,' making the
name Guatemotzin. 'Quauhtemoc, que significa Aguila que baja. ' Vetancvrt,
Tcatro Max., pt. iii. 51.

19 Bernal Diaz describes him about a year later as 23 or 24 years old, while
on another occasion he alludes to him as 25. Hist. Verdad., 112, 155. Ixtlil-
xochitl makes him 18. Hist, diich., 304.

20 < por muerte de su Padre gobernaba el Tlatelulco.' Dnran, Hist. Ind.,
MS., ii. 479. 'Sobrino de Montecuma, que era, papa 6 sacerdote mayor entre
losindios.' Cano, in Oviedo, iii. 549; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. vi. 'Cuauhte-
motctzin hijo del rey Ahuitzotzin y de la heredera de le Tlatelulco.' Ixtlil-
xochitl, lielaciones, 413. This incorrect view is adopted by Brasseur de
Bourbourg and many others.

QUAUHTEMOTZIN. 545

influence lie had taken to wife the only legitimate
daughter of Montezuma, Princess Tecuichpo,or Isabel;
and although the marriage was merely nominal,
she being but a child, yet the alliance served the in-
tended aim.21 The Tepanecs at the same time elected
as successor to their king, his son Tetlepanquetzaltzin,22
whose coronation took place at the same time as that
of Quauhtemotzin, hallowed by the blood of captive
enemies, including no doubt some Spaniards. Cohua-
nacoch had meanwhile been chosen at Tezcuco in lieu
of the disowned protege whom Cortes had foisted
upon them. By this trio were taken up the plans of
Cuitlahuatzin for the deliverance of the country from
her invaders, and especially were their efforts directed
toward securing the loyalty of provinces and allies
which had been stirred by the alarming progress of
Spanish arms in Tepeaca.

A loss to the Spaniards through, the epidemic,
which outweighed many a gain, was the death of
Maxixcatzin, to whose devoted friendship they chiefly
owed their escape from the recent crises;23 for he
it was who took the lead in offering the Tlascaltec
alliance and in overthrowing the inimical plans of the
younger Xicotencatl in favor of the Aztecs. When
the sad news came, Cortes felt as if he had lost a
father, says Bernal Diaz, and mourning robes were
donned by quite a number of the captains and men.
In this they felt the more justified, since the chief,
on finding himself, stricken by the dread disease,
had expressed a wish to become a Christian, and
with the name of Lorenzo had received baptism at
the hands of Olmedo, who joyfully hastened to Tlas-
cala to perform so welcome a service for the Spaniards'

21 ' Moglie gia del suo Zio Cuitlahuatzin,' is the supposition of Clavigero,
Storia Mess., iii. 1G0. ' Se hizo temer de tal manera, que todos los suyos
temblauan del.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 112. For fanciful portraits of
these last two emperors, see Frost's Pict. Hist. Mex., 104, 114.

22 Ixtlilxochifl, loc. cit. ; Torquemada, i. 570.

23 ' Al que solo fue causa q los Christianos se conseruassen en aquella tierra.'
Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xix.

Hisx. Mex., Vol. I. 35

546 KING-MAKING AND CONVERTING.

champion. He died exhorting his family and friends
to obey Cortes and his brethren, the destined rulers
of the land, and to accept their god, who had given
victory over the idols.24 It was fortunate that he did
not die before Spanish prestige had been reestab-
lished by the Tepeaca campaign; for his friendship
sufficed to confirm the allies in their adhesion, to gain
for the Spaniards further cooperation, and to obtain
for them a firm footing in the country.

The allied forces had become so numerous by the
time Itzucan fell that they were absolutely unmanage-
able, and on returning from this place to Tepeaca
Cortes dismissed them with friendly words to their
homes, retaining only the tried Tlascaltecs, who had
become efficient in the European st}7le of warfare under
the Spanish discipline and tactics.25

Before the Quauhquechollan expedition summoned
him away, Cortes had begun a report to the emperor
on the condition of affairs. On returning, he com-
pleted this his second and perhaps most interesting
letter, dated at Segura de la Frontera, or Tepeaca,
October 30, 1520, wherein are related the occurrences
since the despatch of the first letter in the middle of
July, a year before. " I write your Majesty," it
states, " although poorly told, the truth of all that
has happened in these parts, and that which your
Majesty has most need of knowing. With the aid of
God the conquest is progressing in this new country,
which from its similarity to Spain, in fertility, extent,
temperature, and many other things, I -have called
La Nueva Espana del Mar Oceano." Then he pro-
ceeds to humbly beg his majesty to confirm this name.
In a brief supplementary letter he asks the emperor

24 Bcrnal Diaz, Hist.Verdad., 118; Herrera, ubi-sup.

?5 During the absence of the troops, says Herrera, a part of the Tepeaca na
had formed a plot to surprise them when divided ; but some women informed
Marina in time to prevent trouble. Cortes inflicted on them severe chastise-
■inent. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvi. xviii.

CORTES' LETTERS. 547

to send a person of confidence to investigate and
prove the truth of his statements.26

26 The reports and other papers by Cortds, written during a period of
nearly three decades in connection with New Spain, are both numerous and
lengthy, but only the five letters relating to the actual conquest of Mexico
and Central America have achieved bibliographic celebrity, under the title of
Cortes' Letters or Relations. Although the first letter has been lost, and the
companion letter long missing, yet an allusion to the expedition against
Mexico appeared as early as 1520 in Ein auszug ettllcher sendbrieff dem alter
durchleiichtigisten grossmechtigiste Ficrsten. . . .von wegen eine.r new gefande
Inseln. Nurmberg durch Fryderichen Peypus am. 17. tag Marcij MDXX.,
wherein the voyages of Cordoba and Grijalva are also described. Harrisse,
Bib. Am. Vet., 170, assumes that the information is taken from Peter Martyr's
Decades. A later brief reference to the city of Mexico itself is given in Trans-
lationuss hispanischer sprach zu Frantzbsisch gemacht so durch de Vice Bey in
Neapole fraw Margareten Hertzogiil iii Burguudi zu geschrieben, published in
1522. On folio A. iii. is written: Not far from the same island they have
conquered a city called Tenustitan, wherein 60,000 hearths have been counted,
within a good wall. The letter of the ayuntamiento was first published in Col.
Doc. hied., i., 1842.

By the time of the receipt in Spain of Cortes' second letter, of October 30,
1520, the general and his conquest had become so famous that his communica-
tions were not likely to be lost sight of. The incidents treated of were besides
highly enticing, particularly the victories in Tlascala, the entry into Monte-
zuma's wonderful island city, the disastrous expulsion, and the renewal of the
campaign, and Cromberger had it printed in 1522 under the title of Carta de,
relacio ebiada a su. S. majestad del Zpador nto seiior por el capita general dela
nueua spana: llamado fernddo cortes, etc. Seuilla: por Jacobo croberger
aleman. A viii. dias de Nouiebre. Ano de M. d. y xxij. 'Fu6 las Primicias
de el Arte de la Imprenta en Sevilla, y acaso de toda Espana, ' observes Loren-
zana, in Cortes, Hist. N. Espana, 171, but this is a great mistake, for printing
had been done already for several decades in Spain. An Italian abstract
of the letter appeared immediately after, as Noue de le Isole & Terra fenna
Nouamente trouate In India per el Capitaneo de larmata de la Cesarea Maiestaie.
Mediolani decimosexto cole. Decembris M. D. XXII. A reprint of the Seville
text was issued at Saragossa in January, 1523. A later abridged account of
the conquest is given in Ein schone Newe zeytung so Kayserlich Mayestet auss
India yetz newlich zukommen seind, ascribed to Sigmund Grimm of Augsburg,
about 1522. Bibliotheca Grenvilliana end Harrisse. Ternaux-Compans wrongly
supposes the narrative to extend only to 1519, instead of 1522, and assumes
the imprint to be Augsburg, 1520. Bibl. Amcr., 5. Perhaps 1523 is the more
correct date, which may also be ascribed to Tressacree Imperiale et catholique
mageste. . .eust nouuelles des marches ysles et terre ferme occeanes. Colophon,
fol. 16. Depuis sont venues a su magerte nouuelles de, certaies ysles frouuez p les
espagnolz plaines despecerie et beaucop de mines dor, lesqlles nouuelles il receupt
en ceste ville de vailladolid le primier doctobre xv. cent. xxij. This is a book
noticed by no bibliographer except Sabin, who believes that it contains only
the second letter, although the holder supposes the third letter to be also used.
In 1524 appeared the first Latin version of the second letter, by Savorgnanus,
Praeclara Ferdinddi Cortesii de Noua maris Oceani Hyspania Narratio, Norim-
berga. M.D.XXIIIL, which contains a copy of the now lost map of the Gulf
of Mexico, and also a plan of Mexico City. In the same year two Italian
translations of this version, by Liburnius, La Preclara Narratione, were
printed at Venice, one by Lcxona, the other by Sabio, yet both at the instance
of Pcderzani. The plan and map are often missing. Antonio, Bib. Hup.Nova,
iii. 375, mentions only Lexona's issue. A translation from Flavigny appeared
in the Portfolio, Philadelphia, 1817. The originals of the second and other let-
ters were, in the early part of the eighteenth century, ' en la Libreria de Don

54S KING-MAKING AND CONVERTING.

The council also wrote a letter to the emperor,
speaking hopefully of the conquest, which already

Miguel Nunez de Rojas, del Consejo Real de las Ordenes,'says Pinelo, Epitome,
ii. 507. Much of the vagueness which involves the narrative of events
previous to the flight from Mexico may be due to the loss of diary and
documents during that episode. The loss was convenient to CortCs, since it
afforded an excuse for glossing over many irregularities and misfortunes.

The third letter, dated Coyuhuacan, May 15, 1522, and relating the siege
and fall of Mexico, was first published at Seville, on Cromberger's press,
March 30. 1523, as Carta tercera de relacio: embiada por Fernddo cortes caps-
tan y justicia mayor did yucatan llamado la nueua espana del mar oceano. It
received a reproduction in Latin by the same hand and at the same time as
the second letter. Both were reprinted, together with some missionary let-
ters and Peter Martyr's De Insults, in De Insvlls nuper Jncentis Ferdinandi
Cortesii. Colonies, M.D.XXXIf. The title-page displays a portrait of
Charles V. , and is bordered with his arms. Martyr's part, which tells rather
briefly of Cortes, found frequent reprint, while the second and third letters
were republished, with other matter, in the Spanish Thesoro de virtudes,
1543; in the German Ferdhiandi Cortesii. Von dem Newen Hispanien. Augs-
pury, 1550, wherein they are called first and second narratives, and divided
into chapters, with considerable liberty; in the Latin Novus Orbis of 1555
and 1G1G; and in the Flemish Nieutce Weerelt of 15G3; while a French
abridgment appeared at Paris in 1532. The secret epistle accompanying the
third letter was first printed in Col. Doc. Ined., i., and afterward by Kings-
borough and Gayangos.

The fourth letter, on the progress of conquest after the fall of Mexico,
dated at Temixtitan (Mexico), October 15, 1524, was issued at Toledo, 1525,
as La quarta relation, together with Alvarado's and Godoy's reports to
Cortes. A second edition followed at Valencia the year after. The secret
letter accompanying it was not published till 18G5, when Icazbalceta, the
well known Mexican collector, reproduced it in separate black-letter form,
and in his Col. Doc. , i. 470-83.

The substance of the above three relations has been given in a vast number
of collections and histories, while in only a limited number have they been re-
produced in a full or abridged form, the first reproduction being in the third
volume of Ramasio Viagr/i, of 155G, 15G5, and 1G06, which contains several other
pieces on the conquest, all supplied with appropriate headings and marginals.
Barcia next published them direct from the manuscript, in the IJistorindores
Fr'imitivos, i. This collection bears the imprint Madrid, 1749, but the letters
had already been printed in 1731, as Pinelo affirms, Epitome, ii. 597. Barcia
died a few years before his set was issued. From this source Archbishop
Lorenzana took the version published by him under the title of IJ'v<toria de
R ueva-Espana, Mexico, 1770, which is not free from omissions and faults,
though provided with valuable notes on localities and customs, and supple-
mented with illustrated pieces on routes and native institutions, a map of
New Spain by Alzate, an article on the Gobierno Politico- by Vetancurt, a
copy of a native tribute-roll from picture records, not very accurately ex-
plained, and the first map of Lower California and adjoining coast, by
Castillo, in 1541. This version of the letters was reproduced in New York,
1828, with a not wholly successful attempt by Del Mar to introduce modem
spelling. The work is also marked by a number of omissions and blunders,
and the introductory biographic sketch by Robert Sands adds little to its
value. An abridgment from Lorenzana appeared as Correspond ance de Fer-
tiand Cortes, par le Vicomte de Flavigny, Paris, 1778, which obtained three
reprints during the following year at different places. A great many
liberties are taken with facts, as may be imagined; and the letters are, be-
side, misnamed first, second, and third. From the same source, or perhaps
from Flavigny, of whom they savor, are Brief c des Ferdinand Cortes,

OTHER DOCUMENTS. 549

" extended over one hundred and fifty leagues of
the coast, from Rio Grande de Tabasco to Rio de

Heidelberg, 1770, with several' reproductions, and with notes; and the cor-
rected Brieven van Ferdinand Cortes, Amsterdam, 1780-1. The first edition
in English, from Lorenzana, was issued byFolsom, as Despatches of Hernando
Cortes, New York, 1843, also with notes.

The fifth letter of the conqueror, on the famous expedition to Honduras,
dated at Temixtitan, September 3, 1526, lay hidden in the Vienna Imperial
Library till Robertson's search for the first letter brought it to light. Hist.
Am., i. xi. He made use of it, but the first complete copy was not pub-
lished till of late, in Col. Doc. Iucd., iv. 8-1G7, reprinted at New York, 1848,
and, in translation, in the Hakluyt Society collection, London, 1868. It
bore no date, but the-copy found at Madrid has that of September 3, 1526,
and the companion letter printed in Col. Doc. Iued., i. 14-23, that of Septem-
ber 11th. This, as well as the preceding letters, was issued by Vedia, in
Bibadeneyra's Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles, xxii. ; the first three letters
being taken from Barcia, and the fifth from its MS. The letter of the ayunta-
miento is given and a bibliographic notice of little value. A very similar
collection is to be found in the Biblioteca HUtorica de la Iberia, i. But the
most complete reproduction of the principal writings by Cortes, and con-
nected with him, is in the Carta* y Relaciones de Her nan Cortes, Paris, 1866,
byOayangos, which contains 26 pieces, beside the relations, chiefly letters and
memorials to the sovereign, a third of which are here printed for the first
time. Although a few of Lorenzana's blunders find correction, others are
committed, and the notes of the archbishop are adopted^without credit, and
without the necessary amendment of date, etc., which often makes them
absurd. The earliest combined production of CorteV relations, and many of
his other writings, may be credited to Peter Martyr, who in his Decades gave
the substance of all that they relate, although he also mingled other versions.
Oviedo, in the third volume of his Hist. Gen., gives two versions of the con-
quest, the first, p. 258 ct seq., almost a reproduction of Cortes' letters, and
the other, p. 506 et seq., from different sources.

Beside the relations, there are a number of miscellaneous letters, petitions,
orders, instructions, and regulations, by Cortes, largely published in Nararrete,
Col. deViages; Col. Doc. Incd.; Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc; Icazbalceta,
Col. Doc; KinysborouyK's Mex. Antiq.; Ataman, Disert., and as appendices to
histories of Mexico. A special collection is the Escritos Sueltos de Hernan
Cortes, Mex., 1871, forming vol. xii. of the Bib. Hist, de la Iberia, which
presents 43 miscellaneous documents from various printed sources, instruc-
tions, memorials, and brief letters, nearly all of which are filled with com-
plaints against ruling men in Mexico.

Cortes' letters have not inaptly been compared by Prescott to the Commen-
taries of Ccesar, for both men were military commanders of the highest order,
who spoke and wrote like soldiers; but their relative positions with regard to
the superior authorities of their states were different, and so were their r>?e
feelings, and their times, and these feat res arc stamped upon their writings.
Corte\s was not the powerful consul, the commander of legions, but the leader
of a horde of adventurers, and an aspirant for favor, who made his narrative
an advocate. The simplicity and energy of the style lend an air of truth to
the statements, and Helps, among others, is so impressed thereby as to declare
that Cortes 'would as soon have thought of committing a small theft as of
uttering a falsehood in a despatch addressed to his sovereign.' Caries, ii. 211.
But it requires little study of the reports to discover that they aic full of cal-
culated misstatements, both direct and negative, made whenever he considered
it best for hi3 interest to conceal disagreeable and discreditable facts, or to
magnify the danger and the deed. They are also stamped with the religious
zeal and superstition of the age, the naive expressions of reliance on God
being even more frequent than the measured declarations of devotedness to

550 KING-MAKING AND CONVERTING.

Panuco,"27 while the remainder of the interior was
on the sure way to reduction, under the able lead-
ership of Cortes, whose valor and energy they
praised.

They prayed that he, the beloved of all the troops,
might be confirmed in the office of captain-general, as
the only man whose genius and experience could be
relied on to carry out and maintain the conquest.
The natives being docile and ready to receive conver-
sion, friars should be sent to secure this harvest for
the church, and also to administer to the spiritual
wants of the Spaniards. Colonists were needed; also
horses, and other live-stock — the latter to be paid for
at a future time — in order to secure the country and
develop its wealth.

With these letters went one from the army, which,
recounting but briefly the leading incidents of the
campaigns, had for its main object to decry Narvaez
and Velazquez as the sole cause of all the disasters
that had occurred in the country, and to praise Cortes
as a noble, loyal, and able man, by whom alone the

the king; while in between are calmly related the most cold-blooded outrages
on behalf of both. There is no apjDarent effort to attract attention to himself ;
there is even at times displayed a modesty most refreshing in the narrative
of his own achievements, by which writers have as a rule been quite entranced ;
but this savors of calculation, for the general tone is in support of the ego,
and this often to the exclusion of deserving officers. Indeed, generous allusions
to the character or deeds of others are not frequent, or they are merged in
the non -committing term of ' one of my captains.' Pedro do Alvarado com-
plains of this in one of his Relatione*, in Barcia, Hist. Prim., i. 1G5-G. In
truth, the calculating egotism of the diplomate mingles freely with the frank-
ness of the soldier. Cortes, however, is ever mindful of his character as an
hidalgo, for he never stoops to meanness, and even in speaking of his enemies
he does not resort to the invectives or sharp insinuations which they so freely
scatter. His style bears evidence of training in rhetoric and Latin, yet the
parade of the latter is not so frequent as might be expected from the half-bred
student and zealot. Equally indicative are his regulations" and instructions of
the experience gained as notary and alcalde, and the promise once entertained
of him as a legal light. The sentences are remarkably concise and clear for
the time, and the expression both fluent and pure. The whole tends to con-
firm the opinion alread}' formed of his character, as one who, while not wholly
free from defects of his age, indulged in grand views, and stood forward con-
spicuous as a born leader of men.

21 Of the central provinces actually under control Herrera enumerates:
Cempoala, with 50 towns and villages, containing over 120,000 families; Tlas-
cala, with 00 vassal lords, over 120,000; Huexotzinco, 50,000; Cholula,
40.000; Tcpeaca, Acatzingo, and Quecholac, 80,000; Quauhquechollan and
Itzucan, 20,000; 'beside a number of others.' dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xviii.

MESSENGERS. 551

conquest could be achieved.28 These and other letters
were intrusted to Alonso de Mendoza, a townsman of
Cortes, together with thirty thousand pesos, in fifths
and presents, and a number of commissions from differ-
ent members of the expedition. A well appointed
vessel was assigned for the voyage, and three other
vessels were despatched for Espahola, there to enlist
recruits and to buy horses, arms and ammunition, cattle,
clothing, and other requirements, and four strong ves-
sels to maintain traffic with the Antilles. Letters
were sent to Licenciado Rodrigo de Figueroa and
other royal officers on the Island, inclosing duplicates
of those forwarded to Spain; and a number of speci-
mens of the jewels, manufactures, and natural re-
sources of the country, were transmitted as presents
and as samples to allure recruits. The letters and the
ample funds for the enlistment and purchases were
intrusted to Contador Avila and another officer,29
with instructions to use every effort to confirm the
audiencia officials in their good opinion of Cortes, so
that they might plead his cause in Spain. The ill-
treatment of Aillon by Velazquez and Narvaez had
already impelled them to do this, as we have seen.
Their advice was to be asked regarding the enslave-

23 Narvaez it was, they said, who without right or without exhibiting
evidence of such right, had set himself up against Cortes, and begun to rouse
the natives against him and his followers as piratical intruders, intent on
mischief, while his own announced object was to right the natives, release
Montezuma, and then to depart from the country without taking even gold
with him. These intrigues caused the uprising which lost Mexico to the
emperor, together with so many hundred lives and millions of treasure. To
Velazquez, therefore, no control should be given in a country lost through the
machinations of himself and his lieutenant. If any grants had been made to
him, they were based on false representations, and would imperil the safety of
these extensive and rich lands. The second object of the latter was to laud
the character of Cortes as a man and soldier, and to pray that he be confirmed
in the office of captain-general and justicia mayor as the only fit and worthy
person. At the foot came the signature of 534 Spaniards, the majority of
the troops, headed by Alvarado, Ordaz, and similar warm friends of the com-
mander, and also by such prominent personages of the Narvaez party as
Vasco Porcallo, and Juan Diaz, the clergyman. Bernal Diaz was still down
with fever, which accounts for the absence of his name. Many others whose
names might have been added were probably away on expeditions and on
garrison duty. For copy of letter see Icazbcdceta, Col. Doc, i. 427-.'J:>.

29 Whom Bernal Diaz calls Francisco Alvarez Chico; and Vctancurt, Fran-
cisco Hernandez.

552 KING-MAKING AND CONVERTING.

ment of rebels and other measures, and their authority
and aid sought for obtaining men and stores.30 Another
vessel was sent under Solis31 to Jamaica to buy horses
and war material. Bernal Diaz, does not fail to point
out the evidence in the large remittance for Spain
and the Antilles of treasures secretly taken from
Mexico by Cortes and his clique, and accuses him
of having appropriated also the share for Villa Rica,
claimed to have been captured by the Indians during
its transmission from Tlascala.32

No sooner were these preparations announced
than Duero and a number of others of the Narvaez
party claimed a fulfilment of the promise regarding
their departure. The success of the Spanish arms
and the allurement of spoils had reconciled most of
the lately disaffected, so that those who now demanded
to return were only a few of the more wealthy. The
services of these could be readily dispensed with, now
that such large reinforcements had been received, and
the display of their accumulations at home might
inspire fresh recruits. Therefore Cortes gave his
consent, with abundant promises that as soon as the
conquest was fully accomplished, gold and other re-
wards would flow on those who supported his cause
either in the Islands or in Spain. Leaders like Duero
and Bermudez were the chief recipients of such offers ;
and offers alone they remained in most instances, for

30 Bernal Diaz insinuates that there were a number of officers far more
suitable than Captain Avila for this mission, but Cortes desired to be rid of
so outspoken an observer and champion of the men, and at the same time to
promote the more pliable Alonso de Grado to the vacated contaduria, and the
devoted Andres de Tapia to the captaincy. He thinks tha.t Grado, or Alonso
de Caceres, the rich, should have been sent. Hist. Verdad., 117. His insinu-
ation cannot be wholly correct, however, since Avila had already been for
some time alcalde mayor of New Spain, and Grado, contador. See Lejalde,
Prohanza, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 419 et seq.

31 'Despues de ganado Mexico, le llamamos Solis el de la huerta, yerno
de. . .Bachillcr Ortega.' Hist. Verdad., 118.

32 This author indicates the despatch of only three vessels for Spain, Es-
paiiola, and Jamaica, respectively, one of which, or a fourth, conveyed the
returning adherents of Narvaez. Id. , 117. But Cortds writes : 'Envio a la
isla Espaiiola cuatro navios para que luego vuelvan cargados de caballos y
gente.' Cartas, lo4, 162. The Jamaica vessel is probably included in this
number.

SEGURA DE LA FR0OTERA. 553

Cortes was not ttie man to reward desertion. Duero
and others evidently expected nothing more, since they
were soon after found arrayed on the side of Velazquez.
When some among the Cortes party raised objections
to this diminution of the force, they were quieted with
the declaration that the army was better rid of un-
willing and inefficient soldiers, whose presence served
only to discourage others.33

The vessel for Spain and two of those for the Islands
were wrecked on the coast; and one consequence was
that Mendoza's departure was delayed till the 5th of
March. He took with him a supplementary letter
for the emperor, relating the progress so far made for
the recovery of Mexico. By this time Ordaz was,
according to Bernal Diaz, commissioned to join him
and plead the cause of Cortes before the emperor, and
at the same time to receive the reward for his many
achievements, one of which was the ascent of the
volcano. Several of the Narvaez party appear to
have left by the same vessel/

34

In course of the late campaign the advantages of the
town of Tepeaca for permanent occupation had become
apparent, chiefly as a point of observation for watching
over the new conquest. It was well situated for pro-
tecting the road to Villa Rica ,35 and for communicating
with Cholula and Tlascala, each capital eight or nine
leagues distant, and it lay in the midst of a fertile

33 Bernal Diaz names twelve of those who returned, two going merely to
bring their children. Pilot Cardenas, whose clamor at the treasure repartition
at Mexico had called the attention of Cortds, was allowed to return to his
family, with a present of 390 pesos from the general, only to join the ranks of
his enemies. With one of the Cubans Cortes sent some bullion and jewels to
his wife and brother-in-law. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 117 ; Vetancvrt, Teatro
Mex.y pt. iii. 148.

31 Caceres also joined the commissioners. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 117.
Clavigero names Ordaz as the sole commissioner, and he was probably the
principal. Storia Mess. , iii. 1G0.

35 ' Para el camino de la costa de la mar no hay mas de dos puertos muy
agros y asperos, que confinan con esta dicha provincial Cortes, Cartas, 145.
'Que sefioreaua los puertos, el vao que se dize de Siculchima, par donde los
Castellanos entraron en aquellas partes, y el otro de Quochula, legua y media
dc Tepeaca, por donde van los caminos Reales de la villa Rica. ' Herrera, dec.
ii. lib. x. cap. xvi.

554 KING-MAKING AND CONVERTING.

maize country, which offered ample subsistence for a
garrison. Although the punishment at first inflicted,
by sacking and enslaving, had been severe, yet the
treatment of the inhabitants became afterward so
considerate that they themselves prayed for a con-
tinuance of Spanish protection.36 Every circumstance,
therefore, demanding a settlement, it was decided in
council to found a villa in this same town, with the
appropriate name of Segura de la Frontera, intended,
as it was, to secure the frontier against the Mexicans.
Pedro de Ircio was made alcalde, with Francisco de
Orozco and others as regidores.37

The campaign being practically concluded, a division
was ordered to be made of the spoils not hitherto
distributed, including slaves, which had now become
a prominent feature thereof, and were intended for
personal and plantation service, as already practised
in the Antilles. The pretence was to enslave only
the inhabitants of districts concerned in the murder
of Spaniards, but the distinction was not very strictly
observed, and rebellious tribes and those addicted to
cannibalism and other vicious practices were included.38
The Spaniards, as a rule, kept only the women and
the children, the men being transferred to the allies
for their share, "because they were difficult to watch,"

30 ' Le auian pedido presidio. ' Id. Cortes gives merely the strategic motives.

37 Francisco de Solis, Cristobal Corral, and Cristobal Martin are mentioned
as regidores in Probanza de Lcjalde, in Icazbcdceta, Col. Doc., i. 418-19.
Herrera adds to their ranks Geronimo de Aguilar, the interpreter, ' porque
sabia Cortes honrar . . . los benemeritos.' dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvi. The villa
was removed after the conquest to a new site in the plain, not far from the
old town. In 1545 it received the dignity of a city, and has ever since ranked
as a district seat, supported to some extent by woollen factories. Of the
strong fortress erected by the conquerors the remains are -still to be seen in
the plaza under the name of el Hollo de Tepeaca. Chimalpain, Hist. Conq.,
ii. 8; and in Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 145-6. In. Herrera, dec. ii.
lib. x. cap. xxi. is given a description of the city and district. Clavigero,
Storia Mess., iii. 153; Villa-Seiior y Sanchez, Theatro, i. 248; Alcedo, in Die.
Univ., v.

38 ' Tambien me movio a facer los dichos esclavos por poner algun espanto
a los de Culua, y porque tambien hay tanta gente, que si no ficiese grande y
cruel castigo en ellos, nunca se emendarian.' Cortes, Carta*, 144; Oviedo, iii.
334. ' Otros dizen que sin partido los tomo a todos, y castigo asi aquellos en
veganca, y por no auer obedecido sus requerimietos, por putos, por ydolatras, '
etc. Go mar a, Hist. Mex., 168.

ENSLAVEMENTS. 555

says Bernal Diaz, "and because their services were
not needed while we had the Tlascaltecs with us."39
The soldiers were ordered to bring in all their
captives, which from the first had been branded for
recognition with a ' G,' signifying guerra, war.40 When
the day for distribution came, it was found that the
leaders and favored men had already secured their
share by appropriating the prettiest and choicest
slaves. They had probably been priced by the offi-
cials, and the leaders, being entitled to larger shares,
had secured the best articles. At this there was a
considerable uproar, increased by the outcry against
the fifth set apart for Cortes, after deducting the
royal fifth.41 How the matter was settled is not
clear, except that the general had recourse to the
soothing eloquence he knew so well how to apply,
promising that for the future he would conform to
the general desire, which appeared to be in favor of
offering the slaves at auction, so as to arrive at their

39 Hist. Verdad., 116. This was probably the case, and Tapia's testimony
appears to confirm it in saying that of the G000 captives taken from the
Tecamachalco region the males, 2000 in number, were slaughtered in cold
blood. Cortes, Residencies, i. 59. Perhaps it would be more correct to assume
that a few were killed to expiate the murder of Spaniards, while the rest were
given to the Tlascaltecs.

40 ' Saluo a las mugeres y niiios,' says Herrera, which leads Brasseur de
Bourbourg to assume that women and children were not enslaved. Hist.
Naf. Civ. , iv. 370. ' Creyero, q a cada soldado bolveria sus piecas, y q apre-
ciarian que tantos pesos valian, y que como las apreciassen, pagassen el quinto
a su Magestad.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 116-17. This could hardly have
been the case.

41 ' MandO Cortes veriSer a muchos que auia prendido . . . aplicando vna
parte a su exercito, y a otra la republica de Tlascala, sacando primero el
quinto que pertenecia al Rey.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv. ' Y despues
otro quinto para Cortez,' adds Vetancurt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 148, and this
appears correct; yet Clavigero and many others do not refer to the second
fifth. This deduction was declared to be an attempt at instilling a second
king. The deceit practised, as they claimed, at the distribution of treasure
at Mexico was again called up, and declared to be less outrageous than the
present effort to defraud poor and wounded soldiers of the prize for which
they had shed their blood. Juan Bono de Quexo declared that ho would
complain to the emperor, and others were no less bitter. Previous to this a
cause for dissatisfaction had been given by a proclamation of Cortes ordering
the surrender of all gold saved from the common treasure at Mexico, thrown
open to the soldiers on the eve of the flight. One third was to be retained by
the possessor. Many refused to comply, and since the royal officials and leaders
had shared in the treasure, the proclamation was allowed to lapse. What had
been surrendered Corte\s kept as a loan. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 116-117.

556 KING-MAKING AND CONVERTING.

proper value, and to give all members of the expedi-
tion an equal chance in securing the more desirable.42

One of the last expeditions fitted out at Segura was
for the reduction of the northern route to Villa Rica,
by which the Spaniards had first entered the plateau,
and for the punishment of those concerned in the mur-
der of Alcantara and other Spaniards.43 It set out in
the beginning of December, under Sandoval, with two
hundred infantry, twenty horses, and the usual com-
plement of allies, and entered Xocotlan valley, which
readily submitted, with the exception of the main
town, named Castilblanco during the first entry into
the country. The cacique, who had then already
shown himself unfriendly, rejected every proposition,
with the threat that he would make a feast on the
commander and his followers, as he had on the former
party. There being no alternative, the cavalry charged
the large force which had taken up position near
a ravine, on the outskirts of the city, with a view
to defend the entrance. Under cover of the musket-
eers and archers, who from one side of the ravine did
considerable harm to the enemy, the charge succeeded,
though four riders and nine horses were wounded, one
of the latter dying. The enemy thrown into disorder
fled to join the remaining garrison, which occupied
the temples on the plaza. With the aid of the in-
fantry and allies the stronghold speedily fell, and a
number of prisoners were secured.44

Proceeding northward along the mountain border
of the plateau Sandoval added a considerable extent
of country to his conquest, meeting serious opposition

42 ' Buenas, 6 malas Indias, sacallas al almoneda. . .que se venderia.' Id.
This was to be done at the next distribution in Tezcuco. The proceeding
was discussed at length in Spain, and favored also by a large body of the
clergy, as justifiable; but the emperor took the humane course of allowing
captives to be held only as prisoners, so long as this was absolutely necessary.
Soils, Hist. Mex., ii. 233.

43 The party commissioned to carry the Villa Bican share of the Aztec
treasure from Tlascala to the coast. Bernal Diaz intimates that another party
of nine were killed at Xocotlan. Hist. Verdad., 115-16.

41 The bodies of five of the Spaniards here murdered had been sent to
Mexico, the rest eaten.

SANDOVAL'S CAMPAIGN. 557

only at Jalancingo, where the Aztec garrison, ever
since the beginning of the Tepeaca campaign, had
been employed in fortifying the place, and either con-
sidered themselves secure or feared that a surrender
would procure no better terms, for them, at least.
They were disconcerted by being attacked on different
sides, under native guidance, and after a brief resist-
ance took to flight, during which a number of them
were captured, the Spaniards losing three horses, and
having eight men severely injured, Sandoval receiving
an arrow wound. In a temple were found relics of
slaughtered Spaniards, in the shape of dresses, arms,
and saddles.45 A few days later the expedition set
out to rejoin the army, with a large amount of spoils
and a train of captives. The chiefs were pardoned
by Cortes, with politic regard for the future, and
enjoined to furnish their quota of supplies at Segura.46
The head-quarters had meanwhile been removed to
Tlascala, preparatory to a march on Mexico, and
Segura was now in charge of the alcalde, Pedro de
Ircio, lately lieutenant of Sandoval at Villa Rica,
assisted by the regidor, Francisco de Orozco, and sixty
men, including the invalids and the disabled.47 Cortes
had left it in the middle of December,48 taking with
the cavalry the route through Cholula,49 to settle the
question of succession to a number of cacique offices
vacated during the epidemic. These appeals were

45 Alcantara's, it would seem. The treasure carried by him had been
dissipated.

46 ' Dos dias ante de Navidad Ueg6 el capitan con la gente . . . que habian
ido a las provincial de Cecatami y Xulazing£>,'says Cortes, Cartas, 1G3-5, who
had already taken up quarters at Tlascala. Gornara, Hist. Max., 172. Bernal
Diaz speaks of a second expedition to Xocotlan, with 30 cavalry and 100
infantry ; but this must be owing to a confusion of names, in one case the
valley, Cacatami, being mentioned, in the other the town, Cocotlan. Hist.
Verdad., 116.

"'Oomara, Hist. Mex., 172; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xviii. See note
37. ' Por Capitan vn Francisco de Orozco, con obra de veynte soldados que
estauan heridos, y dolientes,' says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 118; Vetancurt
follows. Teafro Mex., pt. iii. 149.

48 ' Por tener la nauidad q era de ay a doze dias en Tlaxcallan.' Gornara,
Hist. Mex., 172.

49 Gomara calls it Coliman, which Chimalpain identifies with Amozoc, still
in existence. Hist. Conq,, ii. 13.

558 KING-MAKING AND CONVERTING.

made to liirn not only as the representative of the
Spanish monarch to whom the people had sworn
obedience, but as an acknowledgment of his influence
over the native mind. His treatment of the con-
quered and his equitable decisions of disputes had
made him the umpire and king-maker whom not only
allies, but half-reconciled tribes were willing to heed,
in private and public affairs. Having made the ap-
pointments, and formed favorable arrangements for
himself, he rejoined the army. The march to Tlascala
was one befitting the return of conquering heroes.
Triumphal arches covered the roads, and processions
came to chant the praises of the victors, and recount
the successes achieved by the Tlascaltec allies, as
shown by spoils and banners from different provinces
and cities, and by long files of captives. On nearing
the republican capital the whole population came forth
to join in the ovation, and at the plaza an orator
stepped forward to greet Cortes in a glowing pan-
egyric, wherein he reviewed his progress as conqueror
and avenger. In reply Cortes alluded feelingly to the
brotherhood between the two races, now cemented by
blood and victories, and to the common loss sustained
in the death of the wise and noble Maxixcatzin.
These words, added to the evidence of sorrow in the
mourning array of their dress and arms, left a most
favorable impression on the minds of the brave allies.
He was again called as representative of his king to
appoint as successor to Maxixcatzin his eldest legiti-
mate son, a boy of twelve years, against whom a
claimant had arisen.50 This done, Cortes dubbed him
a knight, according to Castilian usage, in recognition
of the services of his father, causing him also to be
baptized, with the name of Juan, Maxixcatzin becoming
the family name.51 Taking advantage of the occasion
and of his own popularity, the general sought to

50 In the person of an illegitimate brother, is the assumption of modern
authorities.

51 Herrera names him Lorenzo ; but Torquemada insists that this was the
father's name.

CHIEFS BAPTIZED. 559

inspire a more general feeling in favor of his religion,
but the effort met with little encouragement, and he
wisely refrained from pressing so dangerous a subject.
According to Bernal Diaz, the elder Xicotencatl was
among the limited number of saved souls, and received
the name of Vicente.52 The native records, as given
by Camargo and Torquemada, and adopted by most
writers, assume that the four chiefs were all baptized
at this time, if not earlier ; but they are neither clear
nor consistent, and are evidently impelled by a desire
to redeem the native leaders from the charge of idol-
atry. Cortes, Herrera, Diaz, and other chroniclers
would not have failed to record so large and promi-
nent a conquest for the church, particularly since
the two latter do mention the exceptional converts.

53

52 The old soldier calls him Lorenzo de Vargas, but is probably mistaken.
Hist. Vcrdad., 118.

53 Camargo gives at length the speeches of Cortes and the chiefs on the
occasion. The latter invites him to accept their friendship and services, and
settle among them, whereupon the general explains that the mnin object
of his coming is to overthrow false idols, and that the condition of his
staying with them must be the adoption of the true faith, wherein lies the
sole reason for the superiority of his race over theirs. The holy ghost assists
to impress his words, and they yield ; but they implore him not to cast down
the revered idols, for such an act may be fraught with the most terrible dis-
asters. Cortes insists, and promises to assume all risks. Thus pressed, they
ask to confer with the representatives of the people, lest a revolt occur. The
council objects, offers to give the most prominent place to the new gods, and
finally yields, amidst tears and wailing. The people secretly hide the adored
images, and while accepting baptism still retain the old worship in secret.
The four chiefs first receive the rite, under the sponsorship of the leading
Spanish captains, Maxixcatzin the elder being named Lorenzo; Xicotencatl,
Vicente; Tlehuexolotl, Gonzalo; and Citlalpopoca, Bartolome. The general
baptism followed, those baptized on the first day being named Juan, and
Maria, and Ana, for men and women respectively, each receiving a ticket
whereon the name was written. . Many forgot their names, nevertheless, and
had to appeal to the register; some received baptism over again, because
they failed to acknowledge the previous rite, and others attended service for
years without having been to the font. Among the idols and relics saved
from the general destruction were the ashes of Camaxtli, the chief god of the
tribe, said by some to have been the brother of Tezcatlipoca, by others the
father of Quetzalcoatl. They were jealously guarded by the chief Tecpane-
catl Tecuhtli, of Tepeticpac, till 1576, when, tired of the temporal injuries
which were falling upon him, owing to their presence in his house, he turned
to the Church and surrendered the relic, and died the same week, on holy
Thursday, while penitently lashing himself before the madonna. On opening
the envelope of the relic a mass of blonde hair fell out, showing that tra-
dition was true in describing the god as a white man. Camarr/o, J list. Tlax.,
151-9, 178-9. Brasseur de Bourbourg eagerly seizes on this statement to
support his theory that the Toltecs had come from the north of Europe to

560 KING-MAKING AND CONCERTING.

Cortes also refers to a conversion in the person of
Tecocoltzin, a younger brother of King Cacama, and
the future head of Tezcuco, who is named Fernando;
but he does so in a manner which indicates that the
conversion was exceptional.54 His baptism took place
probably on the same day as that of young Maxix-
catzin and old Xicotencatl, the occasion beingr cele-
brated with banquets and dances, with illumination,
sports, and exchange of presents, the Spaniards adding
horse-races and other interesting proceedings for the
gratification of the natives.

found their empire and era of culture in Mexico. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 392
et seq. Camargo places the general baptism on the occasion of Cortes' first
arrival in the republic, but herein Torquemada corrects him, although fol-
lowing the version in other respects. The picture in the convent at Tlascala
indicates, he says, that the four chiefs, including the elder Maxixcatzin, were
baptized together, and by the clergyman Juan Diaz. Great festivals followed
the ceremony, i. 523, iii. 166-9. Ixtlilxochitl, who also refers to this picture,
follows Camargo 's date, but names Xicotencatl senior Bartolome, Zitlapopo-
catzin Baltasar, Tlehuexolotzin Gonzalo, and Maxixcatzin, a young man, Juan.
J list. Chick., 234. Brasseur de Bourbourg corrects this by substituting Xico-
tencatl junior for Maxixcatzin and naming him Vicente. He adds Neza-
hualpilli's son Tecocoltzin, who receives the name of Fernando, ubi sup. The
assumption that the four elder chiefs were baptized together, and the state-
ment that the elder Maxixcatzin had died before Cortes returned to Tlascala,
appear contradictory, but Vetancurt reconciles them by dating the general
baptism just before the beginning of the Tepeaca campaign, and adopting the
names as given on the picture in ' our convent,' and as quoted by Camargo
and Torquemada. Padre Juan Diaz, who performed the rite, is supposed to
have been killed soon after. Several other versions of his fate and burial-
place are given. Vetancvrt, Teafro Mex., pt. iii. 146. But he testified during the
residencia investigation against Alvarado, 1529. See Ramirez, Proceso contra
Alvarado, 124. Clavigero follows Vetancurt, and maintains, notwithstanding
the failure of the conquest writers to notice that event, that ' e certo, che
tutti i quattro Capi di quella Repubblica furono battezzati avanti la con-
quista . . . Oltre ad' altre pruove ci6 consta dalle pitture antiche.' Storia
Mess., iii. 150. It would be interesting to know what the 'altre pruove' are.
Prescott admits only the baptism of the two Maxixcatzins and old Xicoten-
catl, but avoids giving the new names, owing to the conflict of authorities.
Mex., ii. 445.

54 'Como eraMuchacho, imprimio mas en el nuestra conversacion y torndse
cristiano.' Cartas, 177.

CHAPTER XXX.

CONSTRUCTION" OF THE FLEET.
December, 1520 — February, 1521.

The Objective Point — Vessels Needed — Martin Lopez Sent to Tlascala
for Timber — Thirteen Brigantines Ordered — Cortes at Tlascala —
Drill and Discipline — Address of the General — Parade of the
Tlascaltecs — March to Tezcuco — New Ruler Appointed — Sacking
of Iztapalapan — The Chalcans — Arrival at Tezcuco of the Brigan-
tine Brigade.

The Tepeaca campaign had been only part of the
plan conceived during the flight to Tlascala for the
recovery of the dominating point of the empire. The
strength of the capital, and the ascendancy acquired
by the Aztecs during Spanish exclusion from the lake
region, made it impossible to strike directly at the
centre of the uprising. It was necessary first to con-
quer the surrounding provinces on which Mexico de-
pended for aid, and to do this in detail was easier than
to meet the combined strength of the foe. This would
also leave the conquering troops free to turn their
whole attention against the capital, with fresh allies
and larger resources. A centre for operation was now
needed within the Valley, and one from which the
Aztecs might be attacked in due time both by land
and water. For this object Tezcuco presented the
greatest advantages in being situated on the lake,
some six leagues from Mexico, in the midst of a fertile
country, and near enough to Tlascala, from and through
which reinforcements might readily be obtained.1

1 Many favored Ayotzinco, near Chalco, which offered also a good launch-
ing place for the vessels. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 118.

Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 36 ( 561 )

562 CONSTRUCTION OF THE FLEET.

With a prudent foresight to these movements
Cortes had shortly after his first successes in Tepeaca
sent Martin Lopez, the shipwright, to Tlascala to pre-
pare timber for thirteen brigantines, which were to
be transported to the lake for besieging purposes.
The republic offered to provide material and native
carpenters, and aided by Andres Nunez and others,
Lopez soon formed an efficient corps of assistants for
felling and shaping the pieces, as modelled and num-
bered by himself. The site of construction was at
Atempan, on the Rio Zahuatl,2 which afforded the
necessary water for the trial launch, and had forests
near by from which timber, masts, and pitch could
be obtained.3 Iron, sails, cordage, and other needful
articles taken from the sunken fleet were forwarded
from Villa Rica, together with smiths and other
workmen.

With the arrival of Cortes at Tlascala, prepara-
tions receive a fresh impulse, and weapons and armor
are overhauled, pikes and arrows made, and stores
collected. An opportune addition is made by the
arrival of a vessel from Spain and the Canaries, laden
with war material, bows, bowstrings, arquebuses,
powder, and a variety of goods; also over a dozen
soldiers, with three horses. Cortes purchases the
whole cargo, and persuades the owner, Juan de
Burgos, the captain, and the men to join him.4

2 Where now is the chapel of San Buenaventura. Camargo, Hist. Tlax.,
176. Yet Lorenzana says : 'Por constante tradicion se trabaj6 en un Barrio
de Hueyothlipan, que Hainan Quausimalan, que quiere decir, donde labran los
Palos.' Cortes, Hist. N. Esp., 107. But it is more likely to have been on
the river passing through Tlascala city, and near Matlalcueye Mount.

3 The timber came probably from the Matlalcueye slopes ;■ the masts from
Hueyotlipan ; the pitch from the pine woods near Huexotzinco, says Bernal
Diaz, where it was prepared by four sailors, for the natives did not understand
its manufacture. ' Es la Sierra Matlalcuie,' states Torquemada, Monnrq. hid.,
i. 524. ' La brea se saca de . . . la sierra de la Agua de Xalapa, ' near San Juan de
los Llanos. Bustamante, in ChimcUpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 13. This applies rather
to colonial times. Bernal Diaz, J list. Verdad. ,118, 124, names a number of those
who aided in building. See also Mora, in Soc. Mex. Gcog., Boletin, x. 332-3.

4 Bernal Diaz names several of the thirteen soldiers. The captain was
Francisco Medel. One of the men, Monjaraz, was said to have murdered his
wife. He kept aloof from all combat, but once he ascended a tower to look
on, and was that same day killed by Indians. Hint. Verdad., 118-19.

REGULATIONS FOR THE ARMY. 563

Drill receives attention, and equally necessary is
the maintenance of order, for they are few, remote
from succor, and surrounded by a powerful, warlike,
and astute foe. Then they must maintain friendly
relations with their allies, whose aid is essential to
the achievement of their plans. One hasty utterance,
one unjust act, can raise a storm wherein all may
perish. Good treatment on every hand is necessary
to win neutral and hostile provinces. It is often easier
to persuade than to enforce. With this view Cortes,
as captain-general and justicia mayor for his majesty,
prepares a series of regulations which are proclaimed
on the 26th of December 1520.

In a lengthy preamble are set forth some reasons
for its publication and the necessity for good conduct,
as recognized not only in human but in divine affairs,
and practised since time immemorial for the regula-
tion of wars.

The first article proclaims the primary motive of
this, and indeed of all their campaigns, to be spiritual
conquest, in the absence of which material conquests
must be regarded as unjust. Blasphemy is forbidden
lest the offended Almighty should refuse his assistance.
Gambling in a modified form is permitted, but quar-
relling is prohibited.

Rules are laid down for discipline in camp and
field for sentinels, for prompt and courageous per-
formance of duty. No Spaniard may enter houses
in a hostile city to plunder until the foe has been
driven forth and victory secured ; and booty of what-
soever nature, however and wherever acquired, must
be declared before the proper officers, under penalty
of death. Any captain who attacks an enemy without
orders shall be put to death.5

5 Such are in substance the famous regulations of Cortes. The document
was witnessed on the 22d of December by the leading officers, before Juan
de Ribera, 'notary public in all the kingdoms of Spain,' and was publicly
read at the review of the troops, the 2Gth, by Anton Garcia, crier. The full
text has been reproduced in Icastbalceta, Co/. Doc, i. 445-51, and (JorLs,
Escrilo* Sue.Uos, 13-23, owing to the defects of the copy by Prescott, and the
briefness and blunders of earlier references to it.

564 CONSTRUCTION OF THE FLEET.

Orders were also issued to regulate the prices of
clothing and accoutrements, which were excessive.
In order to enforce the necessary respect for the
regulations, Cortes punished the earlier infringements
with a severity even in excess of the penalty pro-
claimed. Two of the general's own negro slaves were
hanged for pett}^ theft, and a pilfering soldier was
pardoned only when half strangled.6

After a fortnight of rest and preparation Cortes
concluded to resume the campaign, partly lest a longer
delay should cool the ardor of the soldiers and allies.
On the day following Christmas the troops were mus-
tered for review in the main square of Tlascala, where
Cortes in velvet-covered mail stood surrounded by
the royal officials, the leading chiefs of the republic,
and a brilliant suite. First marched the cross-bow-
men in double file, who at a signal discharged their
arms aloft and passed on with a salute. After them
came the shield-bearers, waving their swords, which
they sheathed after saluting; then the pikemen with
copper- headed pikes, followed by arquebusiers, who
saluted with a thundering salvo that reechoed along
the circling hills and sent a tremor through the
crowd of native spectators. Last came the cavalry,
prancing and skirmishing in rapid evolutions, to dis-
play their skill as fighters and riders, and to dazzle
the beholders with their glittering arms and adorn-
ment. The total force consisted of five hundred and
fifty infantry, divided into nine companies, and forty
cavalry in four squads, with nine small pieces of artil-
lery, eighty cross-bows and arquebuses.7

The main reliance of the infantry was in the swords
and pikes, the long Chinantec poles being largely in-
troduced, even among the allies, and made effective

6'Qued6 tal, que no boluio en si, ni pudo tragar en vn mes.' Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xx. One soldier was lashed for imposing on an Indian,
and another degraded.

7 This is Cortes' own account, with the exception that he gives the field-
pieces as eight or nine. Cartas, 165. Gomara says 540 infantry and nine guns.
Hist. Mex., 174. Vetancurt writes six guns, which may be a misprint.
Tcatro Mex., pt. iii. 150.

REVIEW OF THE FORCES. 565

by long drilling. The nucleus of the troops, whereon
rested the highest hopes, was of course the horsemen,
whose safety had been carefully looked to by providing
the steeds with poitrels, and side and quarter coverings
of stout bulls'- hide, reaching to the hocks. They
were fringed with small pieces of iron which jingled
like bells, and were supposed to add to the terror ever
spread by these animals among the natives.8 The
riders were equally protected, some with helmet and
body mail of ^teel, which covered even the limbs,
leaving the wearer vulnerable only at the joints.9
Others had less complete mail, while many possessed
only the twisted cotton armor worn by the foot-sol-
diers, though this was sufficiently effective in native
warfare. Thus was experience rapidly developing the
art of war in America.

The troops having fallen into line, Cortes advanced
on horseback and addressed them. They had mus-
tered for a most important enterprise, to recover the
rich provinces once acquired but wrested from them
by treacherous rebels, to elevate the holy faith in-
sulted by idolaters, and to avenge the blood of cruelly
murdered friends and comrades. " Just are the reasons
which impel us," cried the speaker, "and necessary to
our security. Spaniards ! God has ever favored you ;
therefore be fearless. Let your conduct be such as to
inspire with respect and confidence our stout and tried
allies, a hundred thousand and more of whom stand
ready and eager to join us. What more can Christian
soldiers desire than the double favors which God here
giveth us, rich rewards in temporal blessings and that
glory immortal which follows victory?" Thus the
astute commander stirred the hearts of his men; and
believing his own words, was himself stirred thereby.
And the shout came back to him that they would re-

8 'Anqueras,' as Spaniards call the covering, are still in use by rich horse-
men in Mexico, highly ornamented.

9 Thompson describes the armor of Alvarado at the Mexico museum. It
indicates that this renowned cavalier was a smaller man than Cortes, whom
he supposes to have been of Napoleon's size. Recol. Mex., 119.

536 CONSTRUCTION OF THE FLEET.

gain the lost and avenge themselves on the exultant
Tenochtitlans.10

Not to be outdone by foreigners, next morning the
Tlascaltecs marched into the plaza to the sound of conch s,
pipes, and drums, the four lords at the head richly attired
and in plumage studded with precious stones, which
rose a yard above their heads in variegated colors, de-
noting their rank and achievements. Following1 them
were four squires bearing their weapons, and the
standard-bearers of the respective quarters. Then
in files of twenty deep came the regular warriors,
divided into archers, shieldmen, and pikemen, and into
companies, each with its ensigns and musicians. A
striking spectacle they presented in their orderly lines,
ga}r with flowing plumes, glittering arms, and many-
colored devices; some of the latter displayed on a
broad plane of shields extended; others embroidered
on the quilted cotton tunics of leading warriors. All
together formed a series of gay streaks broken by
wider bronze-hued masses of naked rank and file, while
above all heads rose a profusion of feather-work
banners, speckled with brilliant ornaments.11 These
were lowered as the companies passed before Cortes,
who doffed his cap in acknowledgment, the warriors
responding by bending the head and discharging their
bows. Their number on this occasion has been es-
timated as high as one hundred and fifty thousand,
and although this is evidently exaggerated, there is
no doubt that the large Tlascaltec army was swelled
by companies from the neighboring provinces.12

The march over, Cortes addressed the allies, extol-
ling their deeds which had covered the republic with

10 In Cortes, Cartas, 165-6, are given the main points of the speech, too
brief evidently for Gomara, who fabricates a verbose spiritless oration accord-
ing to his fancy, Hist. Mex., 174-5, while shorter versions are presented by
Ixtlilxochitl, Oviedo, Torquemada, and Clavigero.

11 See Native Races, ii. 405-12, for description of arms, banners, etc.
12Herrera, who objects to Ojeda's large figure, gives 60,000 archers, 40,000

shieldmen, and 10,000 pikemen, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xx., and this Vetancurt
accepts, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 150, while Solis reduces the men at the review
to 10,000, though he allows over 60,000 to join the march the following day.
J I id. Mex., ii. 287-8.

MARCH TO TEZMELUCA. 5G7

glory. Soon again would they add to its renown and
its wealth, while avenging ancient wrongs. He would
see to it that their services were recognized by the
emperor. A small proportion would accompany him
on the present march; the remainder could follow
after the completion of the brigantines.13 In orthodox
cheers the native warriors testified approbation. Their
general then spoke, exhorting them ever to remember
that they were Tlascaltecs, a name of terror to all
foes. Only twenty thousand of the eager republicans,
including some Huexotzincas and the carriers, were
allowed to join the expedition, for more could not be
conveniently used during the preliminary campaign.
Their general was Chichimecatl.14

On the following day, the 28th of December,
after the invocation of divine aid, and midst the stir-
ring strains of music, the army filed out of Tlascala,
the populace lining the route and shouting their
farewell blessings. "The gods grant you victory!"
they cried, "and successful return." "There go the
strong ones to humble the proud," said some, while of
the women many sobbed: "Oh! if our eyes should
never behold you again!" There were three routes
leading into the lake provinces, two of them tried
already during former marches; but since the enemy
were doubtless on the alert with ambuscades and
other measures, it was deemed best to select the third
and worst road, north of snow-crowned Iztaccihuatl,
by which an approach would be least expected.15

13 If any there were who followed not of their free-will they should remain
behind. He had enough men as it was. The lords replied that they would
rather be drowned in the lake than return without victory. Torquemada, i.
52G. On this occasion may have been presented to the Tlascaltec battalion
the red damask banner, bearing on one side the crowned image of the virgin
with the hands uplifted in prayer, and on the other the royal arms of Castile
and Leon, a banner which Boturini obtained possession of with proofs of its
genuineness. Catalogo, 75. Yet this design appears to belong to a standard
borne by the Spaniards on entering the conquered Mexico.

11 The chief motive for restricting the number was, according to Gomara,
the trouble of sustaining them. Hist. Mex., 17G. Bernal Diaz mentions only
10,000 warriors, wherein he evidently does not include carriers. Hist. Verdad.,
119. Herrera increases the number to 80,000, under four captains, directed
to a certain extent by Ojeda and Juan Marquez. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xx.

10 <Acord6 de entrar por esta de Tezmoluca, porque ... el puerto del era

568 CONSTRUCTION OF THE FLEET.

This led through Tezmeluca,16 a village in Huexot-
zinco, six leagues from Tlascala, where camp was
formed. Here began a three -league ascent of the
pass, and the Tezcucan border was crossed amidst in-
tense cold, the gradually dwindling vegetation giving
freer scope to the bleak wind which came whistling
from the summits. A league farther a convenient
spot was found for a halt, and the tired and shivering
soldiers were soon huddling round fires. On the
following day a thick pine forest wTas entered, and
soon after the road was found blocked with felled
trees. This created no little stir among the men,
but Cortes, who had not expected an unobstructed
path, sent forward a body of natives to clear it.17
With forces massed and arms prepared, Cortes there-
upon led the way, and in half a league open ground
was gained, to the relief of all. The difficulties of the
march were passed, and behind the army now lay the
grim expanse of barren rocks and hoary peaks; while
beneath a pale-blue sky they descended the wooded
slopes to the valley below, rich in variegated hues
of field and garden, and enlivened with the oieamins:
white of human habitation. Beyond spread the glassy
surface of the lakes, bordered on the farther side by the
misty outline of low ranges, fading in the distance like
the glories of the now fading empire. The queen city
was the theme, however, and while some descanted
to late recruits on its wealth and beauties, others
stood silently gazing on the spot so dimmed with sad
remembrances. Thus pondering on the past they
could almost hear the voices of fallen comrades call-
ing on them for vengeance, and "we vowed," writes

mas agro y fragoso.' Cortes, Cartas, 1C7. Yet Lorenzana adds a note of ex-
planation which shows that he misunderstands the text. Ixtlilxochitl calls
the road Tlepehuacan. Hist. Chich., 306. Through the Rio Frio Mountains.
Chiinalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 19. The present improved road from Vera Cruz
to Mexico. Orozco y Berra, in Noticias Mex., 235.

16'Lugar de Enzinas.' Herrera, loc. cit. Now San Martin Tezmeluca.
Bustamante, in Chimalpain, ubi sup.

17 Herrera leaves the impression that a new road was now opened to escape
the entrenchments and traps already formed by the enemy. But lie is evi-
.dently wrong.

ON THE WAY TO TEZCUCO. 5G9

Cortes, "there to achieve victory or perish."18 As if
in response to the challenge, ominous smoke columns
rose from the circling heights, the signal of the Mex-
icans to rouse the inhabitants against the invaders.

No opposition was met during the descent, but
beyond a ravine, on level ground, forces were seen
approaching from different directions.19 By a quick
movement Cortes managed to leave the broken ground
and gain the bridges ere the foe had united. Having
now a plain before them, fifteen of the horsemen
charged and routed the main body. The rest dis-
persed, with the Tlascaltecs in close pursuit to kill
and ravage. The army did not camp till they reached
the deserted Coatepec, some three leagues from Tez-
cuco.

Shortly before this there had been an accession in
the person of Ixtlilxochitl,20 the ruler of the northern
part of Acolhuacan, who had offered his friendship to
the Spaniards before they ever entered the valley.
His faith in them was unshaken, particularly under
the aspect of their. late successes, and he came to re-
new his protestations, assuring Cortes that no opposi-
tion would be offered at Tezcuco. He gave information
about the political feeling, the prospect for humbling
the hated Aztecs, and the fate of certain small bodies
of Spaniards during the uprising. He also stated that
Cuicuetzcatl was no more. While at Tepeaca, Cortes
had sent to Cohuanacoch, the usurper king at Tezcuco,
an Acolhua noble,21 with peaceful proposals. The en-
voy was executed. Not long after, Cuicuetzcatl set
out for Tezcuco, without leave, tired as he was of the
semi-captive restraint at Tlascala, and confident that
with the aid of his adherents and the prestige of
Spanish success he would be able to overthrow his

18 ' Prometimos todos de nunca dellas salir sin victoria, 6 ddjar alii las vidas. '
Cartas, 1G9. 'We vowed, if God gave success, to act better in besieging the
city.' Denial Diaz, Hist. VerdatL, 119.

19 Herrera calls them 100.000; Vetancurt, 140,000.

20 At Tlepehuacan, near the border. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chick., 306-7.

21 Ixtlilxochitl calls him in one place the brother of Cohuanacoch. Id., 299.

570 CONSTRUCTION OF THE FLEET.

usurping brother and resume the sceptre entrusted
him by Montezuma and Cortes. The presence of so
powerful an intriguer in the capital could not long
escape the spies of Cohuanacoch, who had him seized,
and b}r the advice of Quauhtemotzin summarily re-
moved from his path.22

Although fully a hundred thousand warriors were
rumored to be hovering hereabout, no formidable evi-
dences of hostility were encountered during the inarch
to Tezcuco. A short distance from Coatepec a pro-
cession of Acolhua nobles appeared, headed by four
prominent personages, and bearing a golden banner as
a peace offering. They came in the name of Cohua-
nacoch to tender his submission and the hospitality of
the city, with the request that no ravages be com-
mitted. After what he had learned Cortes could
hardly look upon their master as other than an inimical
usurper, whose tardy proffers could not be trusted, and
whose opposition need not be feared. He accordingly
received the message coldly, referred to the treacherous
slaughter of the Yuste party of fifty Spaniards and
three hundred Tlascaltecs, and demanded that at least
the treasures seized on that occasion should be restored ;
failing in which, a thousand natives should die for
every Spaniard killed. The envoys tremblingly ex-
plained that the outrage had been committed by Zol-
tepecs at the instance of the Aztec ruler, whose men
had carried off the valuables. Still, they would in-
stitute a search.23

Regardless of their urgent request that the entry
into the capital should be deferred till quarters had
been prepared, Cortes proceeded through the outlying
suburbs of Coatlichan and Huexotla, where the chiefs

22 'As a spy,' adds Cortes, Cartas, 176. Ixtlilxochitl states, contrary to
Cort6s, that this general sent him to Tezcuco on the same errand as the pre-
vious envoy. Hist. Chich., 306. But this appears a needless exposure of an
important personage.

23 Bernal Diaz states that Cortes nevertheless embraced the envoys, three
of whom were relatives of Montezuma. Hist. Verdad., 120.

QUARTERS AT TEZCUCO. 571

came forth to render homage, and passed on Monday,
the 31st of December, into Tezcuco, which was for
many a month to be his ' halting-place/ as the name
signifies.24 Quarters were taken up in Nezahualcoyotl's
palace, as the largest and strongest place.25

Meanwhile some soldiers who had ascended a tower
came to report that the inhabitants were hurrying
away by land and water. Cortes now understood why
the envoys had nought to detain him on the road, and
gave immediate orders to seize the ruler and as many
leading men as possible. It was too late, however.
Cohuanacoch had escaped. After usurping the throne,
combining with the foes of the Spaniards, and mur-
dering the ruler appointed by them, he did not dare to
trust himself within their reach. Hence, as the in-
vaders marched in he embarked for Mexico with his
family, his chief adherents and treasures, attended
by a fleet of canoes with fugitives and effects. The
anger of Cortes at this escape encouraged the pursu-
ing troops to commit certain excesses; and in this they
could hardly be blamed, for in one of the temples
were found relics of the Yuste party, which very nat-
urally fired the soldiers with a desire for vengeance.26
Ixtlilxochitl and other friendly chiefs implored pity
for the unoffending inhabitants, and orders were issued
in accordance, though not until the allies had sacked a
number of houses and fired the beautiful Nezahualpilli
palace containing the -national archives.27

Not knowing what might follow this exodus, Cor-
tes hastened to fortify his quarters and to collect
supplies, aided by Ixtlilxochitl, who had succeeded
somewhat in reassuring the people. In order to re-

24 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 214.

25 Prescott says Nezahualpilli's, but this was burned at this very time ac-
cording to the only authority on the point, Ixtlilxochitl, Hot. Crueldades, 10.
Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that the allies stayed at Huexotla, which is
doubtful. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 402.

2GThe stuffed skins of the five horses were found, and other things, offered
to the idol. Cortes, Cartas, 183. Strange that the Tezcucans should not have
removed so palpable evidence against them.

21 Ixtlilxochitl j Hist. Chick., 306.

572 CONSTRUCTION OF THE FLEET.

store confidence, however, and win the inhabitants to
his purposes, he saw that there should be a recognized
head, with influence to control them, and one whom
he could trust. The former necessity demanded that
the choice should be made among the brothers of
Cohuanacoch, children of Nezahualpilli, and of these
Ixtlilxochitl and Tecocoltzin were the only professed
friends of the Spaniards. The latter was of less legit-
imate birth, it seems, than some of the brothers, and
a mere youth, who had shared the quasi captivity of
Cuicuetzcatl, and had accepted baptism with the
name of Fernando Cortes de Monroy.28 He was tall
and well formed, of noble presence, and as fair as
the average Spaniard. Of docile disposition, he had
readily conformed to the teachings of the friars, had
adopted Spanish ideas, and had become a favorite
among the conquerors. It may be readily understood
that this easily ruled boy should be preferred by Cor-
tes to Ixtlilxochitl, whose stay in Tezcuco during the
troublous times had not tended to strengthen Spanish
confidence.

Cortes summoned the chiefs and represented that
since Cohuanacoch had forfeited any claims that he
might have had to the throne, by murdering the
lawfully elected king and by abandoning his country,
they should therefore choose another ruler. He
took care that his selection should become known to
them, and the electors hastened to conform to the

28Real Cedula, 1551. In this c^dula are named a number of the brothers,
but the pagan name is not given in every instance. Bemal Diaz and Torque-
mada confirm this baptismal name for the ruler now appointed ; Cortes writes
merely Fernando; Ixtlilxochitl adds Tecocoltzin; Sahagun gives the latter
name and calls him legitimate, as he was in a certain sense. Hist. Conq. (ed.
1840), 143. Clavigero calls him Fernando Cortes Ixtlilxochitl; Chimalpain
interpolates De Alvarado in lieu of Cortes, but substitutes Tecocoltzin for
Ixtlilxochitl in one place. Hist. Conq., 21, 55. Vetancurt evidently accepts
the true name, but applies the baptism and appointment to Ixtlilxochitl.
Teatro Alex., pt. iii. 152. The latter, who succeeded to the Tezcucan rulership
toward the end of 1521, received the name of Fernando Pimentel, and it is
this similarity of the first name that has led to the pretty general confusion
about the appointee. Lockhart actually attempts to rectify the correct state-
ment of Bernal Diaz with a blunder, Memoirs, ii. 41 1 ; and Zamacois, in doing
the same with the blundering Solis, gives a long note amusingly erroneous.
Hist. Mej., iii. 585.

PEACE PROPOSALS. 573

conqueror's will, not even Ixtlilxochitl venturing to
remonstrate.29

Fernando was accordingly brought from Tlascala
soon after and installed with great ceremony, receiving
a Spanish dress with arms.30 He proved kind and
faithful, particularly to his patrons, yet Cortes never
relaxed his caution, and in order to keep him under
safe surveillance Antonio de Villareal was appointed
his tutor, and Bachiller Escobar captain of Tezcuco,
while Pedro Sanchez Farfan and his brave wife
Maria de Estrada also remained there. This recogni-
tion of an esteemed descendant of the beloved Neza-
hualpilli, and the just and moderate conduct of the
Spaniards, served to reconcile the people, who speedily
returned to their homes and avocations. The caciques
of Coatlichan, Huexotla, and Atenco tendered alle-
giance within three days of the Spanish entry, pro-
testing that their hostility had been wholly compulsory.

This ready submission was by no means palatable
to Quauhtemotzin, who sent messengers to stir anew
the spirit of revolt, while preparing to strike a blow.
But the emissaries were promptly surrendered to
the Spaniards, before whom they pretended to be
merely peace mediators. It pleased Cortes to accept
the explanation, and after treating the captives with
great kindness he sent them back to Mexico to carry
peace proposals. Those who had been the chief pro-
moters of the late uprising were now dead, and it was
better the past should be forgotten, and friendship
established. To this no answer was vouchsafed.

29 Ixtlilxochitl states not wrongly that Tecocoltzin was chosen by general
request, but he adds that while the political horizon was so cloudy the
electors preferred that a legitimate heir like Ixtlilxochitl should not fill so
dangerous a position ; nor did the latter care to rule while the elder brother
lived. Hist. Chkh., 307; Ilor. Crueldades, 11-13. Pretty good excuse for a
prince who forcibly wrested half the domain from Cacama. Brasseur de
Bourbourg assumes that he feared to be suspected of seeking a Spanish alli-
ance merely to obtain the crown. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 409. But this design
he had long harbored, as even the abb6 intimates at times. He no doubt
stood, with his strong character, as one of the powers behind the throne.
Cohuanacoch does not appear to have had much influence.

3U Solis takes this opportunity to elaborate a few of his specimen speeches.
Hist. Mex., ii. 315-10. ' Fue el primero que en publico en Tezcuco se caso, y
velo.' Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 152.

574 CONSTRUCTION OF THE FLEET.

No hostile demonstration having occurred for eight
days after the entry into Tezcuco, Cortes resolved to
waste no further time in preparation, but to begin the
campaign. This course was also needed to maintain
the troops in activity, to encourage them with spoils,
and to save the friendly Tezcucans from the constant
drain of providing supplies. Among the intended
head-quarters during the siege of Mexico to follow
was the rich and beautiful garden city of Iztapalapan,
close to the southern entrance of the capital. This
was an advantageous point, through which a blow
mi edit be dealt the Mexicans while chastising" the
town itself for the hostility of its inhabitants and
their late ruler, Cuitlahuatzin, the brother and suc-
cessor of Montezuma. The expedition consisted of
eighteen horse and two hundred foot, with a few
thousand Tlascaltecs and Tezcucans,31 headed by Cor-
tes, Sandoval remaining in charge of the camp.

Warned by the movement, the inhabitants began
to remove their families and valuables, while the
warriors marched along the lake shore for nearly two
leagues to meet and detain the invaders, supported by
Aztec forces and a fleet of canoes. As soon as the
Spaniards came up a lively skirmish ensued, the
warriors being obliged to retreat, though slowly,
rallying at times, when the nature of the ground per-
mitted.32 Three hours of fighting brought them near
the town, and a final assault by the soldiers effected
an entrance and forced the warriors to take refuge in
canoes and houses. The first comers occupied the
upper quarters, the others continued their course
toward the lake, where the dwellings stood on piles,
cutting down every person encountered in the streets.
General massacre was followed by pillage, and before
nightfall six thousand bodies were ready for the funeral

31 Bernal Diaz differs somewhat, and gives the proportion of forces, attended
also by Alvarado and Olid. Hist. Ver-dad., 121. The Tlascaltecs numbered
about 4000, and the Tezcucans, according to Ixtlilxochitl, from 4000 to 6000.

32 Gomara assumes that they sought to allure the Spaniards into the
town. Hist. Mex., 179.

CUTTING OF THE DIKE. 575

pyre.83 Suddenly midst the work of destruction Cor-
tes observed startling signs of increasing waters, and
soon after a Tezcucan brought word that the dike
shielding the town on the west had been cut. In their
desperation the inhabitants had invoked the Hood,
whose mercy could not be more pitiless than the in-
vaders, while it might assist the work of revenge.84

The opening was widening every moment. No
time was to be lost. The recall was sounded, but
with the people so scattered it took some time to
gather them. Staggering under the weight of spoil
they fell into line, their march being dimly lighted
by the flames behind them. The flood increased so
much that few of them could retain their burdens,
and near the opening the water came with such force
as to make the passage difficult. Several of the
allies were swept away. It was nine o'clock before
the last of the troops gained the high* land beyond
the dike. "A. delay of three hours longer, and none
of us would have escaped," writes Cortes. Failing in
their desperate sacrifice to catch the invaders in the
flooded houses, there to be imprisoned all night by the
rushing waters, the enemy were at hand in canoes with
early dawn, showering missiles and sallying against
the flanks of the invaders. The Spaniards could only
reply with sword and lance, for the powder was wet,
and since nothing more could be done under the cir-
cumstances, they continued the retreat to Tezcuco.
A number of allies fell, and even the soldiers, who
had suffered no casualties in the capture of Izta-
palapan, now lost one out of their ranks.85

Notwithstanding the loss of booty and the humili-
ating retreat, the expedition had succeeded in its

33 So estimated by Cortes and others. Herrera reduces it to 5000.

34 Cortes states that he saw men cutting the dike as he entered the town,
but did not consider the significance until the water rose and recalled it to
him. Cartas, 174.

35 So says Cortes, while Bernal Diaz assumes that two men and one horse
were lost, he himself receiving so severe a wound in the throat as to become
an invalid for some time. Hist. Verdad., 121. Solis refers to the affair as a
glorious victory.

576 CONSTRUCTION OF THE FLEET.

main object, to inflict a severe lesson on the foe by
desolating one of the finest cities in the valley, at the
very threshold of the capital. The effect was noticed
in the arrival, the day after the return to Tezcuco, of
messengers from Otumba and several adjacent towns,36
penitently to renew their allegiance, which was never
again broken. A number of other towns and domains
followed the example, notably Chalco, a large and
fertile district extending round Chalco Lake, and
toward the south-eastward. It had fallen from the
rank of an independent kingdom to that of a province
tributary to the Aztecs. The severity of its task-
masters kept ever smouldering the flame of revolt,
and deeply the people sighed for deliverance. Owing
to the proximity of the Mexicans and the presence
of their lawless garrisons, they like many others had
not before ventured to cast off the yoke, but with the
approach of the Spaniards they gathered courage, and
two envoys were sent to implore protection.37

This accorded with Cortes' plans, and Sandoval was
instructed to assist them. His first order, however,
was to escort to Tlascala with twenty horsemen and
two hundred infantry the carriers, together with a
number of wTarriors, who desired to return home with
the booty so far acquired. Fresh supplies were like-
wise desired, and communication with Villa Rica must
be kept open. They had not proceeded far before
the Tlascaltecs, who had hastened in advance of the
Spanish main body, found themselves attacked by a
large force, which slew a number and captured the
carriers' train. Sandoval routed the assailants and
recaptured most of the booty.38

3(3 Four, says Cortes, and Lorenzana enumerates several which may have
embraced them. Hist. N. Esp., 196. Brasseur de Bourbourg confounds some
with southern Chalco towns.

37 Duran states that the Chalcans had sent presents with offers of alliance
before the Spaniards crossed the mountain border. Hist, hid., MS., ii. 491.
But this is doubtful. Ixtlilxochitl assumes that they appealed first to his
namesake, as their suzerain, and he advised submission to Cortes. Mizquic
and Cuitlahuac appear to have joined in the submission.

3a Bernal Diaz writes that two archers fell and seven of the foe. - Owing

TENDERS OF ALLEGIANCE. 577

From Tlascala Sandoval turned to Chalco. In
certain maizefields in front of the capital the Mexi-
cans stood prepared with twelve thousand warrriors
to dispute possession. He charged them at the head
of his cavalry, but, though yielding for a moment,
they rallied and with their long pikes compelled him
to fall back upon the infantry and allies. The second
charge was more successful, and within two hours the
foe was in flight, during which large numbers were
slaughtered and some captives taken, including three *
leading men, wdiile but few of the Spaniards were even
wounded.

The Chalcans came forth to tender an ovation,
and the two young rulers Acazitzin and Omacat-
zin39 accompanied the troops to personally offer alle-
giance to Cortes, together with some small presents.
Their father had always admired the Spaniards and
sought to serve them,40 and on his death-bed, during
the late small-pox epidemic, he had recommended
them and their counsellors to submit to the white
chief, for to him and his children of the sun did
prophecy point as rulers of that land. So im-
portant an accession gave no little pleasure to Cortes,
who treated the young prisoners with every con-
sideration. At their own request he confirmed them
in the lordship, assigning to the eldest Chalco city,
with more than half the towns in the province, while
the younger received Tlalmanalco and Chimalhuacan,
with Ayotzinco and other places subject to them.41

The eight captives' were kindly treated, and sent to

to this incident Sandoval left orders that no reinforcements from Villa Rica
should advance beyond Tlascala till further orders. Hist. Verdad. , 1 22. Pres-
cott wrongly assumes that this attack occurred on the march to Chalco.

39 Ixtliixochitl, Hist. Chich. 314. On another page, 307, he names Oma-
catzin and four other caciques, and Chimalpain, several others, Hist. Conq.,
36-7 ; but they appear nearly all to be sub-caciques. Brasseur de Bourbourg
calls the first lord Itzcahuatzin.

40 He had served the Spaniards during the late uprising. Cortes, Cartas,
178-9.

41 Bernal Diaz, Hint. Verdad., 123; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 174. After
taking them back to Chalco, Sandoval escorted from Tlascala some Spaniards
and Don Fernando, the new ruler of Tezcuco.

Hist. Hex., Vol. I. 37

573 CONSTRUCTION OF THE FLEET.

Mexico with peace proposals similar to those trans-
mitted by the former captors; but there came no
reply. The secession of Chalco was a blow to the
Mexicans even more severe than the capture of Izta-
palapan, owing to the bad example to submissive and
wavering provinces, and Quauhtemotzin hastened with
allurements and threats to reimpress upon them the
necessity for remaining true to the empire. These
messages were also sent to the towns round Tezcuco ;
and the caciques of Coatlichan and Huexotla came to
the Spanish camp in great distress, to say that all
Mexico was coming upon them. They were doubtful
whether to flee to the mountains or come to Tezcuco.
They were reassured and promised succor when re-
quired; meanwhile they must entrench themselves
and prepare the warriors. The Mexicans did little,
however, beyond making raids on farms and stragglers
from two towns,42 wherein they were entrenched, not
far from Tezcuco. This attack on the larder of the
army could not be endured, and Cortes went forth
on two occasions to secure the threatened crops for
himself, driving off a force of marauders who had
come with quite a fleet in the expectation of a fine
harvest, and capturing their strongholds on the lake.43
All this made communication with Tlascala in-
secure, and on last leaving that province Sandoval
had strictly forbidden any one to cross to Tezcuco
without a permit. It so happened that a vessel ar-
rived at Villa Rica with over thirty soldiers, besides
the crew, eight horses, and a quantity of war stores.
Knowing how pleased Cortes would be, a young sol-
dier broke the rules, adventured his life, and carried
the tidings to the general, who freely forgave the
disobedience of orders. This young cavalier also re-

42 Chimalpain names Chimalhuacan, Chitlahuaca, and Chicoaloapan. Hist.
Conq., ii. 24.

43 Some of the raided fields were Mexico temple properties. One Spaniard
was killed and twelve wounded, while the Mexicans lost over a dozen, besides
a number of prisoners. Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdod., 122-3. The caciques of
the captured strongholds came now to submit. The Aztecs recaptured them,
and had again to be driven forth. Cortes, Cartas, 180-1; Toryuemada, i. 529.

BRINGING DOWN THE SHIPS. 570

ported that the brigantines were completed and ready
for transport. Since siege operations could not begin
until the brigantines were floated on Tezcuco Lake, no
time was to be lost, and Sandoval received orders to
proceed at once to Tlascala and convoy the precious
train. In going he must pass through Zoltepec, five
leagues distant, near the eastern border of Acolhua-
can, and there inflict chastisement for the murder of
the Yuste party during the late uprising.

Sandoval set- out with fifteen horse and two hun-
dred foot. On the way a house was passed bearing
upon its wall the touching inscription, " Herein the
unhappy Juan Yuste was a prisoner." The inhabi-
tants of Zoltepec, henceforth termed ' pueblo Morisco,'
had long expected this descent, and no sooner did the
party appear in sight than they hastened to the moun-
tains. One body of soldiers entered the town to plun-
der, and found among other things relics of £he dress,
arms, and accoutrements of their slain comrades in
one of the temples.44 Another body pursued the
fugitives, killing a few and capturing a large number,
chiefly women, who were enslaved. Their pleading so
moved the heart of Sandoval that he issued a pardon
to those who had escaped.

Meanwhile Martin Lopez, the master shipwright in
Tlascala, had arranged for the transportation of the
brigantines. A trial launch had been made of one or
two above a dam thrown across Zahuatl River,45 and
this proving satisfactory they were broken up. Upon
the shoulders of eight thousand carriers were now
loaded the separate pieces of timber and planks, duly
marked and numbered for fitting them together; also
the spars, cordage, sails, together with a quantity of

44 ' Dos caras que auian desollado . . . quatro cueros de cauallos curtidos . . .
muchos vestidos de los Espauoles q auia muerto.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Ver-
dad., 124.

45 Herrera, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. v. , intimates that all were launched, as do
Camargo, Prescott, and others, but Torquemada observes that it would have
been needless injury to the timbers to put all together. Besides, all were
made on one or two models, the different pieces being shaped in exact imita-
tion of those for the models.

5S0 CONSTRUCTION OF THE FLEET.

ammunition, two heavy guns, and other effects.46 Gayly
they bent to the burden wherein lay enginery so por-
tentous for the destruction of the hated Aztecs. The
caravan set forth, escorted by a large force of warriors,
and halted at Hueyotlipan to await the Spanish con-
voy. After a time the Tlascaltecs became impatient,
and regardless of warnings proceeded. While en-
camped near the border an alarm was raised, and
tumultuously the warriors rushed to arms to protect
a portion at least of the train which had cost such
labor and embodied such hopes. The next moment a
cheer was heard. It was Sandoval and his men.

With this new protection many of the Tlascaltec
escort could be dismissed, and the remaining twenty
thousand were redistributed, the rear being assigned
to the leading chief, Chichimecatl, and the flanks to
Axotecatl and Teotepil.47

It was a strange sight in those parts, this serpentine
procession as it wound its wa}^ across the Tezcucan
border, along the narrow defiles of the mountains,48
extending two miles from front to rear, it is said. A

46 Ojeda, who appears to have rendered great service as interpreter and in
controlling the Tlascaltecs, was soon after rewarded with what be terms a
generalship over all the auxiliaries under CortCs. Herrera makes a special
later expedition of 5000 Tlascaltecs convey the guns and other effects, carried
in wooden beds by relays of twenty natives for each. dec. iii. lib. i. cap. vi.

47 The names are written in different ways by different authors. The
former is probably identical with the chief of Atlihuetzian, who afterward
killed his two sons for becoming Christians, says Clavigero, Storia, Mess., iii.
176. Chimalpain calls them brothers. Hist. Conq., ii. 26. Camargo, followed
by Herrera, assumes that the original native force was 180,000. Gomara and
Ixtlilxochitl allow 20,000 to have been retained, besides carriers ; others give
each of the chiefs 10,000 men, while Bernal Diaz, who as a rule seeks to ignore
the value of native aid, reduces the number to 8000 warriors and 2000 carriers.
Chichimecatl became quite indignant at finding himself removed from the van.
He was a lord of Tlascala, and had ever been accustomed to posts of honor and
danger. 'For this very reason,' replied Sandoval, 'have I placed j^ou in the
rear, for there the foe will be most likely to attack.' Though mollified in the
main, Chichimecatl still grumbled, and considered his army sufficient to guard
the rear without the aid of the Spanish force attached to his. Sandoval no
doubt took the van, though Bernal Diaz states that he joined the rear. Hist.
Verdad., 124. Cortes implies that the change was owing to the risk, in case
of attack, to have in the van the cumbersome timber under Chichimecatl's
care. Cartas, 184-5. Chimalpain supposes that the chief carried his points.
Hist. Conq., ii. 27.

48 North of Telapon, as the easiest route, is the supposition of Orozco y
Berra, in Noticias Mex. , 256.

IN THE SHIP- YARDS. 581

fleet impelled by human agencies over mountain and
plain, through forest and dale, it was indeed a "cosa
maravillosa," as Cortes expresses it. The feat of
Vasco Nunez stood repeated, but magnified in some
respects, in the number of the vessels, in the distance
of the journey, the lurking foe being ever present,
and in the audacity of purpose, the subjugation of
the proudest metropolis on all this vast continent.
And great was the rejoicing at Tezcuco as the caravan
came in sight on the fourth day, arrayed in gala attire,
with brightly gleaming devices and ornaments, and
waving plumage, advancing in one long line to in-
spiring music. With a large retinue, also in gala
dress, Cortes went forth to meet them, and as the
procession passed into the city the Tlascaltecs rolled
forth their newly acquired Spanish vivas: "Viva el
Emperador!" "Viva Malinche!" "Castilla!" " Tlas-
cala, Tlascala, Castilla!" The march past* occupied six
hours, says Cortes. Ship-yards were prepared for the
vessels on the border of a creek or irrigation canal,
which had been deepened and widened for nearly half
a league, fortified in places with timber and masonry,
and provided with dams and locks. This labor had
occupied eight thousand Tezcucans fifty days.49

49'Hizieron la quatro cientos mil hombres.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 191.
That is, 8000 fresh men daily for 50 days, to judge by the figure. Ixtlil-
xochitl fails not to adopt a number which speaks so well for the size of his
province. Hist. Chick., 307; Relacioncs, 416. 'La zanja tenia mas de dos
estados de hondura y otros tantos de anchura, y iba toda chapada y estacada.'
Cortes, Cartas, 20G. Bustamante claims to have seen traces of it, Sahagun,
Hist. Conq., GG-7, as did Lorenzana in his time. Cortes, Hist. N. Esp., 234.
For the caulking of the vessels cotton was also used, and for want of grease,
human fat was obtained from slain enemies, writes Gomara. Oidor Zuazo
was assured of this pagan consecration for the fleet. This has been denied
by others, observes Oviedo, iii. 423-4 ; but there is nothing improbable in a
partial use thereof, for human fat had been frequently used in other cases, as
Cort6s admits. Additional timber was obtained in Tolantzinco, says Ixtlil-
xochitl.

CHAPTER XXXI.

PRELIMINARY CAMPAIGNS.
March-May, 1521.

Plan for the Investment of Mexico — Reconnoitring Tour round the
Lake — Cortes in Command — Alvarado and Olid Accompany — They
Proceed Northward from Tezcuco — Capture of Cities and Strong-
holds— Xaltocan,Quauhtitlan, Tenayocan, Azcapuzalco, Tlacopan,
and back to tezcuco — chalco disturbed — peace proposals sent
to Mexico — Further Reconnoissance of the Lake Region — Many
Battles and Victories — Quauhnahuac Captured — Burning of Xoch-
imilco — Second Return to Tezcuco — Conspiracy.

The arrival at Tezcuco of the brigantines recalled
the necessity for planning the investment of Mexico,
and this involved a reconnoitring tour round the lake,
for which the Tlascaltecs in particular were importu-
nate. Chichimecatl pressed this measure the moment
he arrived at Tezcuco. He had come to serve the
emperor, to join the Spaniards in avenging their fallen
countrymen. Cortes expressed appreciation of his
zeal, "but rest now," he said, "for soon you shall
have your hands full." A few days later the general
set out from Tezcuco with twenty- five horse, three
hundred foot-soldiers, twenty-five archers and cross-
bowmen, and over thirty thousand allies, chiefly Tlas-
caltecs, with a number of Tezcucans. Among the war
material were six field -pieces.1 Alvarado and Olid
accompanied the expedition, and also a number of the
Tezcucan leaders, partly as hostages, while Sandoval
remained in charge. A northward course was taken,

1 This is according to Cortes ; others differ slightly, and Ixtlilxochitl in-
creases the Tezcucan force to 60,000. Hor. Crueldades, 13.

(582) '

CAPTURE OF TOWNS.

583

though the aim and destination were divulged to but
a few, owing to the distrust still entertained of the
Tezcucans.

On the Tecama Plain, four miles from Tezcuco,
a hostile force approached, probably by accident.
After routing them the army encamped. The fol-
lowing day they proceeded to Xaltocan,2 a prominent!

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The Valley of Mexico.

2 From tocatl and rraZ, spider and sand. Chirnalpain, Hist. Conq. , ii. 29. The
lake in which it lies is divided about the centre by an artificial causeway
about one league long, running from east to west, the southern water being
now known as San Cristobal Ecatepec, from the town of that name, and tin
northern water as Xaltocan or Tomanitla, San Cristobal being also the general
term for both waters.

584 PRELIMINARY CAMPAIGNS.

town situated on an' island in the northern end of the
lake bearing that name. Once the capital succes-
sively of a Toltec, Otomi, and Chichimec principality,
it had succumbed to the vicissitudes of political revo-
lution and wars, and wTas at present one of the chief
strongholds belonging to the tripartite power in the
valley. It was approached by a causeway provided
with breastworks and drawbridges.

The intention of the army had been surmised, so
that preparations were made in every direction to re-
sist an entry, and the water swarmed with canoes. In
advancing along the causeway a tempest of stones,
arrows, and darts came upon them from both sides,
while hampered on a narrow road, hemmed in by
the waters, and able to do little against the float-
ing enemy, who were comparatively safe behind the
bulwarks fitted to their canoes. Advance was soon
stopped by the first trench in the causeway, not only
wide and deep, but protected on the farther side by
strong breastworks. The situation was embarrassing.
Falling back a little, with the loss of one man, the
guns were brought forward to protect the allies while
filling the gap; but at this juncture two Tezcucans
informed Cortes that they could guide him across by
a fordable passage.

The offer was eagerly accepted, and while a part of
the forces attracted the foe to the causeway, and the
horses covered the rear, Cortes led another party by
the ford. The water reached only to the waist, and
though the enemy hastened forward, resistance was
in vain, and soon the town was reached, and all who
had not escaped immediately surrendered. Good
spoils were secured of fabrics and other merchandise,
as well as some gold. Since the canoe fleet might
attempt a night attack, it was not considered safe to
camp on the island, and as the army withdrew to the
plain one league beyond, a part of the town was fired,
in further warning. Xaltocan had more than once
before risen from her ashes, but these were the flames

CORTES PONDERS. 585

of her funeral pyre. She never assumed importance
again, and is now but a pretty village.

The next camp was- formed in Quauhtitlan, "a large
and beautiful city/' as Cortes calls it, which was found
deserted. Thence they followed the route which had
been taken after that night of ineffaceable horrors, when
the foe seemed to fill the air and beat their faces in the
blackness like the birds of Avernus, cutting off the
stragglers faint with wounds and hunger, and sending
terror to the hearts of the bravest. Now they came
in confident strength, yet again the foe hovered round,
though only at a distance, along the safe hill slopes,
while from the summits rose pillars of smoke to pro-
claim the coming of the avengers. They passed
through Tenayocan, once the capital of the Chichimec
empire, and now renowned only for the immense
serpent idols in its temple, from which the Spaniards
called it El Pueblo de los Sierpes. Thence to Azca-
puzalco, the former proud seat of the Tepanec kings.3

No resistance being offered at any of these towns,
they were spared the brand, whereat the disappointed
sackers felt aggrieved. As the army neared Tlaco-
pan a large opposing body appeared, which was rein-
forced by warriors from the towns thereabout and
from Mexico. The ground being level, the cavalry
easily broke through their lines, and the infantry com-
pleted the rout, pursuing them into the city. After
clearing the greater number of streets from foes, camp
was formed in the palace.

There was hardly any evidence of the late ravages
to which Mexico and its approaches had been exposed
during Spanish occupation, and Cortes saw that it
would be no easy matter to besiege such a stronghold,
or series of strongholds, as the massive buildings may
be termed, held as they were by so obstinate a people
as the Aztecs, with whom any trifling or imaginary
success seemed to efface the effect of continual defeats.

The prospect was not encouraging, and as he looked

3 See Native Races, ii. v.

586 PRELIMINARY CAMPAIGNS.

at the causeway full of those pitfalls which had de-
feated his high purposes, gloomy thoughts filled his
breast. "Why so sad, your worship?" broke in a
cavalier.4 "Yours was not the fault, and never will
you be compared with heartless Nero." "I am not
thinking of that sorrow alone," said Cortes, "but of
the struggles yet required to achieve the mastery.
Still with God's approval we will soon attempt it."5

In the morning hostile forces again appeared, only
to be driven back, whereupon the allies dispersed to
sack and fire, with the determination to avenge the
attack made upon them during the flight from
Mexico. "And in this they used such diligence,"
writes Cortes, "that even our quarters were endan-
gered." The general was nothing loath to see the
flames, for it suited his plans not only to chastise the
people, but to render the place less strong in view of
later operation ; furthermore, it was no easy matter to
restrain the Tlascaltecs. Next day the enemy came
again in force, but this time they waited not to be
routed. They retired steadily to and along the cause-
way to Mexico, drawing the Spaniards after them. It
was the very spot where they had suffered so severely
the year before. Cortes had led the cavalry far along
the causeway and across one bridge, when the Mexi-
cans with inspiring shouts and doubled force came
rolling back on front and flank, from houses and

o m ...

lanes, thrusting with pikes and striking with swords,

*Bachiller Alonso Perez, afterward fiscal of Mexico. Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 135.

5 This incident was commemorated by some poetic follower in a ballad
which became a favorite with the conquerors :

En Tacuba esta Cortes,
Con su esquadron csforcado,
Triste estaua, y muy penoso,
Triste, y con gran cuidado,
La vna mano en la mexilla,
Y la otra en el costado.

Which may be translated literally :

In Tacuba stands Cortes,

With his troopers strong and brave:

Sad he was and deeply grave;

Sad, and heavily oppressed.

With one hand his cheek he pressed;

Against his side, the otner.

SINGLE COMBATS. 587

the roofs meanwhile swarming with slingers. Cortes
quickly sounded retreat, and the troops retired, but
the onslaught had been tremendous, and it required
no small effort to stay themselves. Almost every one
was wounded, it is said, and several fatally. In cross-
ing the bridge Alferez Juan Volante was knocked
into the water. Several canoe-men seized him, but
he was a powerful fellow, and with the strength of
desperation he shook them off and sprang back to his
comrades with his banner. Cortes made repeated
charges with the horses to relieve the pressed foot-
soldiers, till open ground was gained and the danger
past.6

On the following days the Mexicans sought to re-
peat their manoeuvres, but Cortes was more prudent,
and covered his rear carefully as he advanced. Ob-
serving this, the Mexicans tauntingly called out:
"Enter, 0 brave ones, and fight! for to-day you will
be masters of Mexico. Enter to feast, all is pre-
pared!" And again: "You shall find no Montezuma
now to do your bidding. Begone, therefore, to your
own!" Others confined themselves to insults directed
against the Tlascaltecs. " Rogues," they cried, "never
would you thus dare to approach us but for the Chris-
tians, whose concubines you are. But wait awhile;
we shall eat you both with chile, for you are not fit
to be slaves!" The Tlascaltecs were not slow to
answer: "Always have you fled before us like treach-
erous cowards. We are the men, you the women.
Never have you entered our territory as we yours.
The Castilians are not men but gods, one of whom
suffices to rout a thousand such as you!" This verbal
skirmish led in several cases to challenges, the princi-
pals being accorded a free field wherein to settle their
disputes; and since they were generally men selected

6 So runs Bernal Diaz' account, which appears a little exaggerated, for
recently CortCs had shown the greatest caution, and would hardly have allowed
himself to be so readily trapped on so memorable a spot. Hist. Verdad., 126.
Cortes states that not a Spaniard was lost, though several Mexicans fell.
Cartas, 187.

588 PRELIMINARY CAMPAIGNS.

from both sides for their bravery, skill, and strength,
the struggles were eagerly watched.

On one occasion a solitary warrior of great stature
stepped from a canoe to the causeway, armed with
sword and shield, and challenged any Spaniard to
combat, for he desired to appease the gods with blood.
The soldiers gaped in astonishment at this rashness.
"What, you hesitate, you cowards!" he cried. The
next instant a soldier named Gonzalo Hernandez
rushed upon him with sword and shield, whereupon
he leaped into the water, pursued by the soldier, who
sought to despatch him. A number of canoes stole
up, however, and Hernandez was seized by the war-
riors. His comrades rushed to the rescue, and so
beset the canoes as to kill a chief and bring their
champion ashore.7 During one of the sallies Cortes
reached the breach in the causeway where his men
had suffered so severely during the Sorrowful Night.
The bridge was down, and he appealed to the warriors
on the other side: "Why so foolishly court destruc-
tion? If there is a leader among you, let him appear,
so that I may speak." " Speak," was the response,
"we are all leaders here; leaders who shall make a
banquet of thee and thine I"

Six days had been spent at Tlacopan, and since
nothing could be achieved, not even an interview with
Quauhtemotzin, for which Cortes ardently longed, he
turned homeward. This abandonment of what the
Mexicans had probably regarded as the beginning of
the siege created no small exultation among them,
and eagerly they pursued the retreating army, though
repelled now and then with some punishment by the
cavalry. The following day the pursuing forces had
swelled to larger proportions, and were more daring
than ever. Cortes accordingly ordered the infantry
to advance, while he, with twenty horses, divided into
several parties and formed an ambuscade. No sooner

7 Ilerrera, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. vii.

CHALCO IN DANGER. 589

had the unsuspecting Mexicans reached the spot than
the cavalry charged into their midst with thundering
war cries. The surprise, no less than the execution,
caused a panic, and the infantry hastened back to join
in the usual chastisement. Molestation ceased.

From Quauhtitlan the army proceeded by way of
Acolman to Tezcucc. The presence of so large a
body of allies being considered for the moment un-
necessary, the greater number, elated with success and
laden with spoil, were dismissed to their homes, there
to prepare for the gathering to follow the completion
of the brigantines.8

The withdrawal from Tlacopan encouraged the
Mexicans to attempt the recovery of Chalco and to
inflict chastisement for its secession. The place was
indeed most important to Mexico, since from its fertile
plains came the largest supplies, now more than ever
required. The threat had been held over the Chalcans
ever since their submission to Cortes, and the two
young lords had hardly returned from Tezcuco before
they sent messengers to implore aid. This occurred
while Sandoval was preparing to leave for Tlascala to
convey the brigantines, and no further troops could
therefore be detached without great risk, so that the
Chalcans were told to wait. As the messengers were
leaving with this cold comfort envoys arrived from
Huexotzinco and Quauhquechollan. They had seen
the signal pillars of smoke of the hostile allies, and
had come to ask if they could be of service. The pro-
posals came most opportunely.

The Huexotzincas and Quauhquechollans had long
entertained a hatred of the Chalcans, as natives of an

8 They begged permission to return home, says Chimalpain, Hist. Conq.,
i. 31. Herrera relates that the efforts of Ojeda, by CorteV order, to take from
the Tlascaltecs the gold part of their booty so offended them that they began
to desert. The extortion was accordingly stopped, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. vii.
Clavigero doubts the story. Prescott regards the departure of the allies as
distasteful to Cortes ; but we have seen that he did not care at present to en-
cumber himself with too many unruly auxiliaries to prey upon the peaceful
provinces. The Tlascaltecs would willingly have remained to share in raid-
ing expeditions.

590 PRELIMINARY CAMPAIGNS.

Aztec province against whose forces they had often
been arrayed, but Cortes represented the true state
of affairs and convinced the respective envoys of the
important service they could render themselves and
their new sovereign, to whom all owed allegiance, by
forgetting occurrences for which their oppressors were
to blame, and to combine for mutual aid. His argu-
ments were convincing, and both Huexotzinco and
Quauhquechollan promised immediately to support the
Chalcans with a large force.

The Aztecs do not appear to have gone much be-
}^ond threats until after the Spanish retirement from
Tlacopan, but two days after their return to Tezcuco
Chalcan messengers appeared with such supplications
that Sandoval was despatched to their aid with twenty
horse, three hundred infantry, and a force of allies,9
largely reinforced at Chalco by Huexotzincas, Quauh-
quechollans, and Chalcans. On arriving before Chimal-
huacan,10 he found the enemy drawn up in battle array
in three large divisions. A rush at the invaders was
made. The cavalry met them, breaking their ranks
and throwing them into confusion. Retirinsr to more
broken ground, where they were comparatively safe
from the horses, they rallied to face the infantry, but
the well directed volleys of fire-arms and cross-bows
proved another surprise, which prepared the way for
an effective charge from swordsmen and lancers. Now
the retreat assumed more the form of a flight, the
Spaniards pursuing eagerly. During this operation
Gonzalo Dominguez was thrown from his horse, which
fell upon him, inflicting such injuries that he died with-
in a few days. In him the army lost one of its most
dashing horsemen, and the equal of any in daring.

The troops then retired to the town for the night.
Next day they marched to Huastepec, the objective
point of the expedition, where fifteen thousand Mex-

9 Including 8000 Tezcucans under Chichinquatzin. Ixtlilxochitl, Ilor. Cruel-
dades, 15. On March 12th, says Vetancurt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 154..

10Also known as Chimalhuacan-Chalco, to distinguish it from Chimalhuacan
on Tezcuco Lake.

CHALCO AGAIN IMPERILLED. 591

leans, composed partly of the defeated forces, attacked
them with such energy that five horses and a number
of soldiers were wounded. The Spaniards soon routed
them, and chased the fleeing through the town, a
number taking refuge in a stronghold. While a
portion of the troops, together with the Tlascaltecs,
dispersed in quest of the rich spoil, and the cavalry
were tending their horses, the fugitive garrison stole
back to the town and fought their way to the strong-
hold near the square, where they took a stand behind
some breastworks. Their position was not long main-
tained, however, after the troops had collected for
the assault. The entire force of Mexicans was then
driven for over a league, with considerable slaughter.
The army now took up their quarters for two days in
the palace. A peaceful summons was sent to the lord
of the place, without meeting any response; another
to Yacapichtla brought an insulting answer. The
insolence was due to the confidence of the garrison
in its strength, situated as it was on an almost inac-
cessible height.11 The Chalcans implored Sandoval to
capture the place and drive forth the occupants, who
would otherwise not fail to descend with fire and
sword on their land. The proposition was by no
means agreeable after so arduous a march and with
so many wounded, including himself; but Sandoval
never shrank from what he regarded duty, and
soon he appeared before the fort to repeat his de-
mands, only to hear taunts and jeers. The ascent was
steep, with few points affording cover, and when the
Chalcans were urged to begin the attack for which
they had pleaded they objected unless the Teules
accompanied them. Sandoval unhesitatingly placed
some horsemen to guard the rear, and dismounting
with Tapia the two took their shields and swords and
led the way, followed by a number of soldiers.

The garrison lustily plied their stones and darts, and
despite the protecting shields several were wounded,

11 Lorenzana inspected the position in later times. Cortes, Hist. N. Esp., 214.

592 PRELIMINARY CAMPAIGNS.

among them Tapia and Osma, while others were
overthrown by the concussion and came tumbling
down. With cheering Santiagos the soldiers urged
one another onward until even the Chalcans joined
the assault. The first Spaniard had hardly reached
the summit before the occupants attempted flight,
only to bring death upon them the quicker. Many
were chased over the cliff, to fall into equally relentless
hands below; others in their fear and despair cast
themselves headlong from the height. So freely
flowed blood, the soldiers say, that the creek at the
foot of the fortress was stained sanguine, and so re-
mained for an hour, repelling in horror the victors who
approached it to quench their thirst.12 The Chalcans
being now content, Sandoval returned to Tezcuco with
considerable spoils and a number of pretty slaves.

Informed of the victorious advance of the Spaniards,
Emperor Quauhtemotzin hastened to send reinforce-
ments to his garrisons, and hardly had Sandoval
tendered a report to his general before the alarmed
Chalcans sent messengers stating that a fleet of two
thousand large canoes with numerous warriors were
descending upon them. Believing that Sandoval must
have been too hasty or negligent^ Cortes without
deigning to listen to excuses ordered him to return
immediately. Meanwhile the Chalcans, encouraged
by the allies, had faced the invaders bravely and
routed them in a fierce battle, killing quite a number
and capturing over twoscore warriors, among them
the general and several chiefs.13 When Sandoval

12 'Que todos los que alii se hallaron afirman.' CorUs, Cartas, 190. The
general lauds the achievement with rare fervor for him. Bernal Diaz sneers
at the river of blood story ; but then he was not present to share the glory.
The Roman Mario was less dainty than these Spaniards under a similar cir-
cumstance, commemorated by Plutarch; or as Floro more prosaically puts it:
' Ut victor Romanus de cruento flumine non plus aquse biberit quam sanguinis
barbarorum.' Epitome, lib. iii. cap. iii.

13 Fifteen, says Bernal Diaz. Chimalpain, the Chalcan narrator, states that
his tribe lost 350 men, but killed 1500 foes, capturing the captain-general,
Chimalpopocatzin, a relative of the emperor, who now became a captain among
the Tezcucans, and was killed during the siege. Hist. Conq., ii. 3-4. Some of
these facts are evidently not very reliable. He also assumes that Sandoval
lost eight soldiers on again returning to Tezcuco.

THE FAITHFUL CHIXANTECS. 593

came up the fight was over, and the proud victors
surrendered their captives, who were sent to Tezcuco,
the Spaniards following as soon as the danger appeared
to be over.

Aggrieved at the brusqueness of his commander,
Sandoval sent in his report without presenting him-
self; but Cortes had by this time recognized the
injustice of his treatment, and actuated by policy
no less than by affection, he summoned his captain
and frankly avowed his haste, thus strengthening the
friendship which ever after bound them. The vic-
tories in Chalco left secure the entire region between
Villa Rica and the Spanish lines, and communication
was henceforth regularly maintained, permitting fresh
supplies and war material to be brought from a vessel
which had recently reached the coast. A great event
was the arrival of three vessels with two hundred
Spaniards, eighty horses, and a full complement of
arms, ammunition, and other effects, partly bought and
partly enlisted by the agents whom Cortes had de-
spatched to the Islands during the previous autumn.
Among the new-comers were Julian de Alderete of
Tordesillas, appointed royal treasurer for New Spain,
and the Franciscan Pedro Melgarejo de Urrea of
Seville, bearing a supply of papal indulgences for the
men who had been engaged in the crusade. That
the soldiers were conscious of frequent transgressions
may be judged from the suggestive and not wholly
reverential observation of Bernal Diaz, that " after
patching their defects the friar returned to Spain
within a few months, a rich man."14

Cortes was cheered by offers of submission and
alliance, owing partly to the good offices of Tezcucans
and other allies. Some came from places quite dis-
tant, such as Nautla and Tuzapan, on the coast north

"The 'comissario' or clerk in charge of the bulls was Ger6nimo Lopez,
afterward secretary at Mexico. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 129. This author
names several of the arrivals, some of whom became captains of vessels. A
number also arrived during the following week, he adds, notably in Juan de
Burgos' vessel, which brought much material.
Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 38

594 PRELIMINARY CAMPAIGNS.

of Villa Rica, laden as usual with presents.15 Another
pleasing evidence of still more devoted loyalty came
not long after from the south, from the country of
the valiant Chinantecs, of the long pikes. During
the great uprising, when Spaniards in small or strag-
gling parties had everywhere been slaughtered, this
people faithfully protected the two soldiers who hap-
pened to be with them, and were in return aided by
their prowess and advice to achieve victories over ad-
joining tribes. One of these men, Captain Hernando
de Barrientos, sent two natives in April with a letter
to his countrymen imparting the assurance that Chi-
nantla and its six sub-towns were lo}^al.16

The recent successes and the arrival of the two
hundred men induced Cortes once more to propose
peace to Quauhtemotzin. To this end, during passion
week, he bade some of the captured nobles proceed to
Mexico with a letter as a symbol of their commission,
and impress upon their master the superiority in arms
and skill of the Spanish forces, their constant and
large reinforcements, and their unvarying success in
the field. They must point out the generous and hu-
mane treatment of the provinces which had submitted,
and assure the Aztec leaders that equal forgiveness
would be accorded them. Refusal to return to their
allegiance would lead to the destruction of themselves
and their city. Only two of the captives ventured to
accept the commission, for according to Aztec articles
of war any noble who returned to his country after
having been captured by an enemy was doomed to
decapitation unless he had performed some extraordi-
nary deed.17

No answer came from Mexico, and it was afterward

15Gomara mentions also Maxcaltzinco as a distant place. Hist. Mex., 186.

16 The chiefs were awaiting orders to appear before Cortes. The general
told them to wait till tranquillity was more fully restored. The name of the
other soldier was Nicolas. Cortes, Cartas, 203-5. Herrera assumes that Bar-
rientos arrived in camp during the late Tepeaca campaign, dec. ii. lib. x. cap.
xvii.

17 Of the rank and file none suffered penalty on returning, for captivity
was regarded as disgraceful only to a noble. Native Baces, ii. 419.

SECOND EXPEDITION". 595

learned that the messengers had suffered death. The
Aztec ruler had not even given a thought to peace.
He was watching his opponents, prepared to take
advantage of any neglect or relaxation in their effort.
No sooner had Sandoval been induced by peaceful
appearances to retire from Chalco than Aztec forces
again prepared to invade the province. The Chalcans
had due warning, and close upon the heels of Sando-
val came two messengers lamenting louder than ever,
and exhibiting^ a painting wherein were named the
many towns whose forces were coming upon them,
fully fifty thousand strong. These constant menaces
and movements were exasperating, and Cortes resolved
personally to inflict a lesson which might be lasting.
At the same time he proposed to complete his recon-
noissance of the lake region and encourage his troops
with spoils from hostile localities whereon the Aztecs
yet relied for support.18

Cortes selected thirty horse, three hundred infantry,
a number of Tlascaltecs, and over twenty thousand
Tezcucans, under Prince Ixtlilxochitl, to which twice
that number of other allies were added on the wav.
A large proportion of archers and aquebusiers were
taken, together with Alvarado, Olid, Alderete, Mel-
garejo, and others, while Sandoval was left in charge
of Tezcuco, with instructions to watch and promote the
completion of the brigantines against which several
incendiary attempts had been made.

The expedition left Friday, the 5th of April, and
passed through Chalco, Tlalmanalco, and Chim&lhua-
can,19 and crossing in a south-westerly direction into
the Totolapan province, they entered the hills which
form the southern border of the Mexican valley.
By this time the forces had assumed proportions

18 Bernal Diaz states that the soldiers were tired of these repeated calls,
many being also on the sick-list, but CortCs had now a large fresh force only
too eager for a fray attended with spoliation.

19 According to a native painting the army entered here April 5th, which
is a day or two too early, and received a reinforcement of 20,000. See copy
in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 523.

596 PRELIMINARY CAMPAIGNS.

hardly inferior to those of the Iztocan campaign,
when over one hundred thousand moved against the
foe. Highly picturesque was the spectacle of this
army, its naked hordes of warriors relieved by plumage
and glittering iztli points which rose above the broad
line of gaudy shields; its white adventurers in mail of
cotton and metal, surmounted by bright helmets, and
armed knights on proudly stepping steeds : picturesque
in particular as it wound in almost endless line along
the rounded slopes of the cliffs, or climbed in clearly
denned file across the hill-tops, only to descend again
into gulches gloomy as their own sinister purpose.

Alarmed by the invasion, the inhabitants had aban-
doned their valley homes, and had sought refuge on
the summits, whence they hurled missiles at the passing
lines. Little attention was paid these irregular bands,
composed as they were to a great extent of women
and children. On entering the Tlayacapan Valley,
however, and observing on the craggy sides of an
almost perpendicular isolated rock, perched there like
an eagle's nest, a place of refuge peopled with more
pretentious opposers, in a fit of insensate folly Cortes
ordered the place to be assailed. He seemed to think
the honor of the army demanded it, and was ready to
stake the lives of valuable men on its destruction.

Orders were given to attack from three several
sides, the steepest being assigned to Alferez Corral,
a brave and spirited leader. Verdugo and Villafuerte
were given another side, and Ircio and Monjaraz
the third. Each party consisted of about three-
score men, and included archers and arquebusiers.
At a given signal all rushed forward to" the ascent.
Soon they were on hands and knees, crawling over
projections and pulling themselves up by means of
shrubs. All the while stones and darts rattled on
helmet and breastplate; and huge rocks came rolling
down upon them. In vain they sought shelter in
crevices and under crags; they must face the storm.
Bernal Diaz followed Corral, and after receiving

A STRONGHOLD TAKEN. 597

many a hard knock they gained what was called two
turns of the rock. There they paused and looked
around, wondering at their success thus far. Sup-
porting himself against a small tree, his face bathed
in blood, his banner rent, Corral said, "Sefior Diaz,
it is useless to advance farther; not a man will sur-
vive." Then they shouted a warning to Pedro Barba,
at the head of his archers, not to climb farther.
"The order is to advance!" was the reply. The next
moment Barba- was wounded by a stone, and a soldier
at his side was killed. Cortes then sounded the
recall, but not until eight brave men had laid down
their lives, victims of their commander's puerility,
and of the rest most of them returned wounded.20

The recall was likewise prompted by the approach
of a considerable force in the valley. This the cavalry
charged and quickly routed, following in close pursuit,
though the broken ground soon enabled- the fugitives
to gain shelter. During this ride some of the horsemen
came, a league beyond, to another hill fortress, strong
in its natural features, and held by a large force. Near
by were some springs. The need of water was press-
ing, which afforded a plausible excuse for abandoning
the scaling of Tlayacapan, and the whole force was
moved to the springs. Early next morning Cortes
examined the approaches to the new stronghold. It
extended over three hills, the central one exceedingly
steep and held by the largest force; the others easier
of ascent, though higher, and occupied by smaller
numbers. In reconnoitring, Cortes advanced toward
the centre. This movement led the occupants of the
other hills to infer an attack on the central height,
and they began to abandon their positions with a view
to reenforce the threatened point. Observing this,
Cortes ordered Barba to occupy the most command-
ing elevation with some fifty arquebusiers and archers,

20 So says Bernal Diaz, Hist. VerdacL, 130, who names four. Cortes
allows only two killed and twenty wounded ; how many fatally so, he care-
fully omits to mention. Cartas, 194.

593 PRELIMINARY CAMPAIGNS.

while he himself continued to scale the centre as a
feint, for there was little hope of capturing a point so
steep and strongly held. The stones and darts rained
here as previously, and man after man was struck
down, some bleeding freely from the wounds sus-
tained.21

Meanwhile Barba's sharp-shooters had made so
effective a use of their weapons that within half an
hour the volleys from the fortress ceased, and the
women began to wave their robes in token of truce,
shouting their submission. Cortes graciously met the
advances, and extended full pardon. He also prevailed
on the chiefs to induce the Tlayacapans to submit.
On the extensive surface of the rock were collected
all the inhabitants of the neighborhood, with their
effects, which Cortes ordered not to be touched.22

The army remained encamped for two days to re-
fresh themselves after their arduous march, and after
sending the wounded to Tezcuco, Cortes proceeded
to Huastepec. The report of the clemency extended
to preceding settlements had a reassuring effect on this
town, whose cacique came forth to welcome them, and
tender his palace for their entertainment. This was
situated in a garden, celebrated throughout New Spain
for its beauty and extent, and the immense variety of
its plants, collected partly for scientific purposes. A
river with tributary canals flowed through its grounds,
which extended over a circuit of nearly two leagues,
murmuring its melody in unison with winged songsters
hidden in arbors or playing between bush and hedge,
mingling their bright color with the green expanse.
Adjacent were steep rocks, on whose smooth surface
were sculptured the portraits of noted warriors, states-
men, and orators, with hieroglyphic inscriptions of

21 Twenty fell, says Bernal Diaz. He speaks of two futile attempts on the
previous evening to scale the central hill. It seems unlikely for soldiers, tired
by repulse and inarch, to undertake so difficult a feat, and that at the least
assailable point.

22 Yet Bernal Diaz relates a story to show that the order was a mere pre-
tence.

THE PEOPLE OF QUAUHNAHUAC. 599

their fame. It was a paradise formed equally for
student and idler, and to the weary soldiers no spot
could perhaps have proven so grateful. Cortes cer-
tainly grows ecstatic in describing it, declaring it
"the largest, most beautiful, and freshest garden ever
seen."23 Tempting as was the retreat, Cortes tore
himself from it the following day, and proceeded in a
south-westerly direction to Yauhtepec. Although
many warriors were gathered there, they fled on the
approach of the Spaniards, and were chased, with
some slaughter, for about two leagues, into the town
of Xiuhtepec.24 The women and effects there found
were appropriated as spoils, and rendered agreeable
the two days' stay. The ruler failing to appear, the
place was fired, and terrified by this warning the lord
of Yauhtepec hastened to proffer submission.

After a day's hard march the army came in sight of
Quauhnahuac,25 capital of the Tlahuicas* They were
one of the Nahuatlaca tribes, which according to tra-
dition had entered the Andliuae country to supplant
the Toltecs. Coming rather late, they found their
brethren already in possession of the lake region, and
so they crossed the range to seek a home on the
headwaters of the Zacatula, where soon a number
of settlements rose round Quauhnahuac. They after-
ward fell under the sway of the Chichimecs, and
finally the Aztecs took advantage of internal discord
to establish sovereignty,26 maintaining it by a garrison
in the capital. This was a natural stronghold, situated
on a tongue of land between two steep ravines over
forty feet in depth, and through which ran a little
stream during the rainy season. It was further pro-
tected by strong walls, particularly on the side where
a strongly guarded gate opened to a fine stretch of
country. Two other entrances faced the ravines,

23 Cartas, 190; Torquemada, i. 536.

21 Some write Xilotepec. Bernal Diaz mentions Tepoxtlan, which may
have been visited by a detachment.

25 Place of the Eagle. Corrupted into the present Cuernavaca, which sin-
gularly enough means cow's horn.

26 See Native Races, v.

COO PRELIMINARY CAMPAIGNS.

sometimes spanned by bridges, which were now re-
moved.

Situated at the gateway to the tropical southern
valleys, between which and the colder lake region
interposed a range of mountains, the spot stood as a
new Eden in its manifold beauties. A sight even of
the pine-fringed mountains that rolled off toward the
north, with their green slopes shaded by oak and
birch, and bathed in soft though bracing airs, was re-
freshing to the indolent inhabitants of the burning
plain beyond. On the other hand the sturdy toilers
of the northern plateaux might in this sunny south
seek relaxation in the varied charms of a softer air
balmy with the incense of a more lustrous vegeta-
tion.27

It was an opulent community that of Quauhnahuac,
surrounded as it was by endless resources and advan-
tages, and the people were in no mood tamely to yield
their wealth to invaders. And in this determination
they were sustained by their lord, Yohuatzin,28 who
was not only a vassal but a relative of Quauhtemotzin.
Confident in the impregnable position of his city, in
which supplies were ample, he replied with volleys to
the demands of the Spanish forces as they appeared
on the other side of the ravines. It seemed almost
impossible to effect a crossing and climb the steep
wall of the ravine to the city; nevertheless Cortes
selected a position and began to open fire so as to
occupy the attention of the garrison and cover the
scaling parties.

While they were thus busied a brave Tlascaltec re-
connoitred and came to a point half a league beyond,
where the ravine was steepest and narrowed to an
abyss. On the two sides grew two large trees, which

27 Cortes was so captivated by the alluring clime and scenery that he made
the town his favorite residence in later years. It was included in the domains
granted to him, and descended to his heirs. Madame Calderon speaks of his
ruined palace and church. Life in Mexico, ii. 50.

28 Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 311. Brasseur de Bourbourg calls him Yao-
mahuitl.

YOHUATZIN SURRENDERS. 601

inclined toward each other, with branches intertwined,
forming a sort of natural bridge, though by no means
secure. He called the attention of his party to this
and led the way across, followed by several Spaniards.
The natives, who were more accustomed to this kind
of tactics, found comparatively little difficulty in swing-
ing themselves across; but to the soldiers it was far
from easy, and three of them, overcome by dizziness
or weight of armor, slipped and fell.29

The attention of the inhabitants being attracted
elsewhere, a number of the invaders had gained a
secure foothold within the city before they were ob-
served. Even now a few resolute men might have
driven them back, but such were wanting, and the
sudden appearance of the dreaded white men, as if
indeed they had dropped into the stronghold from
some cloud made radiant by the sun whose reputed
children they were, struck terror to the, hearts of the
poor natives. All impotent and nerveless, they per-
mitted the daring strangers to lower the drawbridge,
and turned to spread the panic. Meanwhile the re-
ports of a formidable army advancing from the rear
so wrought on the fears of the garrison that, when
the handful who had crossed on the bushy bridge fell
on them, they offered no resistance. This also allowed
the scaling forces to pour in, so that within a short
time the siege was turned into a rout, wherein the
cavalry played a prominent part. The zeal of the
allies was already indicated by smoky columns in dif-
ferent parts of the city, and the foot-soldiers hastened
to share in the rich plunder and intercept the women.

Most of the fugitives had gathered on an adjacent
height, and though no attempt was made that day
to molest them, yet they began to fear that men
who could so readily capture one of the strongest

29 ' El vno se q uebro la pierna . . . y se me desvanecia la cabeca, y todavia
pase yo, y otros veinte, 6 trienta soldados. ' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 132.
Solis misinterprets the passage, and gives this author credit for leading the
party. IlUt. Mex., ii. 302. Vetancurt calls the district toward this spot
Amanalco. Teatro Max., pt. iii. 155.

602 PRELIMINARY CAMPAIGNS.

fortresses in the country, would find no difficulty in
reaching them anywhere; therefore, after listening to
the advice of messengers sent by Cortes, Yohuatzin
concluded to surrender, and presented himself on the
following day with a large retinue and rich presents.
The Mexicans were as usual blamed for the opposition
offered. He would have submitted before, but thought
it best to expiate the fault of resistance by allowing
the Spaniards to pursue, so that after spending their
fury they might be more ready to forgive.33

There was no time at present to extend the recon-
noissance farther in this direction, and after a brief
rest Cortes turned northward to the lakes. The route
over the mountains proved far more difficult than be-
fore, and after issuing from the pine forest the army
entered a desert country terminating in a three-league
pass through the Ajuzco Mountains. Here thirst
became so intense that several natives succumbed.31
This suffering was relieved in a hamlet not far from
the pass.

On the following day they passed through a fine and
cultivated country toward Xochilmilco, that is to say,
Field of Flowers, aptly named, for round almost every
house, particularly on the outskirts, was a flower-
garden enclosed by canals. Many of them were of
the chinampa class, or floating gardens,32 the out-
growth of early Aztec weakness, now forming a pictu-
resque border to the lake towns. Altogether the
aspect was most pleasing, while the buildings of the
central parts were artistic and striking. Besides the
strength added by canals and moats, pile buildings
were frequent, and intrenchments had been thrown

30 "Cortes, Cartas, 19G. Ixtlilxochitl assumes that the submission is tendered
through his namesake, as prince of Tezcuco, the only capital of the tripartite
empire loyal to the Spaniards. /lor. Crueldade.s, 17-18.

31 Also one old Spaniard, believes Bernal Diaz, who relates his own suffer-
ings minutely, and how he followed some mounted scouts in search of water,
which he found, bringing a supply to CortCs. Hist. Verdad., 133. Vetan-
curt names this watering-place Topilejo, now San Miguel. Teatro Mex., pt.
iii. 155. Chimalpain mentions Quauhxomolco, just before. Hist. Conq., ii. 40.

32 See Native Races, ii., 345.

CRITICAL SITUATION OF CORTfiS. 603

up and drawbridges raised to defend the approach
against any enemy of the Aztecs, for its loyalty to the
queen city was fully as great as that of Iztapalapan.
It was the most important place on the thickly settled
fresh-water lake. Bishop Garces relates that angels
were heard to sing praises in the Mexican tongue
when it was converted.33 The usual summons was
issued by the Spaniards, and no heed being given,
they attacked in three divisions by different ap-
proaches. The , enemy fell back behind the raised
bridges and intrenchments, whence they kept up a
steady volley. The archers and arquebusiers replied
briskly, and covered the van as it plunged into not
very deep water and waded across to capture the
fortifications. This effected, the foe was driven from
one retreat to another. Seeing how affairs went, they
sought to parley, but the pursuers paid no heed, re-
garding it as a trick to gain time for the removal of
their families and property. Within half an hour
the greater part of the city was won, and soldiers and
allies were sacking as they advanced. The foe rallied
now and then to cover their retreat, and in one in-
stance managed to despatch two soldiers who had
allowed avarice to overcome prudence.

Not long after, a body of some ten thousand war-
riors, reenforced by fugitives from the city, was seen
advancing from the rear as if to cut off retreat. They
were already close at hand when first observed, and
without losing a moment Cortes charged them at the
head of a body of cavalry.34

At first they boldly faced the animals, and fought
so well as to severely wound four, besides several
riders ; but the mounted body kept breaking through
their ranks and then turned to fall on the rear. This
movement proved decisive, and the enemy dispersed
in flight, the horsemen scattering in pursuit. Already
weakened by the severe march across the mountains,
the horse of Cortes became quite exhausted, and

33 Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist. N. Esp. , 225.

34 Six, says Cort6s.

604 PRELIMINARY CAMPAIGNS.

while its rider was striking right and left into a
large body of fugitives, it fell. No other horseman
being near, the enemy gathered courage and rushed
upon the general, who had risen to his feet and stood
with sword in hand to defend himself. It was a crit-
ical moment, and had not a brave Tlascaltec warrior
come to his rescue thus opportunely, the career of the
Estremaduran would have ended there; for he had
already received a severe blow on the head and was
about to be dragged away when thus rescued. The
general's body-guard then came up and cut in pieces
his late stupid assailants — stupid because they might
so easily have killed him, and did not.35 The pursuit
was not long maintained, tired as the horses were,
and remounting his steed Cortes led the way back to
camp in the square.

Late as it was he superintended the filling of all the
channels which broke the causeways, and the erection
of defences, and ordered the soldiers to put in order
their arms and prepare arrows. The forces were dis-
tributed at three points, and extra guards were posted
for the night, together with bodies of troops at prob-
able landing-points. These precautions were prompted
chiefly by the evident effort of the last body of the
enemy to shut up the army within the city, a move-
ment which boded other attempts, as Cortes rightly
supposed.

When Quauhtemotzin heard that the Spaniards
had marched against Xochimilco he called a council to
consider the course to adopt, and the result was the
despatch of reenforcements. Finding that the city had
so easily fallen, he became furious. The gods were
indignant at the outrages of the strangers. Arms

35 Bernal Diaz states that a soldier named Olea was the main instrument in
saving Cortes, Hist. Verdad., 133; but Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 311, gives
the credit to the Tlascaltec lord Chichimecatl, and Chimalpain to a noble
named Ocelotzin. Hist. Conq., ii. 41. Cortes says: 'Un indio de los de Tlas-
caltecal,' Cartas, 199, who could not be found the next day, and CortCs accord-
ingly attributed the aid, writes Herrera, to St Peter, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. viii.

EXPENSIVE VICTORIES. 605

must be employed more manfully, and, these failing,
the loyal ones must let their nails grow, as the last
means of protection. The first step should be the
recovery of Xochimilco. That very night two thou-
sand canoes were sent with some twelve thousand
warriors, and a similar force by land, all approaching
stealthily, without music/

36

The rumor of a probable night attack kept the
Spanish camp on the alert, and advised of this, the
enemy made no attack. At dawn their canoes were
already swarming round the city, the inmates rending
the air with loud and repeated shouts, and brandish-
ing their weapons, those of the chiefs being captured
Spanish swords. "With your own arms you shall be
killed, and we will eat you !" they cried. "We fear you
not, for Montezuma is dead !" At the same time the
land forces were seen approaching, evidently to assist
the fleet in besieging the Spaniards within the city,
which would give the Mexicans greater advantage, as
they had well learned during the siege of Mexico.
Cortes understood the manoeuvre, and leaving the
greater part of the infantry and allies to guard the city,
he sallied with most of the horse, in three parties, a
few of the infantry and several hundred Tlascaltecs,
breaking through the enemy's ranks and gaining the
foot of a hill in their rear, the Tepechpan.

While the enemy were rallying, Cortes led the
horse round to their denser flank, and gave orders to
the infantry to allure the Mexicans by climbing the
steepest part of the hill and pretending to escape.
This succeeded, and the next moment they were at-
tacked in several directions with such effect as to cause
a panic and drive them in flight toward a quarter
where one division of horse had taken a stand. Five
hundred Mexicans covered the field and five leaders
were among the captured, while the Spanish loss was

36 Followed by other bodies. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 134; Torquemada,
i. 537.

606 PRELIMINARY CAMPAIGNS.

only one soldier and a few allies, including three
Tlascaltec chiefs, although a number were wounded.
During the pursuit the foremost division of horse
came upon a further Mexican reenforcement, estimated
at ten thousand, which rallied the fugitives and caused
the pursuers to halt. Soon, however, the remaining
force came up, the charge was continued, and the
Mexicans routed.37

Too tired for long pursuit, the Spaniards returned
by ten o'clock in the morning to Xochimilco, where
their garrison had repulsed the lake force. The fight
had been fierce, and the soldiers had exhausted, all
their ammunition, capturing in return two Spanish
swords. These victories brought little satisfaction,
however, for the captives gave information that the
forces so far sent were but detachments of the armies
destined for Xochimilco, which must be recovered,
and the Spaniards driven forth, if it cost the lives of
all the men in Mexico. The Spaniards might defeat
force after force, but even victory must so weaken
them that the Mexicans would finally triumph. This
seemed to be confirmed by the movements of the fleet,
which, though repulsed, was still hovering thereabout.

Cortes now gave orders to burn the city, as a warning
to the wilful inhabitants and preparatory to its evac-
uation. The soldiers, who had been interrupted in
their plundering the day before, obeyed with alacrity.
Xochimilco was a wealthy city, and not a Spaniard or
ally but obtained an abundance of robes, feathers, and
other effects, and even some gold, which helped to
cheer those whom ordinary merchandise and slaves
did not satisfy. The enemy had been watchful, how-
ever, and in their canoes they flitted round the city to
cut off stragglers. At one point quite a charge was
made, wherein several Spaniards were wounded and
four carried off alive. This event did more to cast a

■«?

37 Cortes leaves the impression that the foremost division of six horse de-
feated the foe. Both Gomara and Herrera are confused, and Prescott and
others are led into several mistakes.

THE MARCH CONTINUED. 607

gloom over the army than many defeats, for all knew
the fate of prisoners.38

After a stay of three days, all fraught with hard
fighting, the army filed out from Xochimilco, pre-
senting the appearance of a dilapidated caravan rather
than of a reconnoitring and fighting expedition, so
much so that Cortes thought it necessary to remon-
strate, but in vain. The enemy hovered about like
vultures, to harass them in what they regarded as a
retreat. The march was made in regular fighting
order, with cavalry distributed in three sections, in
van, rear, and on flank. In order to complete the
reconnoissance, a north-westerly route was taken to
Coyuhuacan, the centre of a series of inner towns
which lay clustered within a radius of a league and a
half, along the shores or upon islands in the lake,
all picturesque in their pyramidal temples and their
white walls, which gleamed amidst blooming orchards
and shady groves. Coyuhuacan itself was a beautiful
town, and Cortes felt so captivated with it that he
afterward made it for some time his favorite residence.39
It had been evacuated, but toward and beyond Mexico
the lake teemed with canoes, while in every direction
spread one continuous extent of farms and hamlets,
connected by causeways and roads with busy traffic.
To Alclerete and friar Melgarejo this was a novel
scene, and they could not refrain from expressing their
admiration at the enterprise and prowess of Cortes
and his followers in .undertaking so vast a conquest.
God's aid alone could have enabled them to succeed as
they had done.40

The army remained here over the following day,
chiefly to examine the place as intended head-quarters
of a besieging force. It was found satisfactory; and
while arrows were prepared and the wounded tended,

38Bernal Diaz names two of them.

39 He even willed that his bones should there be entombed, a request which
was not carried out.

40 ' No eran cosas de hombres humanos . . . que ayan hecho ningunos vasallos
tan grandes scrvicios a su Rey . . . y dello harian relacion a su Magestad. ' Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 135.

608 PRELIMINARY CAMPAIGNS.

the general advanced along the causeway leading to
Mexico and expended his remaining ammunition in
the useless capture of the temple fortress of Xoloc,41
during which a number of soldiers were wounded,
though the enemy suffered considerably. After offer-
ing to heaven the fiery sacrifice of pagan temple, the
army proceeded through Tlacopan without halting,
for they had no ammunition, and this place had been
examined on the previous expedition. This unex-
pected haste encouraged the Mexicans to come forth
in great numbers and attack the baggage train and
rear. Owing to the level nature of the ground the
cavalry found no difficulty in repelling them, yet they
caused more trouble, and succeeded even in carrying
off two of the favorite equerries42 of Cortes. He was
deeply grieved at the loss, and partly with a view to
avenge them, partly to inflict a lesson which should
save the army from such annoyance, he formed an
ambuscade beside the road with twenty horse. Seeing
the other ten horses engaged as formerly in covering
the rear, the Mexicans continued their pursuit. At a
favorable moment the hidden horsemen appeared, and
soon over a hundred of the flower of the Mexicans lay
dead upon the ground,43 their rich panoplies, dresses,
and arms offering a pleasing addition to the already
heavy plunder. Freed from further molestation, the
army proceeded through Azcapuzalco and Tenayocan
to Quauhtitlan, all deserted. Here the army clus-
tered round camp fires of green wood, wet from a
recent shower and supperless. Next morning they
followed the route already pursued during the flight
from Mexico, round Zumpango Lake through Citlal-
tepec, and thence through Acolman to Tezcuco.44

41At the junctions of the causeways which led from the different shores
to the southern avenue of Mexico. The place is also known as Acachi-
nanco.

42Bernal Diaz states that Cortes was preparing an ambuscade with ten
horse and four equerries when he fell into one himself and lost the two, whom
he names. Alarmed at his delay, Alvarado went back to look for him. loc. cit.
This is less likely than the version of Cortes.

43 Nobles they are termed, and Herrera doubles the number.

44 Prescott and others intimate that they passed between the lakes, from

DISAFFECTION AGAIN. 609

A mass of booty and slaves being now at hand, a
general distribution was ordered, the second in Tez-
cuco. Again, says Bernal Diaz, Cortes disregarded
his promises and secured not only for himself the ob-
jectionable fifth, but allowed his favorites to carry off
the prettiest women before they were brought forward
at auction. Many who remembered the former tricks
hid their women and said they had escaped, or they de-
clared them free servants from allied tribes ; while a few
managed to obtain a private branding, paying the fifth
required. A large proportion of the soldiers were so
heavily in debt tor stores and fifths that their booty
left them no surplus.45

While the reconnoitring expeditions had on the
whole been fraught with pecuniary benefit and glory,
they had nevertheless served to open the eyes of
many to the difficulty of the great purpose, the cap-
ture of Mexico. This was particularly the case with
the Velazquez party, whose adhesion before the Te-
peaca campaign had been compulsory, and after it
mercenary in its motives. Every obstacle to them ap-
peared terrible, magnified through constant fear of the
dreaded stone of sacrifice, on which so many comrades
had already been laid. And this they were encoun-
tering for what? the advancement of an envied usurper
and a pecuniary reward far beneath their expectations.
The failure at Iztapalapan, the repeated inroads of
the Mexicans, unabashed by constant repulses, and
the hardships of the campaigns, particularly the last,
all tended to support their arguments against Cortes'
plans as chimerical, involving long delays, constant
toil, and waste of life, and with poor recompense save
for Cortes and his favorites.

Presently the affair assumed the color of conspiracy,
headed by Antonio de Villafane, a common soldier

Quauhtitlan to Acolman, but Cortes mentions Zilotepec, which may be iden-
tical with Citlaltepec, as mentioned by Herrera, or Xilotzinco, about two
leagues eastward, as given by Ixtlilxochitl. Bernal Diaz also appears to in-
dicate the northern route.

45 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 129.
Hist. Hex., Vol. I. 39

610 PRELIMINARY CAMPAIGNS.

from Zamora, who is claimed by Herrera to have had
the active or passive s}^mpathy of some three hundred
malcontents, nearly one third of the army. The pro-
fessed object was to secure a pliable leader who would
consult the wishes of the soldiers, even those desirous
of returning. Such a man, and withal of great in-
fluence and valor, was Verdugo, the brother-in-law of
the all-powerful patron Velazquez, and him the con-
spirators chose as the new captain-general, unknown
to himself, since he might prove too honorable to en-
gage in plots against the commander. As a reward
for his own efforts Villafane claimed the position of
alguacil mayor, Avhile other friends and influential men
of Narvaez were assured of the remaining: offices,
from alcalde mayor and maestre de campo downward,
now held by the retainers of Cortes, as well as a share
in the arms and other effects of the doomed number.46
It was arranged that when Cortes was seated at table
with his intimate friends, as Alvarado, Sandoval, Olid,
and Tapia, a letter was to be handed him, as if coming
from his father, and while he was reading, the conspir-
ators should fall on and stab him and his supporters,
since all must be removed who might prove trouble-
some. The new officers were thereupon to be pro-
claimed, together with the liberal plan agreed on, by
which it was hoped to allure even the friends of Cortes.
There were too many in the secret, however, and
Cortes was a man of magnetic influence. At the
eleventh hour, two days after the return from
Xochimilco, says Diaz, an accomplice, struck with
compunction, rushed distractedly to the feet of Cortes
and implored pardon for having even dared to listen to
the vile machinations. He thereupon revealed the
plot and stated that Villafane carried the names and
details on a list in his breast-pocket. Cortes quietly
summoned his captains. He represented the need for

46 Bernal Diaz assumes that more than one captain-general was to be ap-
pointed. 'Para boluerse a Cuba, y deshazer a Cortes,' is all the explanation
given by Gomara, Hid. Mex., 178.

CONSPIRACY QUELLED. 611

a "remedy, since, besides the scandal, it was evident
that all the Spaniards must perish if once they turned
one against the other ; and to this end not only de-
clared foes but allies would join."47

Attended by Sandoval and others, Cortes hastened
to the house of the accused and found several persons
assembled. Some were secured as they sought escape.
Villafane found time to take a paper from his breast
and tear it in pieces, but Cortes gathered and ar-
ranged them,48 and was grieved to read the names of
quite a number of promising persons whom he had
honored and regarded as friends. Villafane con-
fessed the details of the plot, which had been forming
since the Tepeaca campaign. A court-martial was held,
presided over by Cortes himself, and there being no
doubt of his guilt, the accused was condemned to
death and promptly hanged from the window of his
dwelling.49

Cortes had probably no doubt regarding the guilt of
the persons named on the list, but the prosecution
of so many notable men might not be prudent, and
would only widen the breach between himself and the
malcontents and gain them sympathy. The day fol-
lowing the execution the general called a meeting.
Many were the consciences that pricked their posses-
sors to trembling: on that occasion. But the sao^e
Cortes preferred the traitors should risk their necks
in winning for him Mexico, rather than himself to
break them with a rope.

47 Such are in substance the words used by Cortes in his relation to the
emperor. ' E c6mo yo vi que se me habia revelado tan gran traicion, di
gracias a nuestro Senor, porque en aquello consistia el remedio.' Cartas, 2G9.

48 So Cortes intimates, while Herrera states that Villafane hastened to de-
vour the paper. His throat being pressed, about half of it was rescued, dec.
iii. lib. i. cap. i. He further says that Sandoval was sent to make the arrest ;
but Bernal Diaz asserts that Cortes went in person, which is likely under the
circumstances, and took from Villafane's breast the paper. Finding thereon
so many names of quality he caused it to be rumored that the man had eaten
it, or part of it. hist. Verdad., 136-7. Clavigero assumes that the culprit
revealed the names, and that Cortes preferred not to believe him. S tor la
Mess., iii. 191. Torture failed to extort any names from him, writes Torque-
mada, i. 528, and those on the list he declared to be merely of men whom he
intended to sound.

49 ' Un alcalde y yo lo condenamos & muerte. ' Cortes, Cartas, 2G9.

612 PRELIMINARY CAMPAIGNS.

Napoleon, who in national warfare could open with
his sword the veins of the people until there poured
forth torrents of blood, shrank in horror from blood
shed in civil broils. It was policy with Cortes, how-
ever. So, after finishing his narration of the con-
spiracy, he coolly informed them that Villafane had
refused to reveal his accomplices, and he could not
therefore name the guilty. There were no doubt
men amongst them with real or fancied grievances
which may have induced them to harbor resentment;
but let them frankly state their wrongs and he would
seek to right them. If he had erred, let the error be
named. The conclusion of the affair created general
satisfaction. Thankful for their escape, the guilty
sought both by words and deeds to prove their de-
votion, and although Cortes kept his eye upon
them, there was no indication that he suspected any.
He rather sought to win them back with favors.50 So
impressed were his intimate followers by the risk to
which so valuable a life had been exposed that they
insisted on his accepting a body-guard of twelve select
men, under the command of Antonio de Quinones, an
hidalgo of Zampra,51 who watched over him day and
night.

50 Berrial Diaz states that he frightened many by having them arrested and
threatened with trial; probably those seized with Villafane. Oviedo, iii. 515,
mentions Escndero as executed for plotting ; but this is doubtful. As for Ver-
dugo, he became regidor of Mexico, and in 1529 alcalde. He afterward
joined Guzman's expedition and settled at Tonala in Jalisco. Eazon, in Cortes,
Jiesidencia, i. 363.

51 This was Cortes' own idea, says Bernal Diaz, and he appealed to us to
guard him. Hist. Verdad., 137. Quinones was succeeded by Francisco de
Tenesas [Terrazas]. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chick., 313.

CHAPTER XXXII.

INVESTMENT OF MEXICO.
May-June, 1521.

Phases of Heroism — The Brigantines upon the Lake — Division op
Forces between Alvarado, Sandoval, and Olid — Desertion, Cap-
ture, and Execution of Xicotencatl — Departure of the Troops
from Tezcuco — Naval Battle — Possession Taken of the Cause-
ways— At One Point Cortes unexpectedly Gains Entrance to the
City — But is Driven out.

The ideal heroic character is to be viewed from two
standpoints: the effect of heroism on the hero, and
on the world. A very bad person may do mankind a
great service. An evil-minded man, while sinking his
soul yet deeper in corruption, may bring benefactions
upon society. But even a fairly good man cannot in-
crease his innate nobleness of character while doing:
injury to his fellows.

I do not know that the claim of good man was ever
advanced for Hernan Cortes, except, indeed, by that
strange fanaticism which, dazzled by one object, fails
to see other objects, or the terrible means for their
attainment. He and his followers formed a sad mix-
ture of good and evil, in which the latter predomi-
nated, if judged by the moral standard which they
had formed for themselves as soldiers of the cross.
The grossest injustice, the most horrible wickedness
constituted part of their moral ideal, so that while
fighting for the highest morality they were the most
immoral of men. Long after the conquest was con-
summated, under the ministrations of men of piety

(613)

C14 INVESTMENT OF MEXICO.

and ability, it would seem that the weapons used by
these conquerors, who at times justified murder as
the highest morality, were still instinct with blood,
even as. the cornel-wood spear with which the king of
Thrace transfixed the unhappy Polydorus springs into
life instinct with the blood of Priam's slaughtered son.

Cortes was not an idealist after the manner of
Columbus. Both were full of egoism; the spiritual-
mindedness of both was essentially selfish. They
would both dictate terms to God and their king, that
for so much service they must have so much reward.
Both were full of the follies of their day; but Colum-
bus displayed a grave, unconscious folly, while Cortes
consciously indulged in all the follies of lust and
cruelty that prudence admitted or his aim demanded.
Cortes abandoned himself to ambition; Columbus to
brooding thought. The insanity of reckless adventure
was not the insanity of Columbus, who nevertheless
was as mad as any lunatic in his own way. Com-
manding energy and practical daring were as con-
spicuous in Cortes as in Columbus; but it happened
that the aims of Columbus were of greater import to
the race than those of Cortes.

How alike, and yet how different, these men!
Cortes was impetuous and extravagant; Columbus
calm, calculating, and prudent. One was full of joyous
activity, the simple exercise of which was his greatest
pleasure ; obligations of every sort sat liglitly on him ;
the other was but an instrument in the hands of
providence. Both were ambitious, both excessively
religious; but Cortes, in the main, made religion
subservient to advancement, as before noted, while
mundane glories to Columbus were hollow indeed
beside his heavenly aspirations. Both were exceed-
ingly great men; both became eminent by a selfish
adventure of self; but Columbus saw the New World
through the glorious haze of immortality, while Cortes
viewed Mexico under the lightly woven covering of
personal ambition.

LAUNCHING OF THE FLEET. 615

Cortes was an Antony rather than a Caesar, nor did
he lack that one great gift of Antony's, subordination,
as we have seen. He was not so greatly in love with
himself, stood not so greatly in awe of himself, as
Caesar; he was possessed of finer perceptions and feel-
ings, and with consummate versatility could drop him-
self out of his plans as occasion required. Nor was
Cortes without imagination and the aesthetic sense,
though of a grosser and sensual kind; but it is not
in great men that we are to look for the swelling har-
monies of nature.

A turning-point was now reached in the campaign.
The brigan tines were completed, and the siege could
begin. The day for the entry of the vessels into the
lake was a gala day, inaugurated with the communion
and festive with the concourse of gayly attired spec-
tators.1 After prayer and a discourse the flags with
name and royal arms were hoisted on each vessel,2
amid salvos and cheers, and the dams being broken,
the gallant fleet floated down the canal to the placid
lake.

While the mute bunting was thus proclaiming Span-
ish supremacy over these inland waters, a Te Deum,
in which joined a thousand voices, echoed aloud the
gratitude of every heart. Each vessel was placed in
charge of a captain3 with twenty-four Spaniards, of

1 Several leading authors assume this to have occurred on the 28th of April,
when Cortes mustered his forces. He says nothing about the formal launch
on that occasion, and it is hardly likely that two such performances could
have been effected in one day.

2 ' Las vanderas Reales, y otras vanderas del nombre que se dezia ser el
vergantin.' Berried Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 138. Ixtlilxochitl assumes that the
flag-ship was named Medellln, Hid. Chich., 313-14, but this appears to be based
on a misinterpretation of Herrera, who places Villafuerte 'of Medellin'at the
head of the list of captains. Vetancurt believes that the vessels were named
after the apostles, to whom Cortes was so devoted. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 156.
If so, tfhe flag-ship may have been called San Pedro, after his patron. When
all were floated a storm came which threatened to break them one against the
other. Torquemada, i. 532.

3 Their names appear to have been Juan Rodriguez de Villafuerte of
Medellin, Juan Jaramillo of Salvatierra, Francisco Rodriguez Magariilo of
Merida, Cristobal Flores of Valencia, Juan Garcia Holguin of Caceres, Cara-
vajal of Zamora, Pedro Barba of Seville, Geronimo Ruiz de la Mota of Burgos,

616 INVESTMENT OF MEXICO.

whom about six were cross-bowmen and arquebusiers,
some artillerists to manage the bronze gun, and twelve
rowers, six to each side. The boats were evidently
half-decked.4

Active preparations were now made to begin the
siege. Tlascaltecs, Huexotzincas, Cholultecs, Chal-
cans, and other allies were summoned to send in con-
tingents by Whitsunday, the latter to assemble at
Chalco, and the Tlascaltecs at Tezcuco. Though but
ten days' notice was given, the last named presented
themselves in the camp before the appointed time to
the number of over fifty thousand, which was increased
by later reenforcement.5

As they approached Tezcuco under the guidance
of Ojecla, and commanded notably by Chichimecatl
and Xicotencatl junior, they spread out in one long
serpentine file, bristling with iztli points and brill-
iant with shields and armor covered with variegated
devices and flowing plumage, while at intervals

Pedro de Briones of Salamanca, Rodrigo Morejon de Lovera of Medina del
Campo, Antonio de Sotelo of Zamora, Juan de Portillo of Portillo, and Miguel
Diaz de Auz. Martin Lopez, the ship-builder, also joined, in the character of
chief pilot. Herreia, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xii. xxi., has Francisco de Verdugo,
of Arevalo, instead of Diaz de Auz, but Bernal Diaz names him as one of the
company captains under Olid, and he ought to know better in this respect.
He also names a second Caravajal, Zamora, a ship-master, afterward settled
in Oajaca, Colmenero, Gines Nortes, and Lerma. Hist. Verdad., 138.

4 The smallest was soon set aside as useless. There was some trouble in
obtaining rowers, owing in a great measure to the employment in Spain of
criminals in that capacity. Hidalgos shrank from anything that could be re-
garded as common labor, and even ordinary sailors refused to handle a branded
implement. In this dilemma a list was made of all natives of seaports, and
of those known to be able fishermen, and finally the selected number were
ordered to take the oar, regardless of caste.

5 So says Cortes, Cartas, 208. Bernal Diaz as usual implies a smaller num-
ber by stating that Cortes sent to ask for only 20,000 men from the republics.
Hist. Verdad., 137-8. The Cholultecs, he says, who had maintained a neu-
tral attitude since the massacre there, sent a small force under their own
captain. Gomara allows 00,000 allies to come ; Vetancurt 90,000, of whom
60,000 are Tlascaltecs; Clavigero limits the arrival to 50,000 Tlascaltecs, the
whole number of allies swelling gradually to over 200,000, while Herrera
makes that number arrive within two days ; Ixtlilxochitl names thirteen chiefs,
who commanded the 50,000 Tlascaltecs (a misprint gives 5000), and some
of those leading the 10,000 Huexotzincas; he also allows 10,000 Cholultecs; of
his own Tezcucans he claims over 200,000 to have come, 50,000 each being
furnished by the provinces of Tezcuco, Otumba, Tziuhcohua, and Chalco, with
Tepeaca, Quauhnahuac, etc. ; 8000 chiefs or nobles joined besides from Tezcuco,
and 50,000 laborers in addition, it seems. Hist. Chich., 313 ; Hor. Crueldades, 20.

REVIEW OF TROOPS. 617

waved high the banners of the different corps. Cortes
went forth to meet them with grand demonstrations,
and as they marched past loud vivas6 rent the air.

On the 28th of April Cortes had mustered his
forces and found that, with the several reinforcements
lately arrived, there were present over nine hundred
Spaniards, of whom eighty- six were horsemen and
one hundred and eighteen cross -bowmen and arque-
busiers;7 the rest being armed with swords and shields
and the more^ formidable pikes. They were well pro-
tected with cotton armor, many having cuirasses and
corselets, and small weapons were not wanting. The
artillery consisted of three heavy iron guns, fifteen
smaller pieces of bronze, mostly distributed among
the vessels, with ten quintals of powder and a quan-
tity of shot, while some fifty thousand arrows had
been furnished by the Tezcucan towns, all fitted
according to pattern with copper tips.8

Not only had the Spaniards, particularly the new
recruits, been well exercised in cavalry movements,
target practice, fencing, and pike drill, but the allies
had been trained to a certain extent in European
tactics. For efficiency and good conduct this army
rose far above any yet mustered in the Indies. In
the usual speech before the ranks, Cortes pointed out
how God had favored them with constant victories
and with reinforcements which had nearly doubled
their number and resources. They might indeed be
hopeful, for holy w^as their cause. Full of confidence
they could march against the only stronghold yet
opposed to them, avenge their slaughtered comrades,
and win riches and glory for themselves.

6 ' Vina cl Emperador rmestro sefior, yCastilla, Castillo, Tlascala, Tlascala!'
Bernal Diaz, loc. cit. It took three days for the auxiliaries to enter, says
Ojeda, and great as was Tezcnco, there was not room for them. Herrera, dec.
iii. lib. i. cap. xii. Bernal Diaz reduces the days to hours.

1 Cortes, Cartas, 20G. Gomara agrees, Hist. Mex., 191, but Bernal Diaz
gives the number as 84 horsemen, 650 soldiers with swords, shields, and lances,
and 194 archers and arquebusiers. loc. cit.

8 Some half a dozen towns furnished 8000 each within eight days. The
feathers were fastened by the archers with glue from the cactle root. They
kept two strings and as many catches, and maintained their skill by target
practice. Id.

618 INVESTMENT OF MEXICO.

On Whitmonclay, the 20th of May, an apportion-
ment of the troops was made to Alvarado, Olid, and
Sandoval, who led the cavalry in person, but directed
the movements of the infantry through captains, and
of the allies through native chiefs. Each received
from twenty-four to thirty horsemen, and one hundred
and fifty infantry, divided into two or three battalions,
with a proportionate number of arquebusiers, cross-
bowmen, guns, and ammunition, besides from twenty
to forty thousand allies. To Sandoval was given the
smallest number of horse and the largest number of
allies, those gathered at Chalco having orders to
await him, while Alvarado received a full half of the
Tlascaltec force, with whom the Tonatiuh was a great
favorite. To this leader Tlacopan was assigned for
head-quarters; to Olid, Coyuhuacan; and Sandoval re-
ceived orders to complete the destruction of Iztapa-
lapan, and then to advance through Coyuhuacan and
along one of the southern causeways, and there to
select his head-quarters, under the protection of the
brigantines. These appointments and orders under-
went several changes during the siege. For himself
Cortes selected the management of the fleet, whereon
so much depended during the opening of the siege,
and in addition to its ships' companies of three hun-
dred men he was supported by several thousand
allies, chiefly Tezcucans under Ixtlilxochitl, who at-
tended in a large number of canoes. This selection
hardly pleased the army, which considered their oper-
ations the most important and dangerous, and there-
fore in need of Cortes' supervision. But he evidently
never intended to remain with the fleet except at the
be^innino-.9

9 The distribution of forces as given by Cortes stands thus : To Alvarado,
30 horse, 18 arquebusiers and archers, 150 sword and shield men, and over
25,000 Tlascaltecs; to Olid, 33 horse, 18 archers and arquebusiers, 1G0 sword
and shield men, and over 20,000 allies; to Sandoval, 24 horse, 4 arquebusiers,
13 archers, 150 sword and shield men, and over 30,000 allies from Huexotzinco,
Cholula, and Chalco. Cartas, 207. Others differ more or less, some giving
details that hardly accord with the totals. Bernal Diaz names as Alvarado's
three captains his brother Jorge de Alvarado, Gutierre de Badajoz, and

DESERTION OF XICOTENCATL. 619

The following day the allied forces apportioned to
Alvarado and Olid were ordered to march in advance,
for greater convenience, to the border of Tezcuco
province and there await the Spaniards. Not many
hours after their departure a messenger appeared with
the announcement that Xicotencatl, the companion
general of Chichimecatl, had disappeared. Inquiries
revealed that shortly before his cousin Piltecuhtli had
been severely and wantonly struck by a soldier during
a quarrel over jsome carriers. In order to save the
soldier from the wrath of Cortes, Ojeda, the Spanish
inspecting officer over the allied forces, smoothed the
matter and sent the injured nobleman home. It was
claimed by some that this outrage had so wounded
Xicotencatl that he followed his cousin. Others as-
sumed that both chiefs were in love with the same
woman, and that Xicotencatl could not bear to leave
his rival alone in the field. But the true reason lay
no doubt in his dislike to fight for the Spaniards,
whom he had never ceased to oppose, openly and in
secret, as invaders bent on the enslavement of the
whole country. This idea, if faint at first, had become
more fixed with every fresh blow against his personal
ambition, such as the first series of defeats which
plucked from him his just renown; the equal or per-
haps superior position assigned in the native army to
Chichimecatl, of whom he appears to have been deeply

Andres de Monjaraz, the latter an agreeable, bright-faced fellow of about
32 years, always suffering from a Lotharian disease which prevented him
from doing anything. The three captains under Olid were Andres de Tapia,
a growing favorite of Cortes', Francisco Verdugo, the unconscious fellow-con-
spirator of Villafane, and Francisco de Lugo, the natural son of a prominent
estate-holder at Medina del Campo. Sandoval had but two captains, the in-
sinuating Pedro de Ircio, and Luis Marin of San Liicar, a muscular and
dashing fellow, of Monjaraz' age, with an open blonde face, somewhat pitted,
and possessed of a voluble tongue. Hist. Verdad., 139, 240, 24G. Ixtlilxochitl
gives a longer list, which is clearly wrong in many respects, and he adds some
names of native leaders. Alvarado kept the Tlascaltecs of Tizatlan and Te-
peticpac; Olid those of Ocotelulco and Quiahuiztlan. Hist. Chich., 313-14.
He further states that his namesake joined CorteV fleet with 1G,000 canoes,
containing 50,000 Tezcucans, of whom 8000 were nobles. Hor. Crueldades, 21.
Brasseur de Bourbourg follows this author in many respects, improving some-
what on the names. Herrera names five of the sub-captains, among them
Hernando de Lerma of Galicia. dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xii.

620 INVESTMENT OF MEXICO.

jealous;10 and the prospect of a wearisome and un-
profitable campaign, wherein he must be content to
figure as a subordinate, not only of Alvarado, but
subject perhaps to the orders of petty Spanish offi-
cers. All this became too galling to his proud spirit,
and with a few followers he turned toward his
mountain home.

It would never do to countenance desertion, and
by so prominent a man, at the very opening of a
campaign; and Cortes immediately sent a number of
troopers in pursuit, with instructions to represent to
the chief the gravity of his offence, which cast a heavy
stain on Tlascaltec honor, and to persuade him to re-
turn. They speedily overtook him, only to meet with
insolence. He would not go back; if his people had
listened to him they would not now be tools and ser-
vants of a horde of foreigners. With this reply the
troops were forced to return. " This cacique is incor-
rigible," exclaimed Cortes, "and will ever be a traitor
and counsellor to evil. I have had enough of him!"
The troopers were at once sent back, accompanied by
an alguacil and some trusty Tlascaltec nobles, with
orders to arrest the fugitive and bring" him to Tez-
cuco. In a letter to the republican lords, Cortes at
the same time complained of the desertion and its
grave influence, and declared that according to Spanish
law the penalty was death. They replied that the same
punishment obtained in Tlascala; and not only do they
appear to have actively aided in surrendering the cul-
prit, but they declared all his property, including
wives and slaves, confiscated to the crown, against
which he had sinned.11 Indeed, the arrogance of the

10 'Iva a tomar por fuerca el Cacicazgo, e vassallos, y tierra del mismo
Chichimecatecle/.Smza^.Dmz, Hist. Verdad., 139, which must be an idle rumor.

11 Some time later when Ojeda went to Tlascala for supplies he brought
back the confiscated property, including a quantity of treasure, and 30
women, the daughters, servants, etc., of Xicotencatl. Torquemada, i. 558.
The Tlascaltec laws were severe, ' E l'odio particolore, che porta vano a quel
Principe, il cui orgoglio non potevano piu soffrire.' Clavigero, Storia Mess.,
iii. 195. Some Tlascaltecs say his father had warned Cortes against his son,
and urged his death. Bernal Diaz, loc. cit. Herrera observes that he could
hardly have been seized without Tlascaltec aid. dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xvii.

ALVARADO AND OLID QUARREL. 621

young chief does not seem to have endeared him to
the other rulers. Instantly on his arrival he was
sentenced and hanged, on a very high gallows, while
the crier and interpreter announced his crime.

The execution of so prominent a chief, heir to one
of the rulers among his best allies, was an act which
few besides Cortes would have ventured on; but he
saw the necessity for a firm observance of discipline,
and was not deceived in the salutary effect which it
had on the allies.12 There were not many Tlascaltecs
left in Tezcuco, or a serious demonstration might have
occurred; as it was, the mantle and maxtli of the de-
ceased were secured, and an eager contest ensued for
them as relics. Axayacatzin Xicotencatl had achieved
fame before the advent of the Spaniards.13

Alvarado and Olid had set out from Tezcuco for
Tlacopan with their Spanish forces on the 2 2d of
May,1* taking the same route by which Cortes had
returned from the Xochimilco campaign, and though
longer than that north of Tezcuco Lake, yet it was
easier and safer. On approaching Acolman, Olid sent
a party in advance to secure quarters, and when Alva-
rado arrived he found every house bearing the green
bough on the roof, which indicated occupancy. This
raised a tumult between the parties, and even the
captains would have come to blows but for the inter-

12Ojeda, in Herrera, loc. cit.. Solis, Hist. Mex., ii. 379, thinks that it would
have been hazardous to hang him at Tezcuco, where many Tlascaltecs were
gathered ; but he forgets that nearly all this people had already set out for
Mexico. His supposition is based on Bernal Diaz, who intimates that he was
not hanged in Tezcuco. Alvarado had pleaded for his life, and Cortes, while
pretending compliance, secretly ordered the alguacil to despatch him. Hist.
Verdad., 139.

13 Cortes divided the lordship of the chieftain afterward between his two
sons, and the name of Xicotencatl has been perpetuated by more than one
line, as Camargo shows in his Hist. Tlax. Two officers of that name figured
during the American invasion of 1847 in defence of their country. Brasseur
de Boarbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 447.

14 Most writers say the 10th, misled by an error in Cortes, Cartas, 208; and
this error causes Prescott, among others, to fall into more than one mistake,
which he upholds with vain arguments. On earlier pages in the Cartas are
given dates in connection with religious festivals which show that Whitsun-
day fell on the 19th of May, and the departure took place three days later.
Bernal Diaz gives the 13th, and says that the Xicotencatl affair had detained
them a day. He afterward varies the date.

622 INVESTMENT OF MEXICO.

ference of friends. Informed of the trouble, Cortes
took steps to reconcile them, although the two leaders
never renewed their former intimacy.

On the evening of the fourth day they reached
Tlacopan, which was deserted, as were all the towns
along the route.15 Late as was the hour, forages and
reconnoissances were made, involving a skirmish with
the Mexicans. The following day, Sunday, Olid pro-
ceeded to Chapultepec to cut the aqueduct which
supplied the city, a task which involved another en-
counter wherein a score of Mexicans fell. Meanwhile
the canals were rilled and other obstacles removed
which might impede a free advance, and foraging
tours were made. The Mexicans continued to harass
the operations with repeated sallies, and finally Alva-
rado, with characteristic rashness, pursued them until
his troops were well advanced between the houses and
bridges. The Mexicans, who had retreated on pur-
pose, now rolled back upon his front and flanks. The
roofs, hitherto deserted, teemed with slingers and
archers, who showered their missiles with terrible
effect, while from the lanes and openings between the
houses sprang numbers who assailed the cramped
soldiers with their long lances, swords, and clubs, and
leaped back into their holes and canoes and behind
breastworks whenever they were pressed. The allies
were ordered back, and the Spaniards slowly retreated,
with a loss of eight killed and fifty wounded, glad to
be relieved from their strait.

Olid was highly incensed with Alvarado for his rash-
ness, and regardless of all remonstrance he seized the
pretext to hasten the departure to his own camp at
Coyuhuacan. He established his head-quarters on
Corpus Christi day, the 30th of May, and from this
date, accordingly, Clavigero and many others date the
beginning of the siege. The causeway leading thence
to Mexico was broken, and he sought for several days

15 They passed round Zumpango Lake, through Quauhtitlan and Tenayo-
can. Cortes, Cartas, 210; BernalJJiaz, Hist. Vei "dad., 139.

HOW THE MEXICANS VIEW IT. 623

to cover the breaches and gain a footing upon it, but
without success. The Mexican warriors displayed
great spirit, and their . leaders are to be blamed for
not energetically assuming the offensive and attack-
ing the two camps.

The Mexicans had not quite understood the drift
of Cortes' delay and preliminary manoeuvres. When
they found two camps established, the aqueduct de-
stroyed, and earnest preparations in progress for in-
vestment, their eyes were opened; but they were
then too bewildered to act with promptness and
precision. The chronicles relate that Quauhtemotzin
held a grand council to consider the situation, and
to sound the spirit of the people for peace or war,
so that there might be no faltering when necessity
came. A number indeed of the elder and wiser lords,
particularly of the Montezuma faction, spoke of the
formidable enginery and strength of the Spaniards,
and their host of allies, and expressed fears of failure.
With the occupation of all the surrounding territory,
and the influx of people from abroad, the food supply
might fall short, and famine and sickness ensue. But
the young men and the warriors, as might be ex-
pected, would listen to no counsellor whose words
implied cowardice; they were enthusiastic for resist-
ance, and formed too numerous a party to allow the
entertaining of peace proposals. Quauhtemotzin cau-
tiously refrained from committing himself/6 but re-

16 'Jamais quisieron Paz [the Aztecs]; y aunque a la postre la recibieron,
el Rei no la acepto, porque al principio, contra su Consejo, la rehusaron.'
Torquemada, i. 572. Gomara says the same, but Duran, the historian of his
dynasty, declares that he loved too much to rule and to display his personal
valor ever to listen to peace proposals. Hist. Intl., MS., ii. 490. On the fol-
lowing pages he gives a speech by this ruler, painting the shame and evil of
surrender. Before this, according to the native records of Sahagun, Cortes
had invited Quauhtemotzin, under promise of security, to a conference, in
order to explain his motives for the campaign. Not wishing to appear afraid,
the Aztec monarch came to the rendezvous near Acachinanco, in a state
barge, attended by several nobles. Cortes arrived in a brigantine. He re-
viewed the allegiance tendered to the Spanish sovereign, the revolt, precipi-
tated by Alvarado's effort to anticipate the murderous plot, and the subsequent
slaughter of Spaniards and robbery of treasures. These unjustifiable and

624 INVESTMENT OF MEXICO.

minded the assembly that the oracles of their gods
and heroic ancestors had above all to be listened to
in so important a matter as the preservation of the
homes and sacred temples intrusted to their care.
He knew well what answer would come from the
priests, whose possessions, wealth, and honors de-
pended on the exclusion of invaders, aiming above all
at the overthrow of their religion. "My people shall
not fear the enemy/' spake the war- god Huitzilo-
pochtli, "for the allied hosts will not persevere long
in the siege, and I will scatter the Castilians now as
hitherto." This utterance suited many views, and
the declaration for war was solemnized by sacrifices
of human beings, including the four Spaniards lately
captured.17

Renewed efforts were made to fortify and supply
the city, and canoes were collected to aid in the defence.
With insolent assurance, derived from the oracles,
corps of warriors would advance close to the Spanish
camps and vent their feelings with insults and menaces,
"Men of evil, you shall pay for your madness ! Behold,
the gods have already feasted on your bodies!" they
cried, flinging in among the horrified soldiers pieces
of their sacrificed comrades. " Our snakes shall drink
your blood, and our tigers devour your flesh, though
they are already satiated therewith. And you, in-
famous Tlascaltecs, slaves and traitors! you shall
atone for your misdeeds; you shall die a bad death,
and furnish flesh for our banquets! Behold!" And

inhuman outrages he had come to avenge ; and he would not stay his hand
till the enemies of his king and God had been driven forth. Quauhtemotzin
merely replied that he accepted "war, and thereupon returned to the city.
Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 147-50. Torquemada, i. 543, and Brasseur
de Bourbourg adopt this story, the latter stating that the Aztec ruler pro-
posed to consult his council. But Clavigero rightly assumes that the interview
never took place. All other records say that Quauhtemotzin persistently re-
fused ever to speak with Cortes, even from behind his walls.

17 Many captives had been secured during recent raids on Chalco and
Tezcuco, and other parts, so that there was no lack. The native victims
numbered 4000, it is said. Ilerrera, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xvii. 'All boys,'
says Oviedo, iii. 515. *Yo bien creo que fuero muchas, mas no tantas.'
Gomara, loc. cit. The limbs of the Spaniards were sent to different prov-
inces to frighten the inhabitants. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 135.

MOVEMENTS OF THE SPANIARDS. 625

therewith they threw in disjointed pieces of dusky
human bodies. " We shall not rest till your land is
desolated, and not a man or woman left to perpetuate
your vile race." Unabashed by this tirade the Tlas-
caltecs told them not to threaten like women, but to
act like men. Still it were better for them to yield
unless they wished to be destroyed.

Cortes had been delayed till the fleet should be fully
prepared. On the 31st of May, following Corpus
Christi day, he was able to despatch Sandoval, who,
reenforced by some forty thousand allies awaiting him
on the Chalco border, marched against Iztapalapan.
Although severely crippled by Cortes' expedition, this
town still figured as a stronghold of too great im-
portance to be left in the rear. Advised of the
movement, the Mexicans hurried by road and water
to aid in covering the retreat of the inhabitants.
Suddenly smoke columns were observed in different
parts of the lake, and cries of alarm ran through the
town. Yet more and more hurriedly the people fled, and
while one body of warriors retired along the causeway
to Mexico, others departed in canoes. The Spanish
forces pressed onward in close pursuit, and slaughter,
pillage, and torch accompanied them. The chief cause
of the panic was the appearance of the brigantines,
which had set sail shortly after Sandoval's departure,
attended by a large number of Tezcucan canoes18
whose object was to cooperate against Iztapalapan.
On approaching it the vessels passed close to a steep
rocky isle, the Tepepulco, since known as El Penol
del Marques,19 occupied by a large number of fugitives
who shouted defiance, and showered stones and arrows.
Finding that Sandoval required no aid, Cortes re-

18 Ixtlilxochitl states in one place that his namesake remained at Tezcuco
to raise troops and to arrange for regular trains of supplies for the Spanish
camps. In another relation he allows him to accompany Corties with 16,000
canoes. Hor. Crueldades, 21; Relation, 314. The canoes which now attended
the fleet appear to have served chiefly as transports.

19 Owned even under republican rule by the heirs of Cortes, as a tetzontli
quarry.

Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 40 *

626 INVESTMENT OF MEXICO.

solved to inflict a lesson on the insolent islanders.
The Mexicans appeared confident in the impregnable
strength of the rock, and gave so warm a reception to
the hundred and fifty men with whom Cortes began
to climb it, that fully a score were wounded at the
onset. The brigantines turned their guns upon them,
however, and under this cover the soldiers speedily
gained the summit, there to wreak bloody vengeance.
Not a man was spared, only the women and children.
"It was a beautiful victory!" exclaims Cortes.

While they were pillaging, a large fleet of canoes,
five hundred at the lowest estimate,20 was seen to ap-
proach from the direction of Mexico, bristling with
iztli points, which found a gleaming reflection in the
smooth waters of the lake. Cortes ordered an im-
mediate return to the brigantines, and rowed them
forward into an extended line. He had longed for an
opportunity like this, to meet a formidable fleet upon
which the brigantines might inflict a lesson severe
enough to open the eyes of the enemy to their invin-
cible power; for "in them lay the key of war," as he
expressed it. Unfortunately the wind was so light as
barely to flap the sails. The hostile fleet had already
drawn up in good order just beyond range, evidently
puzzled at the passive attitude of the monster vessels,
yet shouting defiance.21 Cortes stood chafing with
impatience, for without wind his greatest advantage
would be lost, and his position even become precarious.
Just then the waters rippled and a breeze came from
abaft which speedily freshened. "Ah, God favors us !"
he cried, and with a grateful gaze toward heaven he
gave orders to advance under full sail. As they came
close to the enemy a blinding volley was sent pouring
in upon them from the whole line, from guns, arque-

20 "Cortes, Cartas, 211. Bernal Diaz raises the number to 4000, Peter Martyr
to 5000, while Vetancurt assumes that the 500 were merely the van. Teatro
Mex., pt. iii. 158.

21 Oviedo writes that they were sacrificing boys to propitiate the gods. iii.
516. ' La flota q les parecio no dar batalla con tan pocas y cansadas,' observes
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 194.

THE FORMIDABLE FLEET. 627

buses, and cross-bows, and while the natives were trying
to recover from their confusion, from out the smoke
burst the ponderous bows, crashing into the lines of
canoes, overturning, breaking, and sinking. In the
vessels' wake were wrecks and struggling bodies, wThile
the few canoes which had escaped by passing between
the ships struggled to escape the Tezcucan boats in
the rear. At the first encounter the canoes in the far-
ther lines turned in hot haste for home, as did a vast
number of others which had ventured forth, partly
with reinforcements, partly with spectators. But the
clumsy -looking vessels sped faster, pursuing their
career of destruction for three leagues, into the very
canals of the city, whence they turned back to pick
up captives. The victory exceeded the wildest hopes
of the Spaniards, as Cortes admits, for not only did
the Aztecs lose a great number of their foremost
warriors and their best canoes, but they surrendered
forever to the formidable craft sovereignty over the
lake waters, and with it the hope of assistance from
trans-lacustrine allies.

Encouraged by this success, Olid advised Alvarado,
and both hastened to take advantage of the panic to
advance along the causeways and effect considerable
execution, impelled as they were with emulation and
fresh courage.22 Olid had advanced close to Fort
Xoloc, which with its stout battlemented walls and
towers guarded the junction of the southern cause-
ways, when the brigantines approached it from the
eastern side. It was already after vespers; neverthe-
less Cortes landed to cooperate with his lieutenant
and pursue the advantage gained. A breach was
made in the wall with one of the heavy guns, and
under cover of the fleet's artillery the place was soon
carried. Cortes had intended to make Coyuhuacan
his head-quarters, but such were the obvious advan-
tages of Xoloc, in strength and in position, for it lay

22Alvarado advanced as far as the first wide bridge, but lost three men.
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 141.

C28 INVESTMENT OF MEXICO.

but half a league from Mexico and was connected in
the rear with the mainland by three causeways, that
he at once decided to establish his camp there, making
it also his naval station.

Enraged rather than discouraged by the several
defeats, Quauhtemotzin ordered a night attack on
Xoloc, contrary to native custom. They approached
both by sea and land, but owing to their noise they
were observed, and driven back by the artillery.
The fort was not very strong on the northern side,
and the force within was small; but in the morning
half of Olid's troops came to reenforce him, together
with fifty of Sandoval's infantry. The addition was op-
portune, for the Mexicans were advancing in swarms
along the causeway as well as by water, this time
on the inner side of the road where the vessels could
not reach them. The heavy guns soon cleared a
space on the roadway, but as the soldiers pursued
they suffered severely from the canoes, which not
only showered missiles but afforded retreat for the
sallying parties. Orders were accordingly given to
cut a passage through the embankment, so that the
four brigantines might enter to clear the inner basin.
By this means the Spaniards were able to advance to
the very entrance of the city and inflict some damage,
while the remaining vessels explored the waters be-
yond, and drove back canoes and fired buildings in
the suburbs.

Sandoval at the same time* advanced along the
causeway from Iztapalapan to Coyuhuacan. It was
a league and a half in length, and a quarter of a
league from shore it passed through an island town,
which was captured and burned. Advised of this,
Quauhtemotzin directed a fleet to cut the causeway
and entrap the Spaniards; but before long two of the
vessels were able to relieve Sandoval, who thereupon
left a portion of his troops, including the allies, at
Coyuhuacan, and joined his chief with the remainder.
Nearly a week was occupied in strengthening Fort

A SIMULTANEOUS ATTACK. 629

Xoloc, arranging the camp, and bringing in sup-
plies, during which time desultory skirmishings were
maintained, wherein Sandoval among others received
wounds. The brigantines roamed incessantly and in-
flicted great damage, entering on one occasion for a long
distance a canal which led into the suburbs.23 Canoes
no longer ventured abroad when a sail was in sight,
and the Mexicans began to protect the water ap-
proaches and channels with stakes.

In order to complete the investment of the city it
was only necessary to occupy the northern causeway
to Tepeyacac, along which the besieged maintained a
steady intercourse with the mainland. Advised of
this neglect by Alvarado, the general ordered San-
doval to form a camp at that town24 with one hundred
and forty Spaniards, of whom twenty -three were
horsemen, and a full proportion of allies. Alvarado
had half as many more infantry and a few more cav-
alry, while two hundred infantry were quartered at
Xoloc, supported besides by a cavalry force in the
rear, and by Olid's party, with whom remained the
largest proportion of allies, now over eighty thousand,
according to Cortes' own statement. The fort could
not hold them, and they accordingly encamped at
Coyuhuacan, which lay more convenient for supplies,
and must be occupied to watch the hostile shore and
lake towns clustered in this quarter. The brigantines
carried at least two hundred and fifty men.25

Everything being prepared, Cortes ordered a simul-
taneous attack from all the camps, so as to divide the
attention of the Mexicans and gain all possible advan-
tage. He himself advanced along the Iztapalapan

23 Probably behind the great southern levee. See Native Races, ii. 504.

24 Gomara calls it wrongly Xaltoca, and Robertson confounds it, singularly
enough, with Tezcuco. Hist. Am., ii. 114.

25 Cortis, Cartas, 216-17. The greater number of the allies came daily
from their camp at Coyuhuacan to join Cortes as warriors and sappers. Dig-
ging and similar work was done chiefly by Tezcucans. Herrera states that
the vessels of Flores and Ruiz de la Mota were placed at a broken causeway
between the camps of Alvarado and Sandoval, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xvii.

630 INVESTMENT OF MEXICO.

causeway with the greater part of his infantry, at-
tended by several cavaliers on foot, and by over
eighty thousand allies, while a vessel skirted the road
on either side. There was more than one breach in
the road, behind which were posted large forces of
warriors protected by intrenchnients of earth and
masonry.

Without the vessels it would have cost much time
and many lives to cross; but the well-directed fire
from the guns and arquebuses on the flanks and rear
of the enemy soon wrought disorder, which enabled
the sallying parties to obtain a foothold. Meanwhile
a number of infantry had swum across the channel
and aided to drive the Mexicans beyond the next
breach. The same manoeuvre was repeated at this
and the other chasms, till the army found itself at
the very entrance of the city, protected by a wider
channel than the preceding, with more extensive forti-
fications, commanded by a temple tower. This with
its swarms of slingers and archers made the capture
difficult, and the Mexicans also showed more deter-
mination; but the guns and fusillade could not be
resisted, and soon the Spaniards stood within the city
for the first time since the memorable Noche Triste.
Revenge seemed already secured, and the lost treas-
ures almost within the invaders' grasp. Cortes, how-
ever, did not permit himself to be carried away by a
momentary success. He saw" the main street beyond
thronged with warriors fiercely bent on resistance,
streets as far as the distant temple of the war-god
bordered with buildings, each a fortress in itself, while
many a barricaded channel blocked the way.

A large force of allies had been left to fill the
chasm and level the ground as the army advanced,
using for this purpose the captured intrenchments and
buildings, or even material from the causeway itself.
This work was under the direction of Diego Hernandez,
a man of herculean strength, who could throw a stone
with a force and precision, it was said, approximating

IN THE PLAZA. 631

those of cannon.26 This filling of the chasms enabled
the horses to be brought forward, and they now led
the charge against the dense masses of natives, after
the arquebuses had effected the preliminary clearing.
Cortes had not underestimated the annoyance to be

is

encountered from the archers and slingers covering the
roofs on either side ; but the operations of the cavalry
left the many arquebusiers and cross-bowmen at liberty
to cover the points of approach through which the allies
in particular poured in countless numbers with side-
arms and fire-brands. The progress so far had sur-
passed all anticipation ; but now the Spaniards came to
a canal from which the retreating Mexicans removed
the few planks remaining of the bridge, leaving a soli-
tary beam. Here the warriors were massed in greater
confidence, free as they were from the attack of vessels
and sheltered by strong intrenchments, while the ad-
joining roofs, equally protected by the canals, teemed
with missile-throwers. The soldiers tried agrain and
again to cross the chasm, only to be driven back with
injury. The volleys from cross-bows and fire-arms
could effect but little damage against the well shel-
tered warriors, while their arrows and stones came in
rattling showers. Finally two cannon were brought
forward. This changed the issue, for a breach was
speedily made in the intrenchments, and now the small-
arms were able to cooperate with great execution.

After a delay of two hours the soldiers were across ;
and while the allies filled the canal they again pursued
their advance along the avenue, though suffering con-
siderably from the roof missiles. They now came to
the last channel in the street, close to the main plaza,
wherein stood the famous temple of Huitzilopochtli.

The advance of the Spaniards had been so unex-
pected and rapid that the Mexicans had not thought
of fortifying this canal, and little difficulty was met
in crossing. But beyond, the plaza was filled with

26 'Asserrador. . .trabaj6 mas que mil Indios.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. i.
cap. xviii.

632 INVESTMENT OF MEXICO.

files of defenders, determined to save their deities and
that sacred ground. Greatly frightened, the priests
cried out to them: "Behold! it was here upon this
spot you fought these beings infernal before, and
drove them forth in shameful flight; the gods will
help you again !" Even the Spanish soldiers were im-
pressed by the words and gestures of the frantic
devotees, and noted their effect in the gleaming eyes
and pressed lips of the warriors, and they paused. But
presently a gun was brought forward and directed
against the packed throng. This effected a backward
movement. "There is no time for rest or fear!"
shouted Cortes, as with shield in hand he rushed
forward. With a thundering Santiago the soldiers
followed. The charge was irresistible, and already
startled by the mowing cannon-balls the Mexicans
took refuge within the temple enclosure and in the
by-streets.

The Spaniards followed the crowd within the sacred
grounds, slashing and thrusting. It seemed a repeti-
tion of Alvarado's massacre, and the war-god, thirst-
ing for blood, might now have his fill. In a few
moments not a warrior was left round the temple,
only prostrate bodies. Then the soldiers prepared to
ascend the pyramid to hurl down the idol and its de-
fenders. But the deity wa§ aroused. The sombre
notes of the sacred drum struck their fearful appeal
on every heart, " Rouse ye to your imperilled hearths
and temples I" It was but now the Mexicans observed
that the death-dealing horsemen were not present, for
the last channel had not yet been filled to afford a
crossing. This lent them courage, and on the foe they
quickly rushed from lanes and houses, while down
from the temple-top came a doubly inspired avalanche.
The shock was overwhelming. The Spaniards were
forced to retire, partly in disorder. Cortes made
frantic efforts to stay the flight, and at the gate
a momentary rally was made by a few; but what
availed that handful against the torrent sweeping

OBSTINATE FIGHTING. 633

onward, headed by the renowned band of Quauhtin ?
Perforce they must yield and join the troops which
were in such hasty flight from the plaza that they
even abandoned the cannon. Cortds was on foot in
the crowd, and his voice was drowned in the tumult.
He could but follow with the wild current, which
threatened to lead into another disaster. Just then
cries of alarm burst from the crowds on the roofs, and
there was a lull in the shower of stones and darts, and
the pressure of pursuers relaxed. The next moment
the ears of the wandering Spaniards caught the clatter
of hoofs.

The cavalry had come up; a revulsion set in. They
were but a few,27 but enough to bring back to the
minds of the Mexicans their original and ever present
fear of the monsters, for they knew not how many
might be coming down upon them.

The infantry followed the horsemen with inspiring
cheers, and bore unresisted onward, for the late
bravery of the foe was now turned to cowardice.
Before long the Spaniards had penetrated through
the plaza and occupied once more the temple court.
Once more their looks were upward toward the
summit of the lofty pyramid consecrated during their
former occupation to the holy virgin; and while the
main portion of the troops fought the now rallying
Mexicans, a sturdy handful undertook the capture of
the sanctuary. A dozen chiefs held possession, but
naught could stay the fury of the soldiers, and in a
few moments the last defender had yielded his spirit
in defense of his faith.

The Spaniards looked in vain for any trace of
their own altar and symbols, round which they had
so oft congregated in prayer. In their stead rose a
new idol glittering with ornaments and hideous with
devices, while fresh stains of blood spread horror
over all. The gleam of gold proved all absorbing,
however, and hastily the jewels and the golden mask

27 Only three, says Cortes and others.

634 INVESTMENT OF MEXICO.

were torn away, and then the head of the idol was
struck off and sent clattering below.28

There was time for nothing more, for on finding so
few horsemen present, the Quauhtin knights had again
made an effective rally, pressing the troops closely.
Fortunately a larger force of cavalry came up again
to turn the tide of battle and inflict a severe lesson.
As it was late by this time, there remained no choice
but that of returning to camp. This movement gave
fresh confidence to the Mexicans, who followed in
swarms, harassing from roofs and lanes, on front and
flanks, rushing forward with renewed fury after every
charge by the cavalry which covered the rear. But
for the horses the soldiers would have suffered severely;
as it was, the retreat proceeded in good order, and as
many houses as possible were fired with a view to
make the next entry safer. On approaching the cause-
way the canoe crews, composed of selected warriors,
fell on the flanks and created no little confusion before
they were driven back. After this no difficulty was
experienced in reaching camp, thanks to the foresight
of Cortes, who had ordered the channels filled.29 The
other captains, Alvarado and Sandoval, had performed
their share in the day's work, and although they do
not appear to have reached eyen the suburb, detained
by the many breaches and other obstacles on the
causeways, yet the diversion created by their attacks

28 Ixtlilxochitl allows his namesake and Cortes to figure in this scene, the
former cutting off the idol's head while the general secured the mask. He
states that the temple was captured during the first entry into the court.
When the Mexicans rallied, Ixtlilxochitl managed to kill their general, which
so enraged them that they rushed madly on and drove back the Spaniards till
the horse arrived. Hor. Crueldades, 29-30. His version is adopted in the main
by Prescott and others ; but there are several discrepancies. The death of a
general as a rule discouraged native armies. Cortis, who would not have
failed to claim the overthrow of the idol, states that it was effected by four or
five Spaniards, after the second capture of the court. Cartas, 218. His presence
was needed below to direct operations. Gomara's text must have misled Ix-
tlilxochitl and others. Hist. Mex., 197-8. Herrera and Torquemada adhere
better to Cortes.

29 Cortes speaks of an ambuscade by the horsemen wherein 30 Mexicans
fell. Cartas, 218. How many of his own were lost he prudently abstains from
mentioning, though admitting many wounded. 'Dexaron perdido los Es-
panoles esta vez el tiro grueso, ' says Torquemada, i. 548, but this is unlikely.

THE RETREAT. 635

proved of great service to Cortes. One reason for
their slower advance was the want of cooperation from
the vessels, which had been of such great assistance
on the Iztapalapan road. This was at once remedied
by the detachment of three brigantines each for the
Tlacopan and Tepeyacac camps.30

30 Cortes, Cartas, 221. Bernal Diaz states that Alvarado received four and
Sandoval only two. Hist Verdad., 141.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

CONTINUATION OF THE SIEGE.
June-July, 1521.

Something about Quauhtemotzin — Infamous Pretensions of European
Civilization and Christianity — Prompt Action of the Mexican
Emperor — Repetitions of the Entry Assault — Submission of the
Surrounding Nations — Dire Condition of the Mexicans — Spanish
Defeat and Disaffection — Resolution to Raze the City.

In their present position, with the advantages of
superior civilization, there was equal glory accruing
to the Spaniards in winning Mexico, and to the Mex-
icans in manfully losing their city. Quauhtemotzin
as a patriot and a skilful general wTas fully alive to the
perils of his position, but he was prepared to use to
best advantage all the resources at his command, and
that is all any one can do. Stern as Saturnius, and
passionately patient, from the day of the capture
of Montezuma his nature had been proof against all
pleasure. Of an imperious temper, haughty and over-
bearing as Coriolanus, yet was he as faithful to defend
the city as any Hector or Horatius. I hold that
Spaniards of the sixteenth century were no worse
than their neighbors. It was a bigoted and cruel age ;
though for that matter enough of bigotry yet remains,
and there is sufficient cruelty in our latter-day fightings
to keep us humble. And wThile we see much to con-
demn in the motives that brought hither these for-
eigners, and much in their conduct that was cruel and
unjust, yet we are constrained to admit that the work
which they accomplished was in the pathway of destiny.

(636)

REINFORCEMENTS. 637

The conquest of the country, the destruction of its
barbarous and inhuman rites, and the establishment
of the religion of Christ in their place were the inevi-
table consequences of the discovery of America. Once
brought face to face with the sacrificial stone, and other
brutal atrocities of the Aztecs, and Christianity had
no alternative but to eradicate these evils or be itself
overthrown.

The victorious advance into the heart of the city
had been a pleasant surprise to the Spaniards, while
to the Mexicans it was incomprehensible. If such
were the results of the first day's doings, what would
the days following bring forth? Quauhtemotzin im-
mediately issued orders to reopen the channels and
construct fresh intrenchments and pitfalls. Such
were the forces employed, and such their zeal, that
when the morning dawned the causeways and streets
presented even greater difficulties than before. The
allies of the Mexicans were not so easily reassured,
however, and several began to waver, among them
the Xochimilcans, to the rear of Olid's camp, who
sent in their submission to Cortes, promising not only
active aid but much needed supplies. The same offer
came from the more numerous Otomis, occupying the
western mountain border of the valley, followed by
the substantial reinforcement of twenty thousand of
their sturdy warriors, with large supplies.1 Still larger
reinforcements arrived just before these from Tezcuco,
where ever since Cortes' departure the young king
and his brothers had been busily engaged in for-
warding supplies2 and fitting out troops. Fifty thou-
sand were raised and placed under the command of
the energetic Ixtlilxochitl, who had great military
reputation and possessed far more influence than his
ruling brother. He joined Cortes with thirty thou-
sand, and distributed the rest among the other cap-

1 'Eran esclavos del senor de Temixtitan,' is CorteV definition of their
vassalage to Mexico. Cartas, 220.

2A service which employed 20,000 carriers, 1000 canoes, and 32,000 convoy
warriors, all at the expense of Tezcuco, says Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, 314.

638 CONTINUATION OF THE SIEGE.

tains. Cortes praises him for his bravery and good
traits, a eulogy which serves only to embitter Mexi-
can writers against one who favored aliens against his
own race, and aided to overthrow their liberty and
religion. During the campaign he was frequently
taunted as a renegade, traitor, and fratricide, but he
never swerved in his allegiance, and found ready re-
torts and excuses, the strongest being that he favored
the Christians for introducing the true faith. Yet
this strange religion he was in no haste, personally,
to adopt. " Curses on his odious memory 1" exclaims
the rabid Bustamante.3

Three days after the last assault a second was made,
supported by more allies than ever. Cortes' Spanish
forces consisted of twenty horses, three hundred in-
fantry, with three guns. Although he had noticed
the operations of the Mexicans, he was hardly pre-
pared to find his work so completely undone. As
before, each channel with its intrenchments had to be
captured anew, and while the causeway was readily
gained with the aid of brigantines, the advance along
the street was slower, although the soldiers were some-
what less exposed to roof volleys since the burning of
so many of the buildings during the previous entry.
The breaches and channels were filled lip as they ad-
vanced. In the plaza the houses were yet intact and the
missile showers severe, so much so that Cortes found

3 His biographer admits to a certain extent the truth of the invectives, but
eager to please his Spanish masters he seeks rather to extol the self-sacrifice
and loyalty of his kinsman. He claims that with this reenforcement the
Tezcucan auxiliaries reached the improbable number of 250,000 men, of whom
5000 wounded were now sent home. ' Next to God, Cort6s owed to Tezcucan
aid the conquest and the planting of the faith. ' He further assumes that Ixtlil-
xochitl was already king, and had been with Cortes since the fleet set sail,
while his brother Ahuaxpictzoctzin remained at Tezcuco to provide supplies.
Hor. Crucldades, 21-33. He contradicts himself on several points in his lie-
lactones, 314 et seq. Duran also, as may be expected from a compiler of
native records, extols the hero, ' a quien di6 una espada dorada que Don Her-
nando Cortes traiayuna rodela.' Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 493. With Ixtlilxochitl
came half a dozen out of his hundred brothers. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 198;
ChimaJpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 55. Torquemada, i. 548, sends Cohuanacoch as
general of the forces, while Clavigero allows King Fernando Ixtlilxochitl to
send his brother Carlos Ixtlilxochitl. Storia Mess., iii. 202. He is evidently
confused with respect to the surname.

SPOILING THE CITY. 639

it necessary to apply the torch, among others to the
Axayacatl palace, his former head-quarters, wherein he
had sustained so fierce a siege, and to the House
of Birds, which formed so prominent and admired a
feature in the city. It was of vast extent, and de-
voted almost wholly to the maintenance of beasts and
birds of every species, some kept in the gardens,
some in courts, others in galleries, rooms, and cages;
altogether a collection which must tend to cast a
favorable light on the culture of the race. Both
palaces were splendid specimens of Nahua archi-
tecture, adorned with marble galleries supported on
monolith pillars, with elaborate cornices and stucco
work, and surmounted by turrets and battlements,
while within and around rose groves of rare trees,
choice shrubbery, and flowers, refreshed by ever
sparkling fountains. Cortes had rightly concluded
that the destruction of such monuments, cherished
not alone for their beauty and contents but for their
hallowed associations, would be a more severe lesson
than the loss of numerous lives; and as the flames
rose over all that vast area, fed by the roofs, interior
wood- work, and other combustible material, lamenta-
tions mingled with the maddened cries of burning
animals. Around in the suburbs, also, could be seen
column after column of dense smoke started by the
torches of the cruisers, and settling in dense masses
over the city as if threatening to bury her forever
from sight. Fortunately for the inhabitants, the
houses thereabout were too wide apart to allow the
flames to spread far. Even at this juncture the work
of destruction might have been stopped for the reason
that Cyrus stopped the sack of Sardis when Croesus
said to him: " These are not my goods, but thine,
0 Cyrus, that thou art spoiling!"

All this time waged the conflict of arms, the Mex-
icans seeking by repeated charges and sallies to check
the advance of the Spaniards and to harass them.
The native chronicles relate that during one of the

640 CONTINUATION OF THE SIEGE.

countercharges by the cavalry a horseman pierced a
warrior with such force that the lance remained fast
in the ground. Regarding it as a disgrace to aban-
don his weapon he rashly dismounted to unfasten it,
only to be surrounded by the foe and cut in pieces.
His comrades hastened to the rescue, but could re-
cover only the mangled remains.4

When evening came and the signal was given for
return to camp, the Mexicans fell upon the rear with
renewed ardor. It seems as if courage came to them
in proportion to their misfortunes. For their fury
broke forth anew, fed by the dire conditions round
them, by the sight of lately enslaved Otomis, Xochi-
milcans, and Chalcans, now fighting against them
under the sheltering wings of the invaders, and ex-
ulting over their misfortunes with bitter taunts. "Be-
hold!" they cried, displaying dismembered limbs of
Aztecs, "we shall fill our bellies with your braves,
and have enough over wherewith to feed the beasts.
Do not starve yourselves, for to-morrow we will return
for more." "And in truth they both supped and
breakfasted on the limbs," says Cortes.5 Camp was
regained without serious trouble.

The following day the entry was repeated, and early
as it was, the channels had" been nearly all reopened
and provided with the usual intrenchments. This in-
volved a repetition of the previous day's manoeuvres,
but the Mexicans fought with greater obstinacy, partly
because they had become accustomed to the Spanish
tactics, and it was one o'clock before the plaza was
reached, by which time the archers and arquebusiers
had exhausted their quivers and ammunition-pouches.
Cortes now advanced beyond the temple along the
Tlacopan road, well known to the veterans from the
hard fighting there met during the previous siege, and
captured two canal crossings, which were filled up,

iSahagan, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 177-8. Torquemada places the incident
earlier, i. 547. Cort6s admits no losses of Spaniards this day.

5 Cartas, 222-3. 'Los combidauan a cena, mostrando les piernas y bracos. '
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 199.

THE TREACHEROUS CHINAMPANECS. 641

while to the buildings on either side the torch was
applied. The object of the movement was partly to
open intercourse with Alvarado's forces, which were
advancing less rapidly, owing to the number of in-
trenched channels. Progress was slowly increased
during the succeeding entries, when Andres de Tapia
and Avila pushed along adjoining streets with detach-
ments.6

One result of the Spanish successes was the sub-
mission of all the threatening and neutral lake and
island towns to the south and south-west of Mexico,
from Iztapalapan and Culhuacan to Cuitlahuac. To
this step they had been partly impelled by the re-
peated raids of the Chalcan confederates, and since
their submission was so tardy they were employed
chiefly as laborers and purveyors. Gomara now esti-
mates the native auxiliaries at two hundred thousand
men, "some engaged intent on lighting, some on eating,
some on stealing, and many on gazing."7 These lake
peoples, known as Chinampanecs, from their floating
gardens and aquatic life, possessed canoes in abundance,
and Cortes availed himself of this to reenforce the
blockading fleet with a boat flotilla, three thousand in
all, which harassed the city on every side, entering
into the canals to burn and pillage, and landing sallying
parties to carry desolation all through the suburbs.

Allured by the prospect of spoils, the Chinampanec
crews arranged a plan whereby a still richer draught
might be made. Before their adhesion to the Span-
ish cause, or knowledge of it had yet come to
Quauhtemotzin, they sent to offer him their services
against the invaders, with whom they proposed to
deal treacherously. They were assigned a post and
played their part well. No sooner were the Mexicans
occupied with the Spanish forces than they rushed

6Bernal Diaz speaks of a bridge attack which cost the lives of four
Spaniards, besides numerous wounded. Hist. Verdad., 145.

7 He enumerates also the cities of Mexicalcinco and Vitzilopuchtli. Hist.
Mex.t 202. Herrera adds Mizquic. dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xix.
Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 41

642 CONTINUATION OF THE SIEGE.

into the dwellings of their pretended allies and began
to rob, slay, and carry off women and children. An
alarm was given and reinforcements hurried up which
speedily overwhelmed the traitorous crews, killing a
number, capturing others, and recovering nearly all
the booty. The captives were condemned to the stone
of sacrifice, those of Cuitlahuac by one of their own
caciques, May ehuatzin, a companion of Quauhtemotzin.
The incident cost many lives on both sides, greatly
to the delight of the Spaniards, to whom this mutual
throat-cutting was the economy of war.8

With so large a hostile fleet upon the lake the
Mexican crews never ventured abroad by day, but
when darkness set in, their canoes sped across, im-
pelled by the demand for food. Informed of this,
Cortes detached two brigantines, under Portillo and
Pedro Barba, to cruise all night. This proved a se-
vere blow to the poor Mexicans, although a number
of canoes still ran the blockade successfully, and it was
resolved to entrap the vessels, since open battle could
not avail against them. Thirty of the largest canoes,
or piraguas, were accordingly manned with stout war-
riors and strong boatmen, and hidden amongst the
rushes near a heavily staked channel, into which
some swift canoes were t6 decoy the brigantines.
This succeeded, and no sooner were they fast on the
stakes than the canoes attacked them with such
spirit that every Spaniard was wounded, while Por-
tillo fell, and Barba died within three days.9 The
brigantines managed to escape. Encouraged by this
attempt the Mexicans became more brisk in their
blockade-running, and stationed forty piraguas to re-

8 Mazeoatzi, as Sahagun calls the cacique, sacrificed four chiefs, Quauhte-
motzin four more; the rest fell by the hands of priests. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840),
187. He does not speak of a premeditated plan like Torquemada, i. 551-2, and
since the account comes from native sources it may be merely an exaggerated
version of a flotilla raid.

9 This was the lieutenant of Velazquez at Habana, who joined Cortes
during the Tepeaca campaign. Portillo was a soldier from the Italian wars.
Bernal Diaz adds that one brig was captured, but this is doubtful. Hist.
Verdad., 143; Claviyero, StoriaMess., iii. 214; Sahagun, Hist. Co)iq., 46.

FAMINE THREATENED. 643

peat the decoy surprise. Advised of this by two cap-
tives, Cortes sent six brigantines by night to hide
near the spot, leaving one to cruise about for canoes.
Some of these soon appeared, and the sailer pursued
them for a distance toward the hiding-place of the
Mexicans. Suddenly she turned about as if afraid of
stakes. Observing this, the forty piraguas ventured
forth and were allured toward the Spanish ambus-
cade. At the proper moment the six vessels came
down upon the pursuers, overturning and sinking a
number, and capturing others, together with many
warriors. The Mexicans attempted no further naval
surprises.10

By the night cruisers and the Chinampanecs, sup-
plies were nearly all cut off, and gaunt hunger began
to stalk the streets of the fated capital. The ravages
of the fleet and the flotilla along the eastern suburbs
had rendered these wholly untenable, and the south-
eastern district had been desolated by Cortes' divis-
ions, compelling the inhabitants to abandon the greater
part of Tenochtitlan and concentrate chiefly in Tlate-
lulco. These two main divisions of the city had been
rivals ever since its foundation, with frequent dis-
putes to sustain the flame of discord. Gradually the
Tenochtitlans had assumed the sway, honored by im-
perial presence, while the other division had assumed
a plebeian stamp, patronized by the former. During
this common misfortune, however, rivalry was for-
gotten, and the more warlike Tlatelulcans unhesi-
tatingly aided the others and now welcomed them
into their quarter.11

Every loss of allies to the Mexicans was a corre
sponding gain to the Spaniards, less in regard to fresh
auxiliaries than to the relief from hostile attitude and
to supplies. The Chinampanecs, for instance, were
ordered to bring material and construct barracks along

10 Bemal Diaz, Hist.Verdad., 144-5.

11 Cortes exultantly claims that three fourths of the city is now captured.
Cartas, 227 ; SaJuigun, Hist, Conq. (ed. 1840), 181 ; Torquemada, i. 550.

644 CONTINUATION OF THE SIEGE.

the causeway on either side of Fort Xoloc. These
afforded shelter for all the Spaniards and two thousand
servants, and proved most welcome, for the nxinj season
had already set in. The same natives were obliged to
provide supplies, such as fish and a species of cherry,
which together with maize formed the chief sustenance
of the army. Frijoles, or beans, cacao, quilite herbs, and
nochtli,, afforded variety. The maize was ground by
hand and made into tortillas, or pancakes, by the slave
women and mistresses of the soldiers, either for their
individual lords or for the mess to which they be-
longed. These duties were also assumed by some of
the few Spanish and mulatto women who had accom-
panied their husbands. Although there was little fear
of starvation in the Spanish camps, yet the fare was
at times not of the best.12 The less fastidious auxili-
aries were content with a range of eatables which the
soldiers would not touch ; human meat with them was
a bonne-bouche for which they were prepared to risk
even their own flesh.13 Alvarado's men enjoyed per-
haps the least comfort, for they had moved their camp
to a point on the causeway, leaving the auxiliaries at
Tlacopan, together with the slaves and tortilla-makers.
Nor were their barracks properly constructed, so that
exposure to wind and rain was added to poor fare
and miry roads, while the situation of the camp added
to danger and guard duty.

The camp had been formed round a temple square
on the causeway, quite close to Mexico, or rather to
Tlatelulco, for Alvarado had tired of having his day's
work destroyed every night, and he resolved at least
to protect the approach to the suburb. One deep
channel yet intervened, beyond which the camp could
not well be moved, but a large force was stationed to
guard it at night, so that the crossing should be as-

12 ' No ses hartauan de pescado, que tuuiero pocos dios : y demas de la
hambre con q peleauan, el sol, y el frio no les dio pequeno trabajo.' Uerrera,
dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xix.

13 ' Soliti sunt hostes in prselio cadentes intra suos ventres sepelire, ' explains
Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. viii., and with some truth.

IN ALVARADO'S QUARTER. 645

sured for the morning's attack.14 On the other side
gleamed the watch-fires of the Mexicans, behind and
between which might be seen the flitting figures of
their warriors, signalling to one another by whistling.
This and other operations were forced upon them to
a great extent by Spanish tactics, from which they
had copied many features with no little effect.

From Alvarado's camp to the Tlatelulco market, the
heart of the enemy's stronghold, the distance was less
than from the camp of Cortes, though the first part
of the way was more difficult than the Iztapalapan
road. ■ The immense stride of the Fort Xoloc party
had wholly eclipsed the progress of the others, and
Alvarado's men began to fear that, near as they were
to the enemy's centre, the more distant comrades
mi2tf.1t reach it before them. It was therefore resolved
to make strenuous efforts to penetrate into the suburb.
The assault being on Tlatelulco itself, the Mexicans
found no difficulty in offering so strong a resistance
that hardly any advance could be made. Several ves-
sels were thereupon directed against the suburb to
cooperate with a brisk fire, and to divert attention by
landing sallying parties. This succeeded for a while,
but inspired by the prowess of two Tlatelulcans named
Tzoyetzin and Temoctzin, the warriors rallied and
drove back the invaders. Another brave who distin-
guished himself during the repulse was Tzilacatzin.
In the guise of an Otomi warrior, and protected by
cotton armor and shield, he rushed toward the Span-
iards as if bewildered, in advance of his comrades,
and threw his stone, knocking down an opponent at
each throw. This man appeared in different guise
on different days, and did no little to encourage his
companions.15

11 Forty soldiers watched till midnight, when a similar number relieved
them, and they again were relieved two hours before dawn ; all three divisions
camping on the spot. Often every man was kept awake by alarms. Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 142-3. The old soldier waxes eloquent over the hard-
ships, for he served at this camp.

15 The Spaniards tried in vain to despatch him. Sahagun states that
during these attacks fifteen soldiers were captured, and shortly after eighteen

646 CONTINUATION OF THE SIEGE.

Notwithstanding these rebuffs Alvarado persevered,
and the Mexicans resolved to take advantage of his
zeal to entrap him. Two or three wide channels in-
tervened between the end of the causeway and the
great market, and the first of these was now the point
of contention, a chasm of sixty feet in width and over
ten feet in depth. By great effort a crossing had
here been formed with debris. This the Mexicans
undermined one night and covered a part with a false
ground. In the morning they attacked the Spanish
outpost with great demonstration, but retired as soon
as the horsemen charged. Flushed with success, the
Spaniards followed in divided parties, and one of fifty
with a number of allies pursued across the channel.
No sooner were they over than the boatmen below
tore away the support, while the warriors turned with
overwhelming force upon the band. Resistance was
impossible, and they retreated only to fall into the
opening, where crews were at hand to pounce upon
them. Indescribable confusion ensued. Thick fell
the blows off the despairing men, as they sought to
beat back the triumphant foe. Bernal Diaz, who was
among the number trapped, felt himself seized by
stout arms, but although badly wounded he managed
to cast off the assailant and spring to the bank, where
he fell exhausted. Fortunately Alvarado came up at
this moment, after driving back a division in another
direction, and so startled the assailants that they re-
treated, though with four captive Spaniards, one or
two more being killed, besides a horse and a number
of allies.16

more, who were sacrificed in a temple of Tlacuchcalco ward, 'donde agora
es la iglesia de Santa Ana.' Hist. Conq., 183, ed. 1840, 188-9. One repulse
took place in Coyonacazco ward. Torquemada, i. 550-2. Spanish versions in-
dicate no such losses, and they may probably belong to the later great defeat.
10 Such is in main the version of Bernal Diaz ; the other accounts differ
greatly. This author states that five Spaniards were captured, nearly all the
men wounded, and two rowers killed, for the brigantines in seeking to aid had
become fast on stakes and exposed to attack. Had the Mexicans not been so
frightened by the horsemen the loss would have been very great. Hist. Verdad.,
143-4. Cortes allows three or four captured. Cartas, 228; C/aviyero, ■ Storia
Mess., iii. 196. Duran places the scene where rose afterward the -San

IN THE CAMP OF CORTES. 647

When Cortes heard of the affair he came over to
administer a reprimand, but on learning the particu-
lars he could not withhold his admiration for the
valiant deeds performed, and merely exhorted his
lieutenant to be more cautious.17 Great was the ex-
ultation of the Mexicans over their success, and
tauntingly they hovered round the camp, imitating
the cries of the entrapped soldiers. So encouraged did
they feel as to make several determined night attacks
on the different camps or their advance posts. Al-
varado's being nearest and most exposed had to sus-
tain quite a severe fight, losing several men

IS

Although Alvarado had made little advance into
the city, the planting of his camp so near it saved
much fighting and enabled him to direct daily opera-
tions almost at once against the main points. In
this he possessed an advantage over Cortes, who was
compelled daily to recapture a number of positions
already gained. He himself remarks on this loss of
time and work. "Your Majesty may blame me for
retreating instead of holding what is gained," he
writes, but guards at the bridges, which must be large,
would be so harassed as to unfit them for the next
day's work, while to take up a position within the
city would draw the whole of the large population
upon them, and might lead to the cutting off of com-
munication and supplies, and probably to a repetition
of the great disaster of the previous year. Such a
position would besides render it possible for the Mexi-
cans to obtain supplies from the mainland, for the
Spanish allies could not be relied on to watch them.

Hipolito hermitage. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 500. But for Quauhtlizcatzin, the
prince who led the Tezcucan auxiliaries, all the Spaniards would have been
lost, exclaims Ixtlilxochitl, llor. Crueldades, 36. Herrera assumes that the
fault lay with Alvarado for neglecting to fill the channel, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xx.

17 ' No solo no le culpo, mas loole. ' Gomara, Hist. Mex. , 203.

18 The most serious attacks took place on June 24th and 25th, as if oracles
had impelled the Mexicans to seek the destruction of the Spaniards on the
anniversary of their reentry into the city after the Alvarado massacre.
The Tlacopan camp lost ten soldiers and had a dozen severely wounded, in-
cluding Alvarado. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 142, 145.

648 CONTINUATION OF THE SIEGE.

Cortes' own officers, however, could not fail to observe
that Alvarado's course might have been followed with
some advantage. They began to tire of the slow
progress, attended as it was with so much fighting
for so little gain; so much exposure to alternate rain
and heat; so much discomfort in rude camps with
poor diet and want of proper care for wounded or
sick men. This was represented to Cortes, with the
request that a general storming be attempted with a
view to abbreviate the siege. He represented the
danger of advancing over so many channels, along
streets lined with houses, against hosts of determined
warriors, with the prospect of being caught in the rear.
Still he was as eager as any one to end the siege, and
would call a council to deliberate on the matter. The
result was a decided majority for the proposition to
attempt the capture of Tlatelulco market and there
establish a permanent camp.19

Since Sandoval will not be able to render efficient
service on his route for an attack on Tlatelulco, he is
ordered to join Alvarado with the weightiest part of
his forces, and to take advantage of the movement
to entrap the Mexicans. He will pretend to make a
general evacuation of his camp, and thus allure the
foe to an attack on the baggage-train, during which
the ambuscaded cavalry can inflict a lesson which
shall also serve to secure the camp against later at-
tack. Sandoval sends another portion of his forces
to Cortes, who has more points to cover, and receives
instructions to attend in particular to the capture of
the channels and their filling, and otherwise to secure
the safety of the more impetuous Alvarado.

On the day appointed, the brigantines with their
flotillas are sent early to aid in clearing the causeways
and approaches. The troops find little trouble in

19 Bernal Diaz seeks to convey the idea that he or his camp were opposed
to the attempt, id., 146, but had it succeeded, he would probably have de-
clared the truth, that Cortes was urged on all sides to make the effort, as
stated in Gomara, Hist. Mex., 203, Herrera, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xx., and Cor-
tes, ( 'artas, 228-9. Perhaps the general made objections chiefly to cover, his
responsibility in case of failure.

DETERMINED ASSAULT. 649

reaching the Tlacopan avenue, from which three long
roads give access to the market. It is advantageous
to push the advance on each of these, and three
divisions are accordingly formed, one to follow the
main street under command of the comptroller and
treasurer, Julian de Alderete, who has been among
the foremost to urge the assault; another under
Andres de Tapia and Jorge de Alvarado, brother of
the Tlacopan leader, both dashing and able men; the
third and somewhat larger body, swelled particularly
by auxiliaries, Cortes himself directs along the most
dangerous approach, a sort of causeway, lined with
houses but bordered with water.20 Two cannon are
placed on the Tlacopan road, guarded by eight horse-
men, and Cortes leaves his horse at the entrance of
the road taken by him, and gives strict orders to all
captains for filling every channel behind them.

Cortes at first leads his men on foot, and with the
aid of a field-piece readily gains the first bridge and
barricade, carrying all before him, while the auxiliaries
swarm into the houses and drive simmers and archers
from the roofs. The determination of the assaulting
party seems to have disheartened the Mexicans, for
the advance is quite rapid, so much so that the captain
who has taken Cortes' place at the head of his division
soon reports that he is approaching the market and
can hear the operations of Alvarado and Sandoval.
May he advance? This message reaches Cortes on a
section of his causeway to the rear, where he has
remained to gain a contested point, and to oppose
assaults from the cross-streets. He replies that the
captain must first secure his rear and flanks, and look

20Alderete's party consisted of 70 infantry, 7 or 8 horsemen, and 15,000 to
20,000 allies, besides a force of laborers to tear down and to fill up; Tapia 's of
80 men and over 10,000 allies, and CorteV of 8 horsemen, 100 infantry, and an
immense number of allies. Cortes, Cartas, 230-1. Gomaraand Herrera differ
slightly. Ixtlilxochitl says that his namesake followed Cortes with 8009
Tezcucans. Hot. Crueldades, 37. This insignificant number makes it difficult
to account for the 250,000 Tezcucans which he lately introduced into the
camps. Chimalpain names the three streets Cuahuecatitlan, Tecontlana-
macoya, and the later Santa Ana. Hist. Conq. , ii. 62.

650 CONTINUATION OF THE SIEGE.

particularly to the channels, of which there are three in
that causeway. " They are filled," was the answer,
made without a thought as to its accuracy, for flushed
with the success of the advance, soldiers and cavaliers
alike cast prudence to the winds, and disregarding
common ditches bend their eyes alone upon the goal.
Immediately after comes the doleful sound of the
teponastli, and a shrill trumpet blast, the alarm signal
of Paynalton, the mythic page of the war-god. Struck
on the summit of Tlatelulco temple, the sounds float
over the contestants, sending a chill into the heart of
the Spaniards and allies as they rush onward filled
with visions of success. To the Mexicans, on the
other hand, it comes as a magic appeal from Huitzilo-
pochtli, stirring their spirit with fresh energy : a re-
sistless appeal to make a supreme effort for imperilled
home, and faith, and liberty.21

Cortes also hears the warning, only too deeply
impressed since that Sorrowful Night, and with
anxious heart he hastens forward to see how matters
stand. His anxiety is increased as the jubilant cries
of his own men appear to change, while high above
them rise the unmistakably triumphant shouts of the
Aztecs. Just then he comes to one of the cross-
ings formed by his party at a channel ten to twelve
paces wide, and over ten feet deep. It seems inse-
cure, and on looking he finds it constructed of some
loosely thrown pieces of wood and reed, covered with
a little earth. He at once orders the auxiliaries in
his following to rebuild the structure. Scarcely is
the order uttered before he sees his forces coming
down the causeway in disorderly flight, led by
the allies. Cortes makes frantic efforts to stay the
current. None heed him. Fears lend wings and
drown all appeal. On come the pressing throng, on
to the frail bridge, which sinks with its living freight
into the deep water. Still onward rush the mass be-
hind, impelled by their mad momentum, tumbling

21 See Native Baces, ii. 303 ; iii. 293 et seq.

CORTfiS' DESPERATE STAND. 651

on the heads of these, scrambling and wading, adding
their cries for help to the shrieks of despair beneath,
while from the rear roll the terrifying shouts of hot
pursuers. Already the house-tops teem with slingers
and archers; the lanes pour forth their warriors
with swords and long pikes to pierce the flanks, and
the canals are alive with canoes . whose crews se-
cure the struggling fugitives for sacrifice, or deal the
more grateful coup de grace. The Spanish soldiers
are among the Jast to come up, and a terrible gauntlet
they have had to run. Regardless of the showering
missiles or the pressing foe, Cortes stands on the
brink to strike back the hungry crew and lend a
helping hand to his floundering men. "I was deter-
mined to remain there and die fighting," he writes.
But so many are beyond his reach, and there he must
stand helpless to watch the struggle; to behold now
this soldier felled, now the other carried, off; and more,
to see the banner torn from the hands of his alferez.
Tlapanecatl is the name given by the records to the
doughty captor of so esteemed a prize.

Standing there conspicuously on the brink, Cortes
becomes the target for hundreds of missiles, though
protected by his mail ; but soon the foe begin to press
round him, and even in his rear, separating him from
the men.22 The next moment more than one pair of
arms had coiled round his body, and, with triumphant
shouts of "Malinche! Malinche!" they seek to drag
him into the water to the canoes. Alarmed by the
outcry, his body- soldier, Cristobal de Olea, hastens
to his side, and with a sabre-blow severs the arm
which was well nigh pulling over the bent form of his
master. The next instant he himself falls beneath
the furious onslaught roused by the magnitude of the
prize, "a glorious death in so good a cause!" exclaims
Herrera. Another soldier, named Lerma, rushes to
the spot and is nearly overpowered; while a stout

22 He crossed the channel with fifteen, soldiers to sustain the fugitives,
says Torquemada, i. 554 ; but this seems incorrect.

652 CONTINUATION OF THE SIEGE.

Tlascaltec, Temacatzin, plants himself in front of the
leader, half prostrate with exhaustion and wounds,
and wards off the blows till Antonio de Quinones,
captain of the guard, manages to force his way for-
ward and sustains him, followed by a number of men
whom the report of their general's danger has stirred
to fierceness.23 "Away from here, your worship, and
save" your person," cries the captain, "for without you
all will be lostl" Cortes refuses, "for I desired rather
death than life," he writes; but finally by dint of
pleading and main force he is induced slowly to re-
tire, seeking to cover the rear of the fleeing. And
well it was, for a longer stay would have proved
fatal. But for the eagerness of the Mexicans to se-
cure as prisoner so magnificent a prize, they could
easily have despatched him. Aztecs made it a point
to obtain as many prisoners as possible, particularly
chiefs and nobles, and white men, who ranked even
above these, in order to do honor to the war-god.
This effort was prompted by a deep religious obliga-
tion as well as by warrior spirit.

Not far from the disastrous channel a horse was

23 The claims to the honor of rescuing the general are conflicting.
Gomara, followed by Herrera and Torquemada, names 'Francisco' de Olea.
Bernal Diaz, who states that this soldier slew four of the captains holding
Cortes, lets Lerma dispose of the remainder. After this came other sol-
diers and Quinones. Cristobal de Olea was quite young, 26 years of age, a
native of Medina del Campo, muscular, and skilled in arms, and a general
favorite. Bernal Diaz adds other particulars. Hist. Verdad., 146, 246. Ix-
tlilxochitl, on the other hand, claims for his namesake the credit of having
done what Spaniards claim for Olea, aided by his Tezcucans, who kept the
enemy at bay. This, he adds, is proved by a painting on the gate of the
monastery of Santiago Tlatelulco. Hor. Crueldades, 38-9. Herrera briefly
alludes to Ixtlilxochitl as coming up after Olea, and then relates wTith some
detail that at the same time came the Tlascaltec, Tamaxautzin he calls him,
a native of Hueyotlipan. He was afterward baptized as Antonio or Bautista,
and became a good Christian, the first native to receive extreme unction,
dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xx. Torquemada, i. 555, copies, but calls the man
Teamacatzin. Both evidently prefer Tlascaltec to Tezcucan records. In
fact, Ixtlilxochitl adds certain incredible particulars about the prowess of his
v/ounded hero in pursuing the Mexican general into a temple, although such
pursuit could not have taken place under the circumstances. See also Duran,
Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 503, and Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 130. Cortes writes that
he would have been lost but for Quiiiones, and one of his men who lost his
life to save him. Cartas, 233. A small chapel was erected in the convent
dc la Concepcion to commemorate the escape. See Saavedra, Jndio Peregriiiot
canto 20.

TACTICS OF THE BESIEGED. 653

brought, upon which Cortes was mounted, though
wounded in the leg. Shortly before, his chamberlain,
Cristobal de Guzman, a great favorite, had ridden up
with a charger to the relief of his master, only to be
surrounded with warriors and cut down, together with
the animal/4 while another rider was obliged to retreat
with a lance-thrust in the throat. On retiring from
the section of causeway assigned to the horse, another
animal was lulled and a third narrowly escaped.
Finally the troops reached the broader Tlacopan road,
and now Cortes, with the nine horsemen left in his
division, was able to take a firm stand against the
enemy. Checked in their pursuit, and made timid in
their charges by the presence of the bold line of horses
and lances, they flung their missiles and insults with
increased energy. Suddenly two or three Spanish
heads were cast before the horsemen, with the cry:
"Tonatiuh!" "Sandoval!" The meaning could not be
misunderstood, and as the Spaniards gazed on the gory
and disfigured faces a sickening fear crept over them.
Could it be that these beloved leaders had fallen!
There was no time for deliberation. Finding his own
party now comparatively secure, Cortes hurriedly sent
messengers to recall the other divisions under Alderete
and Tapia.

There was hardly need for this message. The tri-
umphant shouts of the Mexicans in pursuit of the
troops of Cortes and the increased attack on their
own had already warned these leaders. Still they
persevered, although their men manifested some dis-
couragement. It was not long, however, before two
or three mutilated, bearded heads were cast before
them with the cry, "Malinche is dead!" " Tonatiuh
and all their men have fallen!" The leaders saw that
farther advance was useless, especially since the Mex-
icans now attacked with great fury. The leaders kept
their men in good order, and were already retiring

24 Bernal Diaz assumes that Guzman rode up after Cortes was mounted,
and iell captive into Aztec hands. Hist. Verdad, 147.

654 CONTINUATION OF THE SIEGE.

when the order of recall reached them. The streets
there being wider and easier, and the channels all
filled, they found no trouble in rejoining their general.
Now jointly they retreated through the plaza and
down the Iztapalapan road, furiously pursued by the
warriors, who showed themselves more reckless than
usual on seeing their prey escape. The central temple
was filling with a vast throng to watch the onslaught,
and on the summit the priests were already burning
incense and chanting in honor of victory, while the
rabble railed at the humiliated children of the sun.

Alvarado had meanwhile advanced along the road
to Tlatelulco from his causeway, leaving Sandoval to
cooperate along the flank and to direct the movements
of the brigantines and the filling of the channels. The
advance was fiercely resisted by the Mexicans from
roofs, cross -lanes, and barricades, and hundreds had
been severely wounded, chiefly Tlascaltecs, only too
many fatally, yet he persevered. He was already
near the market, the aim of all efforts, when the drum
and trumpet came to startle his men and to encourage
the Mexicans to greater resistance. Progress was
now almost checked, and soon came the cry, "Malinche
is dead !" "Sandoval and the other captains are dead !"
"Behold their faces!" And therewith several heads
with gory beards were cast before them. "This shall
be your fate I"

Alvarado's men were white with dismay, and but
for the intrepid courage of their leader the rout of
Cortes' party might have been repeated. Making a
bold stand with his Spaniards, he ordered the Tlascal-
tecs to fall back and leave the retreat open. They
needed no second instructions to this end, for the
bleeding heads lent wings to their haste. Then grew
the onslaught fiercer than ever, for the retreat of
Cortes' forces enabled a larger number of enemies to
turn against Alvarado and Sandoval. The latter also
received his cast of bloody heads with a new string
of prominent names, all calculated to inspire terror.

THE BATTLE UPON THE WATER. 655

"By this time they had us all killed," adds Bernal
Diaz, "but, in truth, we were all wounded, and filled
with anguish concerning the fate of our chief. With-
out God's aid we could never have escaped from the
swords and clutches of the Mexicans." Some pious

chroniclers, indeed, assert as usual that the virgin

• . . . °

appeared in person, together with perennial Santiago,

to save the Spaniards from their greatest peril.'

25

Encouraged by the victories on land, the Mexicans
had ventured forth also in their canoes to harass the
vessels which were occupied in protecting the retreat
of the armies. Unable in some instances to leave
their position, or impeded in their movement by
stakes and other obstacles, many of the brigantines
were severely pressed, and one, commanded by Briones,
in Alvarado's division, was actually captured, with
the loss of four men, one being taken alive. Jara-
millo came to the relief of the vessel, however, drove
forth the enemy, and kept them at bay.26 By this
time both the forces of Alvarado and Sandoval had
reached the causeway, pursued by a great host, reck-
less in their endeavor to inflict all the injury possible
ere the Spaniards escaped. Some delay occurred in
crossing the only partly filled channel to the cause-
way, and a number of soldiers were detained waist-
deep in water, seeking to lift a brigantine over the
stakes, for the auxiliaries were already away from the
front ; and all this time the cavalry were compelled to
remain before the causeway to cover the infantry and
bear the brunt of the terrible onslaught. Charge

25'Como lo hallaran pintado en la Yglesia de Tlatilulco, los cuales Indios
confiesan haberle visto.' Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 512. Why these patrons
did not give their aid before is a . question to which Bernal Diaz answers
'porque Nuestro Seiior Iesu Christo lo permitio.' Hist. Verdad., 146.

26Herrera relates how two captains, Flores and Mota, advanced with their
vessels up a narrow channel. Flores was severely pressed at one time, and the
latter had to sally on the street to relieve him and enable the brigantines to
gain more open water. Flores died within a week of his wounds, dec. iii.
lib. i. cap. xx. Torquemada says that Briones' vessel was lifted through a
breach in the causeway, i. 555. Bernal Diaz speaks of several such narrow
escapes, loc. cit.

656 CONTINUATION OF THE SIEGE.

after charge they made to keep back the advancing
foe, through the shower of blinding missiles, against
the line of bristling lances, amidst the whirling swords
and clubs, until not a rider but felt his arm droop and
his body grow faint with loss of blood. Sandoval
himself had a number of wounds. "For God's sake
make haste and retire/' he cried to his foot-soldiers,
"or 'we shall all be lost!"

Finally the passage was clear, and they fell back
along the causeway, still fighting, and now exposed to
the canoe sallies. On reaching his quarters, Alvarado
turned two cannon against the swarm which sought
to scale the camp, and this with the fusillade procured
a much needed respite.27 It was time, for the in-
creasing darkness would soon have added fresh dan-
gers to the retreat. Sandoval had already hurried
away with a solitary companion to seek the camp of
Cortes and calm his fears.28 With a similar object
Andres de Tapia had been sent with three horsemen
from Fort Xoloc to Alvarado's camp, where he
arrived with some scars from marauding stragglers.
Not wishing to discourage the soldiers, he reduced the
losses of his party to quite a small number, and made
light of the matter.

By this time the enemy had retired, but from the
city rose their shouts of triumph, and every temple
was ablaze with fires to celebrate the victory. The
summit of the Tlatelulco pyramid, the highest of
them all, was the scene of great commotion, and soon
the sombre notes of the melancholy drum called to it
attention. A number of instruments now added their
discordant notes, in clash and blast, and a procession

27 The artillerists being all disabled or dead, Pedro Moreno de Medrano,
afterward a settler at Puebla, took their place. Id.

2S Bernal Diaz writes as if Sandoval gained the camp at an early hour,
rode over to Fort Xoloc, and came back in time to aid in Alvarado's retreat.
But he would never have ventured to leave his command and his comrade in
their danger; nor does it seem likely that he could have ridden the long dis-
tance to Xoloc and back in time to join in Alvarado's conflict, even if CorteV
defeat took place before ' misa mayor,' as he assumes. Hist. VerdacL, 146-8.
This author is here very confused, assuming, for instance, that Sandoval was
fighting from his own camp instead of cooperating near Alvarado.

THE HORRIBLE SCENE OF SACRIFICE. 657

with torches, swinging censers, and religious parapher-
nalia circled round with imposing ceremony. Then a
space was cleared, and a long file of naked men stood
revealed. A cry of horror burst from the gazing
soldiers. There could be no mistake. Distant as was
the temple, the glare of fire clearly revealed the white
hue and bearded faces of their comrades, bound for
sacrifice, and plumed. Now they were made to march
forward, and with blows to dance before the idol to
whom they had been consecrated. Ah, to be a help-
less looker-on at such a time ! Again they formed in
line exhausted, and then one was seized by several
priests and borne struggling to the stone of sacrifice.
He was thrown on his back and held down by the
limbs while the high-priest with ceremonious flourish
raised the glittering blade. The gazing soldiers clutched
each other's hands in agony, as their eyes followed the
instrument and saw it plunged into the breast of the
victim. They seemed to hear his stifled cvj, to feel
the knife in their own heart, and realizing that they
were still safe they thanked heaven for their escape.29
Victim after victim was carried to the stone, some
with frantic struggles, others resigned, and still others
weighed down in helpless fear of what they had be-
held. Heart after heart was torn from the gaping
breasts and held before the idol, while the bodies were
cast down the steps. The skin, particularly of the
head and upper body, was removed and used as a dress
for festive occasion, and the flesh was hacked to pieces,
the limbs for the banquet table, the trunk for the
beasts. After a while came darker-hued victims, and
now the Tlascaltecs and other allies shuddered. To
them the sacrifices were not so terrifying as to the

29 So deeply affected was Bernal Diaz, among others, by the sight, and by
the fear of himself falling captive — twice had he narrowly escaped — that he
ever after had an oppressive feeling before battle. He then had recourse to
prayer, and this invariably fortified him for the fight, so that he always main-
tained his reputation as a good soldier. He enumerates several incidents to
prove that he was esteemed a brave man. Hist. Verdad., 157. Oviedo, re-
ferring to human sacrifices among the Romans, observes that they could not
have been half so fearful, iii. 515.
Hist. Mex. Vol. I. 42

658 CONTINUATION OF THE SIEGE.

Spaniards, but they could not unmoved behold the
cruel death of their countrymen. Then came more
processions, music, and idolatrous rites, followed by
fresh companies for the sacrifice, white and dark;
and so passed the night, until the horror palled on
the gazers, and many expressed the opinion that the
priests were pretending sacrifice by producing the
same bodies upon the stone several times so as to in-
spire greater fear. This belief was strengthened when
they observed similar ceremonies take place on other
minor temples, and by the continuance of the sacrifices
for several days. The offering at the minor temples
consisted chiefly of the lower class of allies. All the
pyramids, however, received a quota 01 heads from
Spanish, leading native, and equine victims, where-
with to decorate their summits.80

Aware that the sight of the sacrifice, purposely
intensified for Spanish edification, must have stirred
deeply the breasts of the survivors, the Mexicans took
advantage of this to attack the camp of Alvarado
during the night. "Behold the fate in store for you
all!" they cried, casting in half-roasted pieces of flesh
from white and dusky bodies. "Eat, for we are sa-
tiated!" The Spaniards were too well prepared to
suffer from the assault, outfit added to their sorrows.
The lesson had been costly, for about sixty men were
lost, with six horses, one gun, and a number of small-
arms, while the ranks of the allies had been dimin-
ished by from one to two thousand, and this without
reckoning" the vast number of wounded.31

30 ' Sacrificados los Nuestros, en el Momoztli, y Templo de su Maior Dios, '
observes Torquemada, i. 553, among other points, though all are not exactly
true. Huitzilopochtli's image had been brought with the retreating Mexicans
to Tlatelulco. ' Immediatamente sacrificati,' says Clavigero, StoriaMess., iii.
212, probably on authority of Gomara; but Bernal Diaz states that the sacri-
fices lasted ten days, Hist. Verdad., 150; others write eight; one victim is
said to have been kept eighteen days. See also Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 192.
Ixtlilxochitl states that three victims were burned. Hor. Crueldades, 39.

31 A count revealed the loss of 62 men and 6 horses, says Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 146, 152, 241, though he in one place leaves the impression
that the men were all captured alive. This could hardly be the case, for a
■' count' would reveal only the missing ; none could tell how many fell cap-
tive. Yet Prescott boldly assumes this number to have been taken, besides

SANDOVAL'S REBUKE. 659

When Sandoval reached Camp Xoloc and learned
the news he burst forth, "Serior Capitan, what is this?
Where are the fine counsels and warlike skill which you
are wont to exhibit ?" With tears springing to his eyes,
Cortes replied: " Sandoval, my son, my sins I admit,
but I am not so guilty in this matter as I appear.
The officer whom I charged to fill the channel failed
to obey." He further intimated that Alvarado might
be led by his daring into difficulties, and bade Sando-
val watch carefully over the safety of the western and
northern camps, particularly for the present, while
Cortes was restrained by his wounds.32 The injunction

those who fell. Vetancurt divides the figures into 40 captives and '20 dead,
Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 162, and Clavigero also includes dead and captive in that
number, while raising the dead horses to 7. Storia Mess., iii. 212. Solis
writes that over 40 Spaniards were carried off alive, and that Alvarado and
Sandoval lost 20. Hist. Mex., ii. 410. Bernal Diaz acknowledges only a
third of such loss between these two captains. Gomara gives 40 captives,
several killed, 3 or 4 horses lost, and over 30 wounded. Hist. Mex., 205-6.
Ixtlilxochitl raises the allied loss to over 2000. Hot. Cruel da des. 37-9.
Fifty-three Spaniards, says Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 192.' In the cCdula of
March 7, 1525, granting a coat-of-arms to CortCs, 50 are mentioned, but in hi3
letter to the sovereign the general acknowledges only 35 to 40 and over 1000
allies. Herrera and Torquemada adopt these figures. Oviedo, iii. 516, lowers
the number to 30. Duran, who confounds the late repulse of Alvarado with
the Sorrowful Night and this defeat, allows 4 banners to be captured. Hist.
Ind., MS., ii. 501-4, 508.

32 Bernal Diaz gives this conversation with some detail, and names
Treasurer Alderete as the guilty officer who neglected to till the channel, in-
timating that Cortes had been heedlessly allured onward by the Mexicans,
leaving Alderete to attend to the filling. He even allows the treasurer to
retort to the charge, in Sandoval's presence, that CorteV eagerness had been
the cause of the neglect. This is probably an invented account, based on
Gomara 's statement that the ' treasurer, ' no name being given, neglected to
fill a channel on his route. Informed of this, Cortes hastened thither to
remedy the fault, only to meet the fleeing. Herrera adopts this version, as do
most writers, including Prescott ; but it is evidently wrong, for Cortds writes
clearly that the misfortune occurred on his own route, some distance above
its junction with the Tlacopan road, to which they soon retreated. On reach-
ing this road he sent to recall the 'treasurer and comptroller,' who were
leading their division victoriously at the farther end of it. Owing to their
care in filling channels ' they received no injury in retreating.' Cartas, 233-4.
There can be little doubt about this statement, since Cortes would have been
only too glad to cast the blame on any other division than his own. He does
not even claim to have been at the front, but in the rear, and near the spot
where the neglect occurred. The only question then is, who was the guilty
officer? The 'treasurer' commanded the centre division, and although there
were several treasurers, the royal, late and new, and he who acted for the
army, yet the new royal treasurer is undoubtedly meant, and this appears
to have been Alderete, according to the statement of several authorities.
Hence the accusation against Alderete must be wrong; anything besides this
must be conjecture.

6G0 CONTINUATION OF THE SIEGE.

was needful in view of the reoccupation by the Mex-
icans of the channels from which they had lately been
driven, and their harassing attacks, chiefly by night,
against the camps and fleets. Alvarado's camp, as the
nearest to the city, was the most exposed, and San-
doval with his tried prudence could be best relied on
to counteract the recklessness of its commander in
repelling these attacks. Knowing the signal for the
sallies, usually a shot, the enemy were warned in
time to retire, or to form some trap or combination,
so that the charge of the soldiers carried little ad-
vantage.

On one occasion, it is related, a shield-bearer named
Peinado stepped outside the camp gate and found him-
self surrounded by a horde of marauders. Escape
was cut off. In this dilemma he began to rattle his
shield and sword, and shout, looking at the same time
toward the camp. The enemy assumed at once that
he was signalling to some party in ambush, and beat
a hasty retreat.33 For several days34 the Spaniards
remained inactive. During this time the Mexicans
continued their daily sacrifice of captives, with con-
spicuous rites and loud demonstrations.

As usual amidst trying scenes, there were here
examples of the devotedness of woman. In one of
the encounters on the causeway to drive back the
prowling Mexicans, Beatriz Bermudez de Velasco,
wife of Francisco de Olmos, accompanied the soldiers,
in cotton armor, and with sword and shield. Such
was the pressure of the enemy that the troops were
thrown into disorder and began to turn in flight.
With raised sword she planted herself in their path
and cried, " Shame upon you, Castilians! turn at once
against this vile rabble, for I will kill any man who
attempts to pass this way." So abashed were the
men by this resolute demeanor that they again fell

33 'Bolvio a la grita, Andres de Tapia [the captain of his party] matb mas
de sesenta Mexicanos, ' adds Torquemada, i. 558-9.

34 'Esto no fue sino cinco dias.' Bemal Diqz, Hist. Verdad., 149.

THE DIVINE PROCLAMATION. 661

upon the Mexicans and defeated them.35 Other
women of less valor did equally good service as sisters
of mercy, to tend and cheer the many disabled. One,
named Isabel de Rodriguez, attained quite a reputa-
tion in curing wounds, a success attributed chiefly to
her holy invocation, for in applying the bandage she
invariably uttered the formula, "In the name of the
father, the son, and the holy ghost, one true God;
may he cure and restore thee!"36

Cortes found it absolutely necessary xo resume
operations in order to prevent the utter demoraliza-
tion of his men, although they could advance no
farther than the last canal on the Iztapalapan road,
which was strongly fortified to protect the plaza. On
the Tlatelulco side the channel separating the city
from the causeway had been reopened as a barrier.
No serious effort was made to pass these points, and
the movements were effected with the greatest pru-
dence possible.

For this caution several reasons existed, based on
momentous consequences of the late defeat. In their
exultation the Mexicans had imprudently published
the oracular utterance that within eight days the
Spaniards would be destroyed, though many Aztecs
would also perish.37 Care was taken that this divine
proclamation should be known in the Spanish camps,
with the intent of disheartening the allies and pro-
curing their desertion. This main object accomplished,

35 Similar women of courage were Maria de Estrada, the heroine of Otumba,
Beatriz de Escobar, Juana Martin, and Beatriz de Palacios. Herrera, dec. iii.
lib. ii. cap. i.

30 Oil was the chief remedy. Torquemada, i. 558-60. Bernal Diaz speaks
of a soldier named Juan Catalan who performed cures with the sign of the
cross and psalm-singing. The Tlascaltecs also besieged the man for his
attentions. *Y verdaderamente digo, que hallauamos que Nuestro Senor
Iesu Christo era servido de darnos esfuerco, . .y de presto sanauan.' Not
twenty of Alvarado's men were free from wounds at this time. Hint. Verdad. ,
142. Solis allows this wonderful healing power to be attributed to no woman.
Hist. Mex., ii. 412. But then he was a strict priest, who saw woman chiefly
as a feeble and adoring supplicant.

37 'Que de ai a ocho dias no auia de quedar ninguno de nosotros a vida,
porque assi le lo auian prometido la noche antes sus Dioses.' Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 149.

6G2 CONTINUATION OF THE SIEGE.

it was hoped that neighboring districts might be again
persuaded to join in hostile operations, or at least
assume a neutral attitude against the isolated Span-
iards. Severely harassed by all the strength of the
capital and its allies, the Spaniards would be unable
to maintain the siege or even to sustain their own
position, particularly if supplies were cut off, and so
be obliged to retreat. Many indeed looked upon the
Spaniards as doomed, and tired besides of the long
siege, so contrary to native ideas of warfare, corps
after corps of their allies disappeared, in secret retreat
to their homes. Others were sufficiently shaken in
their belief to lose all ardor, the more so when they
recalled the prophecy of disaster uttered by the
hanged Xicotencatl. Cortes and his officers did all
they could to counteract this influence by referring to
previous failures of oracles, to the comparatively
small percentage of the late losses, the critical condi-
tion of the besieged, and their efforts to gain advan-
tages by spreading lies. Let the allies but abide till
the end of the term mentioned by the oracle and they
would be convinced of its falsity. The last argument
was perhaps the strongest that could be offered under
the circumstances, and it was decided to take no risks
that might imperil the proof.38

These precautions were imperative in view of the
effect of Aztec machinations in the lake districts and
outlying provinces. The lake towns last to join the
Spaniards relapsed into a frigid neutrality, and might
have risen but for the imposing proximity of the fleet
and army. Remoter districts assumed a more decided
attitude, and from Quauhnahuac came an urgent ap-
peal for help against the attacks of the Malinalcas
and Cohuixcas, prompted by Mexico. Immediately

38Solis, Hist. Mex.f ii. 415, states, and Prescott hastily affirms, that nearly
all the allies deserted, and Bernal Diaz enumerates the mere handful that re-
mained ; but this must be erroneous, as shown by the course of the narratives
in general. Two expeditions were sent forth about this time, and the large
number of allies which joined therein may account in part for the gaps which
gave rise to the above exaggeration. Cortes, indeed, alludes very indirectly
to any defection.

TAPIA'S ASSAULT. 663

after the late victory Quauhtemotzin had sent envoys
to these and other provinces, in every direction, bear-
ing heads or flayed skins of Spaniards and horses, and
other tokens, wherewith to impress their story that
more than half of the white besiegers were slain, and
that the remainder would soon perish, as declared by
the oracle. It behooved them, therefore, to decide
at once whether they would join for a share in the
spoils, or be forever excluded from all favor at the
hands of victorious Mexico. Thus, while many were
frightened into severing their connection with the in-
vaders, secretly or openly, more aggressive provinces
like Malinalco hastened to profit by the state of affairs.

To detach troops under the circumstances was not
agreeable, and many officers objected, but Cortes con-
sidered that it would be far more dangerous to Spanish
prestige and prospects to encourage such hostile move-
ments by a passive demeanor. "It was now more
necessary than ever," he writes, " to exhibit prowess
and spirit, so as to hide our weakness both from
friends and foes." Andres de Tdpia was accordingly
despatched with ten horse and eighty foot, together
with a considerable force of allies.89 In order to calm
the many remonstrances against the expedition, he
was instructed to return within ten days. Tapia
found the enemy awaiting him in large force near a
hamlet not far from Malinalco, and at once prepared
to attack, assisted by the Quauhnahuacs. The ground
being level, the horses proved of great service, and
the hostile army was presently in flight toward Mali-
nalco. This place was strongly situated on a height,
well supplied with water, so that Tapia considered it
useless to attempt an assault, much less a siege when
so short a term had been allowed him, and he accord-
ingly returned.

39 Forty thousand, says Ixtlilxochitl, obtained chiefly from Quauhnahuac
and other towns subject to Tezcuco. Hor. Crueldadex, 40. Herrera and others,
mention no auxiliaries from the camp. Bernal Diaz is confused.

664 CONTINUATION OF THE SIEGE.

The complaint from Quauhnahuac was followed by
a deeper wail from Toluca and adjoining Otomi settle-
ments in the mountain region west of the lake. The
Matlalzincas, devoted adherents of Quauhtemotzin,
had been induced to openly declare for him and to
invade their districts, preparatory to advancing against
the Spaniards. This intention had been already vaunt-
ingly proclaimed by the Aztecs, and since the Matlalt-
zincas were both powerful and warlike, the necessity
for prompt measures became even more apparent in
this case. The tried Sandoval was intrusted with the
expedition, composed of eighteen cavalry, one hundred
infantry, and a large force of allies chiefly Otomis,
which soon grew to about seventy thousand. After
a quick march he came to the smoking ruins of some
settlements and startled into flight a band of maraud-
ers, who left behind them a quantity of plunder and
provisions, including some tender children still roast-
ing on the spit. He pursued the raiders, and after
crossing a river40 came upon a larger force, which
turned as he approached, to seek safety within the
town of Matlaltzinco, over two leagues distant. The
cavalry made terrible havoc among them, and the in-
fantry following in their wa^e, killed more than two
thousand. Those who escaped made a stand at the
town to cover the conveyance of families and effects to
a fortified hill close by. This was pretty well accom-
plished before the infantry came up to assist in cap-
turing the town. The defenders now fled, and the
place was entered and burned, after being rifled of
what remained to take. Since it was late, the assault
on the hill was deferred till the morning. There the
natives maintained a loud uproar until some time after
midnight, when all became quiet. With early dawn
the Spaniards prepared to storm the hill only to learn
that it had been abandoned. A number of people
were seen in the field, however, and eagerly the sol-
diers revived the fading expectation for a fray. In a

40 The Chicuhnauhtla, Ixtlilxochitl calls it.

THE OMINOUS EIGHTH DAY. 665

twinkling they were among the rabble, and a number
were slain before the explanation gained ears that
these people belonged to the friendly Otomis. San-
doval now advanced on another fortified town, whose
cacique threw open the gates on beholding the hosts
before him, and not only offered his own submission,
but promised to effect the submission of the allied
caciques and those of Malinalco and Cohuixco. Re-
gardless of the insinuations of the Otomis that such
promises could not be relied on, Sandoval returned to
Mexico, and four days later appeared there the
caciques of all these provinces to tender allegiance
and aid for the siege.41

Meanwhile the portentous eighth day had dawned
on the Spanish camps. Hardly less concerned than
the natives, the soldiers could not control their trepi-
dation as they thought of the oracle, although striving
to appear indifferent. Nor were they without tangible
reasons for their fears. With a daily growing deser-
tion among the much needed allies, and fading enthu-
siasm among those who remained ; with supplies greatly
reduced owing to the neutral attitude assumed by sur-
rounding districts; with fresh wars upon their hands,
which demanded not only more hardships but a di-
vision of their weakened forces; with constant vigils
and alarms amid the harassing attacks of a triumphant
foe ; with a large number of wounded deprived of need-
ful care and comforts, and above all the ghastly spec-
tacle of a daily sacrifice of late comrades, attended by
wild and imposing celebrations — with all this gloom
and distress it required stout hearts indeed to remain
steadfast. Yet they were firm; they believed in the
strength and justice of their cause, and in their ulti-
mate triumph, though momentarily dismayed, prayer

41 ' Y ellos le siruieron muy bie en el cerco.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 207.
Ixtlilxochitl claims of course that his Tezcucans formed the chief auxiliaries
of Sandoval. Bernal Diaz wrongly gives Tapia this expedition, which Cortds
intimates to have been sent about three days after the return of the Quauh-
nahuac party. Cartas, 237.

666 CONTINUATION OF THE SIEGE.

afforded tliem relief. It dissipated fear and infused
fresh courage.

Thus passed the day, amidst fear and hope, and the
Spaniards still existed. The Mexicans do not appear
to have made any special effort to support the oracle
by a determined attack. Nor had they been able to
open any effective communication with the mainland;
for although the lake towns had withdrawn their
canoe fleet, they offered no aid to the besieged, while
the brigantines maintained too strict a guard to per-
mit many boats to gain the capital with supplies.

The ninth day came, and now it was the turn of the
Spaniards to exult, for not only did they feel inspired
with the belief that providence was protecting them —
and nobly the friars helped Cortes to impart that
stirring idea — but they were cheered with revived
animation among the allies and the early return of
most of the deserters. From Tezcuco, indeed, came
additional troops under the command of some Span-
iards there stationed.42 Cortes greeted the returning
corps with rather cold forgiveness. He showed them
that besides carrying on the siege without their aid
he had undertaken victorious campaigns, and needed
not their assistance. Nevertheless, since they had
served so zealously before, he would not only over-
look the grave crime of desertion, due partly to igno-
rance of Spanish laws, but let them again share in
the final reduction of the city, and thus gain both
revenge and riches. Cortes could adopt no other
course, for the siege could not be carried on without
the allies.

Under Spanish training the latter had besides grown
very efficient, as the following instance will illustrate:
No sooner had the eight portentous days passed by
than Chichimecatl, the leading Tlascaltec captain
serving under Alvarado, disgusted with the idle fears
which had unmanned his people, and eager to retrieve

42Farfan and Villareal came, says Bernal Diaz, and Tecapaneca, cacique
of Topeyanco, led the returning Tlascaltecs. Hist. Verdad., 151.

ADVENTURE OF CHICHIMECATL. 667

them in the eyes of the Spaniards, resolved to show
both them and the Aztecs what he could do. With
the aid of the soldiers the first fortified channel was
captured, and the chief advanced into the city with
his own people only, the flower of his warriors, after
leaving several hundred archers near the passage to
keep the route clear for retreat. With unwavering
columns he advanced along the main street and cap-
tured the next canal passage after a fierce struggle.
Then he passed onward to the next, maintaining a
sharp contest all the day. Finally came the hour for
returning, and the Aztecs bore down with doubled
fury on his flank and rear. The retreat was per-
formed in good order, partly owing to the foresight
of leaving a rear body; and Chichimecatl came back
a lauded hero.43

Messengers had been sent to the allies far and
wide to encourage them with the news of the non-ful-
filment of the oracle. Ojeda and Marquez went in
person to Tlascala, partly also with the object of pro-
curing certain supplies. They left Alvarado's camp
at midnight with only a few natives, and when about
half-way to Tepeyacac they perceived a train of men
descending from the hills with heavy burdens, which
they deposited in a number of canoes. Information
was at once sent to Alvarado, who placed a guard
along the shore to check this smuggling that had
evidently escaped the cruisers.44 Ojeda's party pro-
ceeded to Tlascala and brought a large train of provis-
ions.45 In addition to this the camps were cheered
by the arrival of a party of recruits with quite a mass
of war material, chiefly powder and cross-bows, relics

43 Cortes leaves the impression that this incident took place during the
days when the Spaniards were making desultory entries into the city ; but
since he does not speak of the oracle or the defection the affair is undecided.
Torquemada, i. 557, intimates that Chichimecatl served under Sandoval, but
this is wrong.

41 Ojeda magnifies the train of men to 4000 and the canoes to 3000. Herrera,
dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xxii.

45 Fifteen hundred loads maize, 1000 loads fowl, 30&sides venison, besides
other effects, including Xicotencatl's confiscated property and women. Id.

668 CONTINUATION OF THE SIEGE.

of Ponce de Leon's Florida expedition.46 The war
stores were particularly valuable; so low had run the
actual stock that Cortes was preparing more Chi-
nantec pikes to cover the deficiency in weapons.

Everything was again ready for a serious revival of
hostilities. Over six weeks had passed since the siege
began, and the end seemed little nearer than before.
On the day of the defeat three fourths of the city
might be said to have been reduced; but nearly all
this advantage had been lost, owing chiefly to the
narrow streets, encompassed by houses which served
both for attack and retreat, and the numerous traps in
the form of canals and channels. So long as these
obstacles remained the progress must not only be
slow, ever slower as advance was made, but the troops
would be constantly exposed to fresh disaster. One
more defeat might ruin all, and Cortes resolved to
avoid risks. He would tear down every building as
he advanced on both sides of the streets, and fill up
every channel; "not take one step in advance without
leaving all desolated behind, and convert water into
firm land, regardless of the delay." So writes the
general, and yet he expresses regret for this destruc-
tion of the city, "the most beautiful in the world."47
In pursuance of this plan he asked the allied chiefs to
summon additional forces of laborers with the neces-
sary implements. They eagerly consented, and within
a few days the men stood prepared.

46 Herrera intimates that the material may have been a consignment to
Leon, for which the disappointed owner sought a market. A vessel of Aillon's
fleet, says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 153.

47 Some time before he had expressed the same intention, and. the fear that
little or no treasure would be recovered. Cartas, 222, 241. Ixtlilxochitl
claims that his namesake provided 100,000 men for the task, Hor. Crueldades,
42, and Bernal Diaz states that this prince proposed purely a strict blockade
as a safe and sure plan. Hist. Verdad., 150. The result proves that this
would have been the best and as speedy as the one adopted, while the city
would have been saved from destruction. That the plan was ever seriously
suggested among this impatient crew is affirmed by no other authority.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.
July- August, 1521.

The Destroyers Advance — Fierce Fighting in the Plaza — Dismal
Situation of the Mexicans — The Work of Demolition — Move-
ments of Alvarado — The Emperor Refuses to Parley — Misery
of the Aztecs Unbearable — Horrible Massacre of Women and
Children — The Tender-hearted Cortes Mourns over his own
Work — Capture of the Emperor — The Conquest Completed — Ban-
quets and Thanksgivings — Dispersion of the Allies to their
Homes — Reflections.

With a force of over one hundred and fifty thou-
sand men the Spaniards now advanced on the city, a
large proportion destined wholly to raze buildings, fill
channels, and remove obstacles, while the rest were to
drive back the enemy and keep them at bay. At the
channel near the plaza the Mexicans detained the
forces for an hour with a peace proposal, in order to
gain time for some operation, and then suddenly they
began to ply their missiles. Cortes was not slow to
accept the challenge, and led the attack with a reck-
lessness that caused his followers to remonstrate with
him for exposing so valuable a life. It had the effect,
however, of so encouraging the charging party that
the channel with its intrenchments was quickly cap-
tured. On reaching the plaza they found it covered
with loose stones, which prevented the horses from
running. Several streets leading to it were blocked
with stone barricades. The main effort for this day
was directed toward opening the approach to the
plaza, which was to serve as the starting-point for

( 669)

670 THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.

subsequent movements. The work was slow, owing
to the massive character of the buildings along the
leading avenue, and in this imperial centre of the city ;
but myriads swarmed thereat, and structure after
structure was levelled, opening wide access to the
southern causeway.

The Mexicans made repeated efforts to stay such
ruthless destruction. But their onslaught was futile,
for thundering cannon and fiery chargers protected
every point. " Burn and raze, you slaves," they
shouted to the auxiliaries in their impotent fury; "you
will have to rebuild it all, either for us if we win, or
for your present masters if they conquer !" And so it
happened. With dreary tasks did they pay for the
momentary triumph over their enemy. During the
withdrawal of the troops to camp in the evening the
Mexicans were able to make a forcible demonstration,
more so than usual on these occasions, if we may credit
the native records. They pushed in front of their
lines a fine -looking Spanish cross-bowman, reserved
from the late captives, and sought to make him direct
his arrows against his countrymen. This he refused
to do, always shooting too high, and finally the enraged
Aztecs cut him down. His presence naturally inter-
fered with the free operation's of the soldiers, as the
enemy had expected.

On the following days Cortes ascended the com-
manding temple pyramid in the plaza, and thence
directed more effectively the operations for razing
buildings and driving back the Mexicans, who fought
with desperation for every foot of ground, so much so
that on one day alone fell twenty thousand it is said.
On one occasion a corps of Tlascaltecs crossed a
canal and were thrown into disorder by the enemy.
The Aztecs began to exult, and one of their num-
ber, a muscular warrior with enormous bejewelled
plumage, armed with a Spanish sword and shield,
shouted a challenge to any Spaniard. Several were
ready, among them Hernando de Osma, who had just

SINGLE COMBATS. 671

swum across the canal to sustain the wavering allies.
Dripping wet he rushed upon the warrior, but received
a blow which cleft his shield. Recovering himself, he
dealt the Mexican a thrust from below and stretched
him dead, whereupon he snatched the sword and
plumage and sprang back in time to escape the pursuing
friends of the fallen man. He afterward offered the
trophy to Cortes, who accepted, but returned it at
once with the remark that none was so worthy there-
of as he who had won it. The deed served also to
reanimate the Tlascaltecs, and they sustained their
position.

Not long after, another powerful warrior, similarly
plumed, came forth brandishing a Spanish sword and
announcing that he sought the glory of either dying
by the hand of a brave Spaniard or defeating him.
Cortes, who was present, told him that ten more men
like himself were needed to match one soldier. The
warrior insisted. " Very well," said the general, "this
beardless page of mine shall despatch you, and de-
monstrate the mettle of our Castilian boys." Juan
Nunez de Mercado, as the youth was called, thereupon
stepped forward, and bravely as this Goliah fought,
a few passes from the skilled arm of the youngster
soon sufficed to lay him low. This feat served not
alone to discourage duels with Spaniards, but was re-
garded by many Mexicans as a bad omen.1

Whatever may have been the reverses of the enemy,
they usually rallied in the evening to pursue the
troops as they returned to camp, the allies being al-
ways sent back first so as to leave the road clear for
the soldiers, covered by the cavalry. One day the
pursuit was not made for some reason, and a few
horsemen ventured to look into it, but only to be
driven back with two animals badly wounded. Cortes
resolved to be avenged. He ordered Sandoval to re-
enforce him so a$ to increase the number of horse to

1 Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ii., lib. i. cap. xx., places this incident on
the third day of entry into the city.

672 THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.

forty. Thirty of these were posted early in the day
in a hiding-place near the plaza, and close by a hun-
dred select soldiers and a corps of Tlascaltecs. When
the hour came to return to camp, the Mexicans, as
expected, fell upon the retreating lines in stronger
force than ever, encouraged by the achievement of
the previous evening and by the pretended timidity
of the ten horsemen who covered the rear. When
the first columns of pursuers had well passed the
hiding-place, the signal was given, and with ringing
Santiagos the parties in ambush rushed upon the
startled warriors. Finding their retreat cut off, the
severed section lost presence of mind, and permitted
themselves to be butchered like cattle. When the
massacre was over, fully five hundred of the flower of
the Aztec armies covered the ground.2 Never again
were the Spaniards exposed to pursuit near or beyond
the plaza, or indeed to any such fierce charges, and
the horses became again an object of awe.3

The captives were questioned regarding the condi-
tion of the city, and from them a revelation was
obtained showing that the majority of the occupants
were in favor of capitulation, but afraid to express
their views in face of the firmness of Quauhtemotzin
and his party, who were resolved to defend their city
to the end. And there was still enthusiasm among
the Mexican people. Women and cripples could be
seen preparing and bringing war material for stronger
arms to use; they swept dust from the roofs into the
faces of assailants, while children threw tiny stones
and lisped an echo of the curse that fell from the lips

2 c Todos los mas principales y esforzados y valientes. ' Cortes, Cartas, 244.
And 2000 captives. Ixtlilxocltitl, Hor. Crueldades, 43. ' Tuuieron bien q cenar
aquella noche los Indios nuestros amigos,' observes Gomara, unctuously. Hist.
Mex., 209. Bernal Diaz, who claims to have been among the 100 select, in-
timates that Alvarado also formed an ambuscade that day, though less
effective. Hist. Verdad., 153-4. In rushing from the hiding-place, says
Cortes, two horses collided, one of them throwing its rider and charging
alone amid the foe. After receiving several wounds it sought refuge among
the soldiers and was conducted to camp, where it died.

3'Fue bien principal causa para que la ciudad mas presto se ganase,'
Cortes, Cartas, 245, but this must be regarded as an exaggerated estimate.

HORRORS OF FAMINE. G73

of their parents. But all this manifest spirit was
slowly but surely subsiding, and deep and dismal
woe was settling down upon them.4 Alas for Mexico,
pride of the grand plateau! Alas for thine ancient
grandeur! Blotted out forever must be thy culture,
crushed thy budding progress! The days of thy glory
are ended; and so are thy bloody ceremonies and sac-
rificial stones!

Long sieges had never suited the native ideas of
warfare, and experience could therefore teach little
in the preparation for the event. Vast supplies had
been accumulated by the Mexicans, but a large influx
of fugitives from the lake towns had swelled the num-
ber of non-combatants and had helped to diminish the
food supply, which had received but scanty additions,
owing to the close watch of the cruisers. Nor had
any restrictions been placed on consumption, since the
provisions were chiefly in private hands. Now famine
was raging with rapidly increasing horrors, and jewels
were offered by the handful for an equal quantity of
food.5 Excluded from such competition, the poorer
classes sought in holes and canals for snails, lizards,
and rats, skimmed the surface of the water for its
mucilaginous scum, or tore up the earth for roots and
weeds, glad even to chew the bark of trees, and anx-
iously waiting for the scanty allowance of brackish
water. Disease was marching hand-in-hand with hun-
ger, and weakened by their sufferings hundreds were
left to linger in torment till welcome death relieved
them. The frequency of these incidents made the
people callous, and the sufferings even of near friends

iHerrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ii. Torquemada, i. 560, 564, wavers, inti-
mating in one place that all were determined to die. When the people at last
inclined to peace, says Gomara, Quauhtemotzin opposed it on the ground that
they had once decided for war, 'contra su voluntad y consejo. ' Hist. Mex.,
213. Most of the revelation was made by a woman of rank, it appears. Car-
ried away by his love for hero-painting, Prescott has either missed or ignored
the facts which now reveal his false coloring.

5 ' Y asi escondidas huvo algunos Principales de las Provincias cercanas que
acudieron con algun maiz para sola llevar joyas.' That is, where the cruisers
allowed such smuggling. Duran, Hist. Intl., MS., ii. 497.
Hist. Mex. Vol. I. 43

074 THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.

were looked on with indifference by the gaunt and
hollow-eyed, who were themselves marked for death.

Regardless of the consequences, many crept at
night close to the Spanish camps in search of roots
and refuse which could no longer be found within
their precincts. Advised of such movements, a body
of soldiers and allies was sent out before sunrise one
day and fell on a large number, slaughtering many of
them before discovering them to be starving women
and children.6 It was necessary to take increased
measures even against these surreptitious attempts to
sustain the defence, and to keep in the useless popula-
tion, though there was little prospect of any important
exodus, since the fear of the savage and cannibal
auxiliaries who surrounded the city made its very
pest-holes appear attractive places of refuge. The
vessels were particularly efficient for this purpose, the
more so since the crews had found a ready means to
render the submerged stakes and palisades of little
hindrance.7 They were thus enabled to ravage the
suburbs, and to cooperate with the other forces by
landing and driving the inhabitants toward the
narrow quarter in which they were now confined.
They had not always an easy task, however, for
the Mexicans were growing more reckless, and
would sometimes venture to meet even the ' winged
houses.'

On one occasion a portion of the fleet was closely
beset in a confined place, and the flag-ship happening
to strand on some timbers the crew became panic-
stricken and sought to abandon her. Martin Lopez,
the builder, who was the chief pilot, at once turned
against the deserters, and being a large and powerful
man he pitched two into the water, beat and bruised
half a dozen others, and soon compelled their return
to duty. He thereupon led them against the enemy

6 About 1000 were killed, says Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 44; but Cortds
puts the killed and captured at more than 800. Cartas, 245.

7 'Osauan nuestros vergantines romper las estacadas. . .remauan con gran
fuerca y . . .a todas velas.' Berual Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 150.

THE IMPALED HEADS C75

and drove them off, killing the leader, who was a
prominent officer. For this important service the
brave Lopez was rewarded with a captaincy.8

Cortes made quite rapid advance in the work of
demolition, considering the immensity of it. The
Tlacopan road had been levelled, rendering communi-
cation easy with the camp of Alvarado, and on the eve
of Santiago's day9 the greater part of the main street
to the market was gained. This thoroughfare bore
afterward the name of Guatemotzin,10 because this em-
peror's palace was here situated. Strongly fortified,
its capture was not effected without a severe struggle,
wherein many a brave fellow met his fate. During
the fight Alderete's horse became unmanageable from
a thrust, and rushed amid the enemy in mad fury,
creating more disorder by his pawing and biting than
a squad of soldiers could have done.11

Equally severe was the struggle on the following
days in entering and filling a street with a wide
canal, adjoining the main road. At the same time
was taken a temple,12 wherein a number of impaled
bearded heads stared the horrified Spaniards in the
face. Tears filled the eyes of the beholders, and rev-

8 ' De la Capitana, que el havia salvado, ' says Herrera, while asserting that
the captain Villafuerte abandoned her; but this hardly agrees with his own
later statements that Villafuerte remained in charge of the fleet, dec. iii.
lib. i. cap. xxi. ; lib. ii. cap. viii. The slain leader is called the lieutenant-
general of Quauhtemotzin, and his death 'fue causa, que mas presto se ganase
la Ciudad,' Torquemada, i. 558, all of which is doubtful. A similar reward
to that of Lopez was accorded on another occasion to a soldier named Andres
Nunez, who after the captain had abandoned his vessel led her to the rescue
of two consorts. When the commander came to resume his post Nunez re-
fused to admit him, saying that he had forfeited it. On being appealed to,
Cortes sustained the brave fellow and gave him the command, in which
capacity he rendered important service. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. i.

9 July 25th, according to Clavigero, while Torquemada less correctly makes
it August 5th.

10 The Spanish corruption of Quauhtemotzin. 'La calle qe ba al tianguiz
de Tlatelulco qe se llama de Guatimosa.' Libro de Cab/Mo, MS., 88.

11 Herrera names Magallanes as one of those who succumbed under the
onslaught of a chief, but his death was avenged by Diego Castellanos, a noted
marksman, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xx. On this occasion Ixtlilxochitl intimates
that his namesake captured his brother, the usurper king of Tezcuco, and sur-
rendering him to Cortes, he was at once secured with shackles. II or. Crueldades,
42-3. ' De manera que de cuatro partes de la ciudad, las tres estaban ya por
nosotros.' Cortes, Cartas, 246.

12 At the corner of the street leading to Sandoval's quarter. Id., 247.

076 THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.

erently the ghastly remains were taken down to re-
ceive Christian rites.13

The progress of Cortes' party in the direction of
Tlatelulco market, the objective point of all the
movements, had impelled Alvarado to almost super-
human efforts to gain before them a spot lying much
nearer to his camp. Once within, he hoped to keep
his ground, for it was large and level, twice the size
of the market-place in Salamanca, says Cortes, and
capable of accommodating sixty thousand persons. It
was lined with porticos, wherein more substantial
traders had their shops, while the open square was
covered with booths, between which the Spaniards
had so often wandered to gaze on products of every
variety, from field and forest, from river and mountain,-
as well as from the workshop of artisan and artist.14
Thus it was formerly; but now were to be displayed
only the worst phases of human selfishness, cunning,
and brutality; blood and corpses in lieu of fabrics and
provisions; fierce war-cries and the clash of arms in
place of merry traffickings and the clink of coin.
By the day following Santiago's day Alvarado had
levelled a wide approach, and now he resolved to direct
his whole strength against tlys plaza, leaving merely
a portion of his auxiliaries to attend to further razing
operations. Before dawn the next morning he ad-
vanced with all his force and took the Aztecs by
surprise. He effected an entrance with little trouble,
and was able to meet in good order the bands which
came to retrieve their neglect by fierce charges. They
were led by the renowned orders of Tigers and Eagles,
conspicuous in their corresponding gear, and eager to
maintain the reputation which had gained for them
their insignia. Mayehuatzin, lord of Cuitlahuac, was
also among the prominent leaders, but the cavalry
soon obliged him to turn in flight, and enabled the

13 1 knew three of them, writes Bernal Diaz. * Las enterramos en vna
Iglesia, que se dize aora los Martires.' Hist. Verdad., 153.
14 For a full description see Native Races, ii. 382 et seq.

UPON A TEMPLE SUMMIT. 677

infantry to capture a number of the shops which
lined the market, and begin to pillage. Much more
determined proved the division under the Tiger cap-
tain, Coyohuehuetzin, who fell back and maintained
himself on the Momuztli edifice.

While the main portion of the Spanish forces thus
fought at different points in the plaza with varying ad-
vantage, Captain Gutierre de Badajoz was ordered to
capture the great temple which overlooked the market.
It was held by Temilotzin and Tlacatecatl, who fiercely
disputed his advance. Time and again were his men
driven back, or sent tumbling down the steps, bruised
and bleeding, many a one never to rise. But Badajoz
persevered, and step by step he climbed upward,
sustained by reinforcements, till after two hours of
hard contest the summit was gained, first by Alferez
Montano. Woe now to the defenders remaining ! Not
a Spaniard there but had wounds to show, and not
one who did not strive to exact blood for blood. It
was a repetition of the aerial combat of the year before
on the summit of the central temple. The Mexicans
neither expected mercy nor asked it; rather longed
they to dedicate their last breath to the gods, and
gain by glorious death admission into the abode of
the blessed. By nine o'clock in the forenoon the
two wooden towers holding the altars and idols were
gained, and the next moment dense smoke columns
rose to announce the victory of the Spaniards.15 Loud
rose the wail of the natives as they witnessed the
portentous result, and with the recklessness of despair
they renewed their onslaught, led by Axoquentzin
and the Eagle captain, Quachic. So severely pressed

15 Cortes saw the smoke from his camp, from which he was preparing to
start. Cartas, 247. Herrera leaves the impression that Alferez Montano
captured the temple, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. i., but he was probably only the first
to step on the summit. Bernal Diaz, who fought under Alvarado, states dis-
tinctly that Badajoz led the party, but he is no doubt incorrect in adding that
the fight on the top continued till night. Hist. Verdad., 153. Torquemada, i.
5G5, refers to the temple as the Acatliyacapan. Duran makes CortCs appeal
to the Chalcans, and they 'tomando la delantera del EjCrcito, y con ellos
Yxtlilxachitl . . .ganaron el Cue grande.' Hist, hid., MS., ii. 506. This must
be a Chalcan version.

678 THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.

was Alvarado that he was obliged to call down Bada-
joz and to concentrate his forces, abandoning the
several temples which surrounded the large pyramid.
Encouraged by this success the Mexicans pushed
their advantage from all sides, and unable to hold
their position the Spaniards retired with considerable
loss, .including three horses.16

Nothing daunted, Alvarado repeated his entry on
the following day, and met with comparatively little
opposition, the enemy being evidently discouraged by
the fall of the temple and the resolute bearing of the
Spaniards. He now passed through and came up to
Cortes' party, by whom he was received with ringing
and repeated cheers. The latter had just captured
the last canal and intrenchments near the market-
place, after a sharp struggle, and now the general and
his doughty lieutenant entered the market and
ascended the lofty pyramid, on which the royal
banner waved a proud welcome, while beside it the
still impaled heads of white and dusky victims re-
called the bitter vengeance yet to be exacted. Sur-
veying the city beneath him on all sides, Cortes says:
"It seemed undoubted that of eight partswe had gained
seven." The late magnificent metropolis, the finest
and largest on all the northern continent, displayed
now a mass of ruins, through which the broad paths
levelled by the invaders led to the one corner which
alone remained to the besieged,17 wherein, amid famine,
pest, and putrefying bodies, they huddled in packed
masses, sending forth from their midst the groans of
dying and loud lamentations, in an atmosphere so pes-
tiferous that the soldiers who entered the lately aban-
doned lanes were almost stifled. People were found

ieGomara, Hist. 3fex., 210. Cortes calls them wounded merely. Sahagun's
native version of the plaza fight is very confusing, and mixed with that of the
struggle against the other divisions, 'y tomaron los bergantines [two] a los
espaiioles, y llevardnlos a una laguna que llaman Amanalco.'' Hist. Conq. (ed.
1840), 202-3. But this must be a mistake.

17 'Que se llama Atenantitech, donde ahora esta edificada la Iglesia de la
Concepcion, junto de la Albarrada. ' Torquemada, i. 553. Tetenamitl ward,
says Sahagun in one edition. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 209.

PEACE PROPOSALS. 679

in different stages of hunger and disease, meeting the
soldiers with passive indifference in the recklessness
of despair. Beyond on the roofs stalked the warriors,
gaunt and yellow, like caged and starving beasts.

Cortes felt painfully oppressed on beholding so
much misery, and at once ordering a stay of hostili-
ties he sent some captive chiefs to Quauhtemotzin with
peace proposals, showing the utter futility of further
resistance, which could involve only a needless inflic-
tion of suffering and slaughter, and embitter against him
and his the besieging forces. He was prepared to forget
all past animosity, and respect the persons and prop-
erty of the besieged, and his rights as sovereign, and
demanded in return only the renewal of allegiance
already offered in Montezuma's time. Quauhtemotzin
scarcely gave the messengers time to speak, before he
answered solemnly: "Tell Malinche that I and mine
elect to die. We will intrust ourselves neither to the
men who commit, nor to the God who permits, such
atrocities I"

Struck by the lofty bearing of the doomed, and
desirous of securing' the treasure which the besieged
assured him would all be cast into the water before
his fingers should touch it, Cortes again sent a
proposal, formally attested by notary and witnesses,
declaring that the responsibility for the terrible con-
sequences which must follow the rejection of his offer
would fall wholly on the besieged. But all without
avail. And when the priests came and declared the
oracle, "Appeased by sacrifice the gods have prom-
ised victory after three days," Quauhtemotzin made
answer, his council being present: "It is well. And
since it is so, let us have a care of the provisions, and
if need be die fighting like men. Let no one hence-
forth speak of peace under pain of death!"

Preparations were accordingly made to renew hos-
tilities at the designated time, on which occasion
sacred relics were to be brought into service from the
paraphernalia of Huitzilopochtli, one a twisted snake

680 THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.

sceptre set with mosaic, called the Xiuhcoatl, which
was said to become alive when launched against the
foe and terrify them to flight; the other a war- dress
of feathers tipped with an owl's head of fearful aspect,
an segis to scatter the enemy.18

Cortes on his side was not impatient to break the
truce, for he knew that hunger and disease were effi-
ciently fighting his battle, and he was besides busy con-
structing in the market-place a catapult which was to
soon end his labors there whatever might be the fur-
ther decision of the Mexicans. The idea had been
suggested by a soldier named Sotelo, who boasted of
military science acquired during the Italian wars;
and since powder was becoming scarce the necessary
carpenters were readily furnished to construct the
machine. " Behold!" cried the Tlascaltecs, pointing
it out to the Mexicans, "behold a monster mechanism
which will quickly annihilate you!" But on trial it
proved a failure.

Then messengers were again despatched to Quauh-
temotzin to talk of peace, and were told that they
should have an answer soon. Next day the Span-
ish sentinels observed a great commotion among the
Mexicans and a gathering of armed masses. They
gave due notice of this, but before the troops were
fully prepared the enemy came rushing from their re-
treats with a suddenness that threw the first opposing
lines in disorder, a number being wounded and several
killed, at least among the auxiliaries.19 The troops
quickly rallied, however, under cover of the artillery,
and Cortes resolved to inflict chastisement. Alvarado

18 This or a third relic bore the name of Mamalhuaztli. Sahagun also
refers to a divine bow and arrow. Hist. Conq. , 53-4. But his editions vary-
in text; see that of 1840, 210-12. The serpent was invoked even after the
conquest, says the pious friar, and he heard Father Tembleque relate that he
one day opened his window during a storm and had his left eye injured by
a ray of lightning, which damaged the house and adjoining church. This
ray, the Mexicans assured him, was the Xiuhcoatl, conjured up by the sor-
cerers, for they had seen it issue in the form of a big snake through the door.
The editor Bustamante tells an equally impressive story in connection with
an attempt to account for the snake and lightning.

19 One being killed and two horses wounded. Bernal Diaz, loc. cit.

MISERY AND DESPAIR. 681

was ordered to attack a large ward containing over a
thousand buildings, while the remaining forces should
turn against the main quarter. Incited by the presence
of the mystic owl and the sacred snake -bearer, the
Mexicans fought with an indifference to fate that
turned the war into a butchery. When the survivors
were driven back it was ascertained that over twelve
thousand Mexicans had been killed or captured.

The promised victory had proved a disastrous de-
feat, and even the most hopeful Mexican sank into the
depths of despair. This feeling was greatly fostered
by a strange occurrence about this time, which the
native records describe as a fiery whirlwind, resolving
into flames and sparks. It rose with great noise in
the north, after sunset, revolved over the doomed
quarter and disappeared in the lake, leaving the natives
overwhelmed with apprehensions.20

Their eyes were fully opened to the situation. And
in pondering on the dreadful past and present, the
dreadful future became dim, even its terrors growing
every day fainter. They had been passive under the
pain of wounds and under hardships indescribable;
but when at last frenzied mothers and fathers seized
upon their own offspring to still the pangs of hunger
over which sane minds no longer had control; when
others began furtively to look about for less closely
allied beings whereon to feed, then indeed a stranger
and more terrible fear came over them.21

When Cortes returned with full force on the follow-
ing day to renew the fight, crowds of miserable beings
came forth, repulsive in their emaciated and haggard
appearance, careless of their lives yet clamoring for

20 Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 213. The editor Bustamante speaks of
a similar phenomenon in Michoacan in 1829. Id. (ed. 1829), 68.

21 ' De los ninos no quedo nadie, que las mismas madres y padres los comian,'
is the statement of the native records. Id., 210. Yet Torquemada, i. 572,
assumes that the Mexicans would not eat of their own race. Thousands had
already died of starvation without touching the flesh of countrymen, though
priests partook of children sacriliced during ordinary festivals ; but at last the
scruple among the masses was overcome by despair. See Native Races, ii.
passim.

682 THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.

mercy and for bread. Moved by the appeal, ne ordered
thern not to be injured, and proceeded to answer
certain chiefs who had summoned him to a parley.
"Son of heaven!" they cried, "within one brief day
and night the tireless orb returns. Why dost not
thou also finish thy task as quickly? Kill us, so that
we may no longer suffer, but enter paradise and join
the happy throng already sent thither!"22 He told
them that in their hands was the remedy. They had
but to cease their insane opposition, and their suffering
would cease, for he would give them food and respect
their persons and property. No satisfactory answer
was returned. They were evidently afraid to speak of
peace, though eager for it. Cortes felt convinced that
the emperor and a few leading nobles were the only
persons holding back, and willing to spare the people
he again resolved on an appeal.

A distinguished captive was prevailed on to carry
this message in order to give it more weight,23 and to
use his influence with the emperor. On appearing
before Quauhtemotzin the noble began to speak of
the kind treatment he had received from the Span-
iards. Praise of this nature hardly accorded with the
mood of the ruler or with the views he wished to
impart, and no sooner did the envoy allude to peace
than he was ordered away with an imperious sign to the
stone of sacrifice.24 Any fate for ruler and people was
betterthanto fall intothehands of Christian civilization.
At the same time the warriors faintly threw themselves
against the Spaniards with shouts of "Death or liberty!"
The attack cost the besiegers a horse, and several men
were wounded, but the charge was easily repelled, and
was followed up by further slaughter. That night the
allies encamped within the city.

22 ' Porque no acabas co el que nos acabe ? . . Desseamos la muerte por yr a
descansar co Quetcalcouatlh,' adds Gomara, Hist. Mex., 210-11.

23 The chroniclers call him an uncle of the Tezcucan king, but this appears
to be a misinterpretation of CorteV text, wherein he says that such an uncle
had captured the prisoner.

21 Cortes, Cartas, 251. This was partly in accordance with the law against
nobles who returned from captivity, as already instanced.

FURTHER ATTEMPTS AT NEGOTIATION. 6S3

The following day Cortes again approached some
nobles at an intrenchment and asked, "Why remains
the emperor so stubborn? Why will he not come and
speak with me, and stay the useless slaughter of his
subjects?" Bound by superstitious loyalty to their
ruler, weepingly they replied, "We know not; we will
speak with him; we can but die!" Presently they
returned to say that Quauhtemotzin would present
himself in the market-place on the following noon.
Delighted, Cortes ordered a dais to be prepared on
the raised masonry platform recently used for the
catapult, together with choice viands. At the ap-
pointed hour the Spanish general appeared in state,
with the soldiers drawn up in line, ready to do honor
to the distinguished guest. After waiting impatiently
for some time, they saw five personages approach, who
proved to be the bearers of excuses. Quauhtemotzin
could not come, but desired to learn the wishes of
Malinche.25

Concealing his chanrin, Cortes caused the nobles to
be entertained, and then he sent them to their master
with assurance of good treatment ; they soon returned
with presents, and said the emperor would not come.
Again they were sent, and again their efforts were
unavailing1. The truth is, Cortes desired with the
monarch to secure his treasure; else he would not
long have stayed his bloody hand. On the other
hand, though Quauhtemotzin's conduct might be at-
tributed to selfish obstinacy, he well knew that even
for his people death was to be scarcely more feared
than capture; now they might at once enter paradise,
but the foreigners sought them but to enslave.

The following day the five nobles again kept Cortes
waiting with a promise that the emperor would meet
him. The hour having passed without his appearance,
the allies, who had been kept in the background

25 ' Tenia mucho miedo de parecer ante mi, y tambien estaba male-.' Cortes,
Cartas, 253. 'Empacho,' explains Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. vii. He
feared to be shot. Bemal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 1G4.

GS4 THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.

during the negotiations, were called forward and the
order was given for assault, Sandoval directing the
fleet along the shore and up the canals to the rear.
"Since they will not have peace, they shall have
war !" cried Cortes. Then the carnage became fearful.
Spaniards and auxiliaries alike, two hundred thousand
strong and more, so it was said, abandoned themselves
to the butchery, while Satan smiled approval. In
helpless despair, like cooped beasts in the shambles,
they received the death-blow as a deliverance.26 I
will not paint the sickening details so often told of
chasms filled, and narrow streets blockaded high with
the dead bodies of the unoffending, while down upon
the living settled desolation. It must indeed have
been appalling when he who had brought to pass such
horrors writes : " Such was the cry and weeping of
children and women that not one amongst us but was
moved to the heart." Then he attempts to throw
upon the allies the blame, of it. " Never," he says,
"was such cruelty seen, beyond all bounds of nature,
as among these natives." Already, before this mas-
sacre of forty thousand27 the streets and houses were
filled with human putridity, so that now the Span-
iards were forced to burn that quarter of the city to
save themselves from infection.

Another morrow engenders fresh horrors. The
three heavy guns are brought forward to assist in dis-
lodging the besieged. Fearful lest the emperor escape
him in canoes, Cortes directs Sandoval to place ves-
sels on the watch for fugitives, particularly at the
basin of Tlatelulco,28 into which it is proposed to drive

26 'Ni tenian ni hallaban flechas ni varas ni piedras con que nos ofender. . .
No tenian paso por donde andar sino por encima de los muertos y por las azo-
teas.' Cortes, Carta*, 254.

27 'Mataron y prendieron mas de cuarenta mil animas.' Id. Ixtlilxochitl,
Hor. Crueldades, 48, raises the number to 50,000, while Duran states that
over 40,000 men and women perished while fleeing. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 510.
What pained the conquerors most, however, was the sight and knowledge of
what immense quantity of booty eluded them to pass into the hands of these
marauders,

28 ' Entre la Garita del Peralvillo, la place de Santiago de Tlatelolco et le
pont d'Amaxac.' So says Pichardo. Humboldt, Essui Pol., i. 193. ' Donde se.

MASSACRE UPON MASSACRE. 685

the besieged, there to catch the king and nobles with
their gold and jewels. Of a truth Cortes does not
wish to kill the miserable remnant of this so lately
proud race — particularly if thereby he loses the en-
caged treasure. So he again appeals to them, and
the Cihuacoatl,29 chief adviser of the emperor, appears
and is treated with great courtesy. After a time he
takes his departure, then for the first time declaring
that Quauhtemotzin will on no account present him-
self. " Return then," exclaims Cortes in ill-suppressed
anger, "and prepare for death, invoked, not by high
and holy purpose, but by obstinate timidity!"30

Five hours are thus gained by the wily monarch
for the escape of the women and children, who pour
out in swarms, the fainting supported by the feeble,
all emaciated and haggard, and many marked by
wounds or disease. Seeing which the allies pounce
upon them, all stricken and defenceless as they are,
and murder them, to the number of fifteen thousand.
And the same number perish in the fall of broken
bridges, in the choked canals, and from the tread of
their fellow fugitives. How glorious is war! How
noble the vocation! How truly great the hero of such
hellish deeds! Blush, oh sun! for making such to-
morrows; for lending thy light to human intelligence
by which to do such diabolical wickedness!

Observing no signs of surrender, Cortes openea fire
with his cannon and gave the signal of attack.
Another massacre followed, the Mexicans displaying
the same apathy and sullen indifference to death as
on other late occasions. At some points, however,
large bodies surrendered, and the remaining Mexican

embarcaban para Atzlapotzalco,' adds Bustamante. Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Cruel-
dades, 50.

29 Chimalpain calls him Tlacotzin, afterward baptized as Juan Velasquez.
Hist. Conq., ii. 71. 'Ciguacoacin, y era el Capitan y gobernador de todos ellos,
6 por su consejo se seguian todas las cosas de la guerra, ' says Cortes, Cartas, 255.

30'Porque les queria combatir y acabar de matar.' Cartas, 256. 'Pues eran
barbaros, que no queria dexar hombre vivo, q se fuessen.' Herrera, dec. iii.
lib. ii. cap vii.

686 THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.

quarters were fast falling into the conqueror's hands
Sandoval on his side was closely guarding the water
front and preparing to cooperate. Entering the har-
bor basin with a portion of the fleet, he bore down on
the canoes with a crash, upsetting the greater num-
ber, filled chiefly with nobles and their families, of
whom a large portion perished. The canoes which
escaped scattered in different directions, into canals and
corners, most of them however turning toward a nook
of the basin with the brigantines in hot pursuit. At
this moment a few boats of larger build emerged from
a retreat at the other end and paddled rapidly toward
the open lake.

Warned by his commander to watch closely for the
emperor, Sandoval had not failed to observe the
movement, and he immediately directed Garcia de
Holguin, captain of the fastest vessel, to overhaul the
fugitives, who might be persons of note. Aided both
by sails and oars, Holguin speedily gained on them,
and they began to scatter in different directions, evi-
dently with a view to confuse him; but a captive on
board indicated one as most likely to contain the
emperor.31 On approaching it the archers levelled
their cross-bows, whereupon a sign of surrender was
made, with the pleading cry that Quauhtemotzin was
there. As the overjoyed Holguin stepped down to
secure his captives, among whom were the young
empress, the king of Tlacopan, and other prominent
personages,32 the monarch bade him respect his con-

31 The distinguished captive said: 'Capitan sefior, date buena mafia, que
aquellos indios . . . son esclavos de Guatimucin, e podra ser quel va alii huyendo,
porque su bandera ya no paresce.' Oviedo, iii. 516. A canoe of twenty rowers
and bearing a number of people. Gomara, Hist. Ccmq., 212. See also Vetan-
cvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 104; Claviyero, Sioria Mess. , iii. 230. A small canoe,
says Duran.

32 Torquemada, i. 570-1, followed by Clavigero, mentions besides Tetle-
panquctzaltzin, king of Tlacopan, the fugitive king of Tezcuco; but this is
doubtful, as we have seen. He enumerates several dignitaries. Brasseur de
Bourbourg names Tlacahuepan, son of Montezuma, while his authority,
Ixtlilxochitl, states that his namesake captured him and Tetlepanquetzaltzin
in another canoe, and in a third Papantzin Oxomoc, widow of Emperor Cuit-
lahuatzin. Hor. Grueldades, 50. 'Quahutimoc se puso en pie en la popa de su
can oa para pelear. Mas como vio ballestas . . .rindio se.' Gomara, Hist. Mex.,.
213. This probably assumed fact has been elaborated by some writers into an

CAPTIVE AXD CONQUEROR. 687

sort and his retinue. As for himself, he was at his
disposal.

Conducted by his captor, he passed along the streets
to the presence of the conqueror, the object of ten
thousand eyes, for rumor had preceded him. Men
rested from the slaughter to gaze at him. In the dis-
tance was heard the din of battle, but along the cap-
tive's path there fell a hush. His was a striking
figure. The grave, careworn face betokened suffering.
He wore a dingy blood-stained robe, and the pallor
which overspread a naturally fair face was yet more
heightened by the feverish brilliancy of the eyes, now
bent dejectedly on the ground, now looking straight
before him. He walked with a firm step, and young
as he was, the majestic dignity of the prince and
leader impressed every beholder. "He wTas quite a
gentleman," graciously affirms Bernal Diaz. Cortes
had stationed himself on the roof of a hiffh building
in the Amaxac ward,33 thence to direct operations,
and now he caused a dais to be prepared, and a table
with refreshments. When the emperor approached
the guard drew up in line, and the general advanced
with benign dignity and led him to a seat by his
side. " Malinche," said the captive, "I have done all
within my powTer for the defence of my people, but
the gods have not favored me. My empire is gone,
my city is destroyed, and my vassals are dead. For
what have I to live? Rid me therefore of worthless
existence."34 Saying this, with his hand he touched

heroic act. The incident has been placed by tradition as occurring near the
later Puente del Clerigo. But this can hardly be. See note 27. According
to Bernal Diaz, Sandoval came up shortly after, on learning the news, and
demanded the surrender of the captives to him as the commander of the. 3eet,
who had ordered Holguin to pursue the canoes. The latter refused, and a
delay occurred, during which another crew hurried to bear the tidings to Cortes
and claim the reward granted for first reports. Two captains were now sent
to summon the disputants and captives. Hid. Verdad., 155. Cort6s, while
according in his letter the credit of the capture to Holguin, promised to refer
the claim to the king. Holguin figures some years later as regidor and estate
owner in the city.

33 ' Esta casa era de un principal tlatilulcano que se llamaba Aztaoatzin.'
SahtTQun, Hist. Conq., 55.

' 3i The versions of this remarkable speech vary greatly. ' Habia hecho
todo lo que de su parte era obligado para defenderse asi y a los suyos hasta

GSS THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.

a dagger in the belt of Cortes. The general sought
to reassure him, declaring that none could resist the
Christian's God. He had performed his duty bravely,
like a good prince, and should be treated as such.

Although the great end was thus accomplished,
slaughter and pillage were continued until long after
vespers. Before the troops withdrew to their respec-
tive * camps, the prisoners, including the pretty em-
press, Tecuichpo, were conducted to safe quarters in
Coyuhuacan. Shortly afterward a rain set in, aiding
the efforts of the Spaniards to check the auxiliaries
in their maraudings, and this, developing toward mid-
night into a furious storm with lightning and thunder,
seemed to the homeless Mexicans to be the xiuhcoatl
of Huitzilopochtli and the tumult of departing deities.
To the conquerors this flashing and thundering of
heaven's artillery was the salvo attending victory,
which was celebrated in feasting and merriment till
came late slumber with visions of gold, and lands, and
vassals.

Thus ended Tuesday, the 13th of August 1521,
sacred to St Hippolytus, and accordingly adopted by
the conquerors as patron saint of the city. During
colonial regime the day was annually celebrated by a
solemn festival, wherein the leading citizens and offi-
cials rode on horseback in procession round the city,

venir en aq'uel estado, que ahora ficiese del lo que yo quisiese. ' Cortes, Cartas,
257. ' Dicielidole que le diesse de punaladas 6 lo matasse, porque no era
racon que viviesse en el mundo hombre que avia perdido lo quel avia per-
dido,' adds Oviedo, iii. 422. ' Preguntaronle por los chripstianos, e" dixo:
Xo me preguntes esso; 6 si me quereys matar; matadme ya: que harto estoy
de vivir,' says another version. Id., 517. * Iria mui consolado-adonde sus
dioses estaban, especialmente haviendo muerto a manos de tal Capitan. ' Her-
rerra, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. vii. ' Why so stubborn ?' is the way Duran opens
the conversation on CorteV part. Hist, hid., MS., ii. 509. 'Toglietemi con
questo pugnale una vita, che non perdei nella difesa del mio Regno.' Clavi-
gero, Storia Mess. , iii. 230. See also Ixtlilxochitl and others. Writers gen-
erally go into ecstacy over this utterance. 'Magnanimo,' exclaims Peter
Martyr, dec. v. cap. viii. 'Heroic,' ejaculates Bustamante in support of
Chimalpain's encomium. Hist. Conq., ii. 75. 'Ce trait est digne du plus beau
temps de la Grece et de Home.' Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 193. 'A spirit
worthy of an ancient Roman,' echoes Prescott, Mex., iii. 206. Bernal Diaz
says the emperor wept, and with him his chiefs. Hist. Verdad., 155.

THE PEST-HOLES EVACUATED. 639

headed by the viceroy and the alferez mayor bear-
ing a banner commemorative of the conquest.35 For
seventy-five days consecutively, says Cortes/6 the siege
had been wreathing its coils midst almost hourly scenes
of bloodshed, wherein nearly one thousand Spaniards
and two hundred times that number of allies had taken
part, one hundred or thereabout of the former falling,
and many thousands among the latter.37

As for the Mexicans, most of the early authorities
assert that s fully one hundred thousand perished,
besides those who died from pest and famine.38 At
the order of their sovereign, after the proclamation of
peace, the miserable remnant began to evacuate their

35 Made a few years later by order of the city council. It was not, as
many suppose, the original standard, for this was hidden during two centu-
ries among rubbish in the university, as stated in its records. It now exists
in the museum, forming a piece about a yard square, which shows on one side
the Virgin of the Immaculate Conception with hands joined in prayer, and
bearing on her head a crown of gold surrounded by a halo and a circle of
stars; on the other are the royal arms. Boturini, Idea, 157. In his Catalog o,
75, this author assumes it to be the standard given to the Tlascaltecs, but
Carbajal states that at Tlascala exists another standard of CorteV, with royal
arms, Hist. Mex., ii. 637, with a picture of the above named virgin. See
also Beaumont, Cr&n. Mich., ii. 345-6. By order of July 31, 1528, the city
council orders bull-fights and other entertainments in honor of the day, 'e q
todos cabalguen los q tovieren bestias.' Librode Cabihlo, MS., 127, 234. Mex-
icans are never seen to share in the procession. 'Tan profundo esta en sus
animos la herida.' Cavo, Tres. S/glos, i. 3; Humboldt, Essai Pol.% i. 192. A
minute account of the ceremonies on the occasion is given in Monumentos
Hid. Admin. Colon., MS., 365, copied from the Archivo General.

36 Counting from May 30th, Cartas, 257, and so it is stated in the grant to
Cortes of Escudo de Armas. Duran and Ixtlilxochitl extend it to 80 and
and Bernal Diaz to 93 days. 'Despues de muchos combates, y mas de sessenta
peleas peligrosisimas. ' Acosta, Hist. Nat. hid., 525.

37 Over 60 soldiers were lost in the great defeat, and small numbers
now and then, while the auxiliaries, less skilled in fighting and chiefly un-
armored, succumbed in hordes. Gomara says about 50 soldiers, 6 horses,
and not many Indians; Herrera modifies to 'a little over' 50; Torquemada
advances to 'less than 100,' and Clavigero to 'more than 100 Spaniards.'
Hernandez, in his Estadist. Mej. , 232, computes such curiously exact figures as
107 Spaniards, 18,915 Tlascaltecs, and 33,240 Aztecs. Ixtlilxochitl, ever eager
to enlarge upon the services of his race, claims that 30,000 Tezcucans fell out
of 200,000 employed, Hor. Crueldades, 51; but this is evidently exaggerated.

38 'En que murieron infinitos.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 213; Herrera, dec.
iii. lib. ii. cap. viii. ; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 232-3. Bustamante raises
the number killed to '150,000 at least.' Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 74;
Ixtlilxochitl, loc. cit., to 240,000, including most of the nobles; while Torque-
mada, i. 577, observes 'que de veinte partes, no quedo vna, aviendo perecido,
y muerto las diez y nueve,' he and several others allowing the estimate of
fully 300,000 inhabitants. The survivors are estimated at from 30,000 persons
by Torquemada to 70,000 warriors by Oviedo, iii. 516.
Hist. Mex., Vol. I. 44

COO THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.

pest-holes, and to seek the fields adjacent, now lustrous
green under refreshing rains. Ah! it was pitiful, life
to them now, this world a great charnel-house filled
with the bones of their loved ones, and their hearts
dead though still bleeding. What were their sins
more than those of others, that they should be so
stricken, that they should be so ground to the dust
while the conquerors flushed with victory were exult-
ing before God because he had so ordered and accom-
plished? They had sacrificed human beings on the
altars of their gods, sixty thousand in one year, some
said. But what were these butcheries of the Span-
iards but human sacrifices, of more than six times
sixty thousand in one year! Behold them as they
file along the causeway, the very sun striking black
and stifling on their famine-stricken forms and a^o-
nized faces. On them, then, ye conquerors! Complete
your work ; for in its swift continuance is their earliest
rest !39

The 1 4th of August the troops entered the surren-
dered quarters to review their work and its results. " I
swear," writes Bernal Diaz, "that the lake and houses
and abodes were so full of bodies and heads of dead
men that I am unable to convey an idea thereof; for
in the streets and courts of Tlatelulco there were no
other things, and we could walk only amidst dead
bodies."40 Many became sick from the stench, and
Cortes ordered fires to be lighted to purify the air.
Natives were sent to bring forth the dead, and with
them went Spaniards seeking for gold, silver, precious

39 'Hico herrar algunos Hombres, y Mugeres por Esclavos; a todos los
demas dexd en libertad.' Torquemada, 573. 'A muchos indios 6'indias, por-
que estaban dados por traydores,' says Oviedo, iii. 517. Cortes stayed and
punished those who took slaves, ' aunque todavia herraron en la cara a algunos
mancebos y mugeres.' So states the native record of Sahagun, Hist. Gonq.
(ed. 1840), 231. But if he punished slave-takers it was for not declaring the
capture to the royal official. Duran reduces his account of Spanish liberality
to an absurdity, but more from politic reasons than because he had not at
hand better evidence, Hist. hid., MS., ii. 510.

40 Hist. Verdad, 156. 'Io sospetto, che da' Messicani lasciati fossero a bella
posta insepolti i cadaveri, per iscacciar colla puzza gli Assediatori. ' Clavigero,
Storia Mess., iii. 231. But this is unlikely. A severe siege will produce
such results.

DISMISSAL OF THE AUXILIARIES. 691

stones, and plumage, leaving textile fabrics and other
less valued effects to the allies; but the quantity
known to have been obtained fell far below their
extravagant expectations, and in their disappointment
the soldiers searched the persons of fugitives, looking
into their very mouths for hidden gold, says a native
record. Bernal Diaz complains that the brigantine
crews had already plundered the wealthiest persons,
who were in the canoes, and had sacked the treasure-
houses while the others were fighting. They in their
turn affirmed that the Mexicans had cast their treas-
ures into the lake. The mysterious depths harbor
many secrets, and beneath the waters, round the
famed city of the Aztecs, tradition still places glitter-
ing deposits of untold extent.

Three or four days after the fall, Cortes passed over
to Coyuhuacan with the greater part of his forces,
there more formally to celebrate the end of the siege
in banqueting and thanksgiving. A feature of the
performance was a solemn procession by all the sol-
diers, bareheaded, with banners, raising their voices
in praise to God, who had given them the victory,
and who was so soon to be worshipped from gulf to
southern sea.41

The services of the allies being at present no longer
needed, Cortes assembled them to speak farewell.
He dwelt in flattering terms on their brave and
effective deeds. He promised they should be duly
represented to his majesty, who would reward them
with singular privileges. To the chiefs were then
given shields, robes, and other articles, with promises
of more lands and vassals. Then they went their
way, happy in their slaves and spoils, happy in the
thought of humbled foe, happy in the promises of the

41 Bernal Diaz relates that although wine and provisions from Cuba were
abundantly dispensed at the banquet, yet there was not room for one third
of the soldiers, and much discontent grew out of it, partly from the utterances
of drunken men. A dance followed. Father Olmedo complained of so much
revelry before the rendering of due thanks to God. Cortes pleaded that sol-
diers must be allowed some license, but the following day was set apart for
religious services. Hist. Verdad., 156.

092 THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.

Spaniards; they did not know, poor simpletons, that
all along the days and nights of this terrible siege,
with sword and lance on Aztec breast, they had been
forging their own fetters, which they and their children
long must wear.42

The conquest of Mexico was less a subjugation by
Spanish soldiers than their skilful manoeuvring of New
World forces against one another. Had Anahuac
been united it would have succumbed less readily,
perhaps never. As it was, while the native nations
were slaying each other, fighting out their ancient
feuds, the astute Spaniards laid their all -possessing
hand upon the country.

Nor was any apology on their part needed before
Christendom. Mankind to this day have not become
so humane and just as not to find excuse for any
wrong within the realms of strength and inclination.
What then could be expected of an age and nation
wherein it was not uncommon to cloak crime under
the fair garb of religion. Hitherto came the Span-
iards to murder and to rob: to rob and murder in
the name of charity and sweet heaven. No excuses
were necessary, however convenient to that end
came the appeals of the Cemp*oalans groaning under
terrible oppression at the hand of a race delighting
in blood and extortion; a race which within two cen-
turies had risen from a degrading servitude largely
by mean's of intrigue and treachery; a race stamped
with ignoble characteristics born of serfdom, and
eager to retaliate on others for their past humilia-
tion, yet energetic, enterprising, and advancing with
rapid strides along the pathway of indigenous culture.

42 Bustamante comments on the non-fulfilment of the promises to Tlascala,
saying that the republic was rightly served for lending herself to the invaders.
Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 144. On their way home, says Ixtlilxochitl, the Tlas-
caltecs and their neighbors plundered Tezcuco and other towns. With the
slaves carried home by his namesake, he adds consolingly, the destroyed
palaces of Tezcuco were rebuilt. Hor. Crueldades, 52-3. The Tlascaltecs
'aim lleuaron hartas cargas de tasajos cecinados de Indios Mexicanos, que
repartieron entre sus parientes. . .por fiestas.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. VerdacL, 167.

NON OMNE LICITUM HONESTUM. 693

Ambitious to rule, they sent their armies to bring
province after province under the yoke. Rapacious
collectors followed to press the substance out of the
people, for the appetite of themselves and their
masters. Confiscation, enslavement, and desolation
marched in the train, and the fairest hopes of the
land were dragged away in bondage, and to bleed on
the stone of sacrifice.

To all these appalling evils the Totonacs, among
others, were exposed, when soldiers appeared on their
shores bearing aloft the symbol of charity, of deliver-
ance. The crushed family appealed to them, also the
writhing slaves, for from the altars of hideous idols
rose the dying shrieks of youths and maidens. But a
short time before knights of different orders swarmed
over Europe, the professed champions of the oppressed;
and the spirit of the crusaders still lingered in Spain,
in form if nothing more; and what (Christian soldier
could unheedingly view such outrages !

Montezuma and his people were inhuman monsters,
and Grotius, Montesquieu, and others who should
know, say that war in behalf of humanity is a duty;43
and this notwithstanding the remedy be tenfold more
inhuman than the disease.

Not that the Spaniards were insincere in their
proffers of such excuses ; duty comes to us in the color
of our desires. Moreover, they were fresh from the
Moorish wars; they were imbued with a religious
exaltation and chivalric sentiment that placed before
them in varied light duty to their God, their king, and
themselves. For centuries they had been trained to
devote life and possessions to advance the interests of
sovereign and church. Many of the noblest charac-
teristics were interwoven in the nature of Cortes, and
also with admirable distinctness in such men as Juan
Velazquez, Sandoval, and Puertocarrero. In others
we find the dignity of the hidalgo upheld without

43'Non clubitamus quin justa sint bella. . .in eos qui humanam carnem
epulantur,' etc. De Jure Belli, lib. ii. cap. xx.

G94 THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.

marked stain, and this notwithstanding the tendency
to intrigue, the disregard for truth and justice, and a
3Tielding to certain vices on the part of leaders, and
the greed and brutality of rank and file. But even
among the common soldiers, in fairness we cannot
disregard the echo of noble sentiment, the aspiration
toward high emprise there present. It is the leader,
however, who with all his selfish cruelties and un-
principled trickeries must ever remain the central
figure of our admiration. If ever there was a hero,
a genius of war worthy the adoration of war wor-
shippers, if ever there were grand conception and
achievement, all were vividly displayed in the mind
and person of Hernan Cortes.

An able French writer, comparing the siege of
Mexico with that of Troy, depicts Cortes as an
Achilles in whom were combined the talents of Aga-
memnon and Ulysses.44

In some respects, and as compared with his com-
panions, he indeed approached the deity the Mexi-
cans thought him. Behold him out upon this venture,
throwing life to the winds that waft him from Cuba,
sinking his ships behind him, plunging into the heart
of a hostile country, and with a l\andful of men opposing
powerful armies, quelling insurrections, capturing his
captors, turning enemies into allies, balancing upon
his finger contending powers, and after the grand cata-
clysm opened by him on the central plateau has spent
itself, he quietly pockets the prize. No Alexander,
or Scipio, or Cassar, or Napoleon ever achieved results
so vast with means so insignificant. It was indeed a
rare piracy!

Taken as a whole, the testimony of eye-witnesses and the early chroniclers
on the conquest may be considered as fully up to the average of historical
evidence. While there was no little exaggeration, and some downright
mendacity, such were the number of the witnesses, the time, place, and cir-
cumstances of their several relations, and the clearness of their testimony,
that we find no difficulty with regard to any important matters in determining

44Alvarado was Ajax ; Maxixcatzin, Nestor ; Quauhtemotzin, Hector. Che-
valitr, Mex. Anckn, 232-41.

TESTIMONY ON THE CONQUEST. 695

truth and falsehood. When in addition to the writings of the Spaniards we
have native records and architectural remains as collateral evidence, every
honest searcher after truth may be satisfied.

In regard to the two writers by the name of Diaz who accompanied
the first expedition to Mexico, I have spoken of the Itinerario de Grijalva
of the priest, and before closing this volume I will review the Historia
Verdadera of the soldier. Following these were the memorials of the rela-
tives of Velazquez, wholly unreliable; the relation of the Anonymous Con-
queror, whose statements were for the most part true ; many documents, such
as the Carta del Ejcrcito, and Probanza de Lejalde, as well as the Cartas dc
Cortes, in the main true, but which may properly be accepted only after close
scrutiny and careful comparison ; the reports of Zurita, and the innumerable
papers and documents lately brought to light by Navarrete, Ramirez, Icazbal-
ceta, Ternaux-Compans, and others, and published as Coleccion de Documentos
Inedltos, Coleccion de Documentos yara la Historia de Mexico, etc. ; native and
Spanish historians, Tezozomoc, Camargo, and Ixtlilxochitl ; Duran, Veytia,
Sahagun, Mendieta, and Las Casas ; Oviedo, Peter Martyr, and Gomara ; Her-
rera, Torquemada, Solis, and Clavigero; Bustamante, Robertson, Prescott,
and Brasseur de Bourbourg. These and others of but little inferior importance
offer ample foundation on which the modern historian may safely rear his
superstructure.

I say that it is easy enough to determine truth from falsehood in such a
study as this, where the evidence is so abundant and the witnesses are so widely
separated. When Torquemada enters into a long argument to show that the
misery wrought by the conquest was the punishment by God for the vices of
the Mexicans, I do not discuss the matter. I willingly admit that the ancient
historian knew, if indeed he knew anything about it, more concerning the
mind of the deity than the modern, though the latter might ask if the suffer-
ings of the Spaniards were not in like manner on account of their vices.

The books treating of CorteV achievements, as I have said, form an im-
mense array, as may be expected from the importance and interest of what
Robertson justly terms "the most memorable event in the conquest of
America," involving the subjugation of the richest and most advanced coun
try therein, the fall of its beautiful and renowned city, and one of the most
daring campaigns ever undertaken. The narrative reads indeed like a ro-
mance rather than history based on stern facts, and it is not strange that
men have arisen who seek to cast doubt, not alone on certain incidents, but on
the main features of the achievement and the field.

One method of doubt has been to lower the estimate of native culture
and resources ; to sneer at the large cities, magnificent palaces, regal state,
certain industrial and fine arts, picture-writing, and other evidences of a higher
culture. Such statements reveal to the experienced student a lamentable dis-
regard or ignorance of evidence extant, of ruins with their massive form,
their beautifully designed ornamentation, their admirable sculptured and
plastic delineation of the human figure, both far in advance of the conven-
tional specimens of Egypt, and the former equal in many respects to the pro-
ductions of the higher Greek art. The picture-writing, again, reveals the
phonetic element so developed as to endow the Mexicans with that high proof

696 THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.

of culture, written records, applied not only to historic incidents and common
facts, but to abstract subjects of philosophic, scientific, and poetic nature, as
instanced in my Native Races.

It needed not the official investigation instituted by the Spanish govern-
ment to confirm the mute testimony of relics, and the vivid declaration of
chroniclers. Native records exist in sufficient abundance to speak for them-
selves; records written by and for the people, and therefore free from any
suspicion of misrepresentation ; records used by a number of writers for ob-
taining that insight into esoteric features of Nahua institutions which could
not well be acquired by Spaniards. The translation of these records, as re-
produced in the volumes of Sahagun, Ixtlilxochitl, Kingsborough, and others,
with copies of original paintings, have been carefully used both for the Native
Ra,ces and the histories of Mexico and Guatemala, and introduced indeed more
thoroughly in this series as evidence than by any modern writer on the subject,
not excepting the learned Abbe Brasseur de Bourbourg, though unlike this
enthusiast I have not allowed myself to accept this evidence with the same
non-critical bias. I have merely used it for what it is worth, after applying
severe analytic tests. Certain points may be covered by merely one or two
authorities ; but even then the erudite student will readily determine the value
of the testimony from internal evidence, while in the generality of cases he
will find a number of versions by natives and Spaniards, by partisans and
rivals, whose contradictions will aid him in determining the truth.

In a previous bibliographic note I have pointed out the many internal
evidences furnished by the letters of Cort6s, of undoubted reliability on most
points, in their minuteness, their frank soldierly tone, and other features.
They are besides confirmed in all the more essential points by the contempo-
raneous letters from the municipality jf Villa Rica and the army, the sworn
depositions before the royal notary by leading officers, the narratives of Andre's
de Tapia, and others. Still stronger confirmation is given in the complaints
and memorials issued by enemies and rivals of the great captain, who in their
efforts to detract from his character and achievements provide the historian
with material that enables him to avoid the pitfalls abounding even in the
honest narratives of partisans, either from sympathy, from lack of thorough
knowledge, or from hearsay. Such testimony is abundant in the residencia
investigations of Cortes, Alvarado, Guzman, and others, all which contain
voluminous testimony on the most important questions. Prescott's oppor-
tunities for consulting new material were vastly superior to those of his pre-
decessors. If mine have been correspondingly greater, it may perhaps to some
extent be due to the example set by him in his earnest researches, and because
since the publication of his volumes, private individuals and learned societies
have striven with increased enthusiasm to bring to light hidden material,
notably from the rich archives of Spain and certain Latin-American states.

From this mass of what may be termed documentary evidence we turn to
the regular historians and narrators, beginning with Peter Martyr and Oviedo,
who both adhere chiefly to Cortes, though the latter adds other versions by
different eye-witnesses. Sahagun's account contains a strange admixture of
^native absurdities and vague recollections of converted soldiers. A more com- .

THE STANDARD CHRONICLERS. 697

plete version ia given by Gomara, the biographer of the great captain, who had
access to private and public archives and individual narratives now lost ; but
he frequently colors the incidents to the credit of his hero and his profession.
Nevertheless the value of the text is testified to by his Mexican translator
Chimalpain, who adds some interesting facts from native records and personal
knowledge. The Tezcucan writer Ixtlilxochitl also follows him pretty closely
for the Spanish side, while the archives left him by his royal ancestors and
different narratives furnish the other side, frequently absurd and highly
colored. Camargo gives a rather brief Tlascaltec version. Gomara 's coloring,
which, in accordance with the method of most historians, leaves the credit for
achievements with the leader, roused the feelings of more than one of the
soldiers who had shared in the glories of that period, and Bernal Diaz
promptly began to write his celebrated Historia Verdadera, which professes
to tell the true story and rectify in particular the so-called blunders of
Gomara. Although this profession is not always to be relied on, the story is
most valuable from its exceeding completeness, its many new facts, and its
varied version. Not long after, Herrera, the official historiographer, began
his decades, wherein for the conquest he uses the material already printed,
with a leaning toward Gomara, yet with several additional narratives to per-
fect his own revised version, notably that of Ojeda, a leading officer under
Cortes, and also no small mass of material from the archives of Spain. Tor-
quemada copies him for the most part, though he adds much native testimony
from Sahagun, from a Tezcucan writer, and others, making his account of the
conquest the most complete up to that time. Solis elaborates with little
critique, and with a verboseness and grandiloquence that tire. Vetancurt's
version is comparatively brief, with few additions, and Robertson's is a brill-
iant summary ; but Clavigero, while adding not much to Torquemada's bulky
account, presents it in quite a new form, pruned of verboseness, re-arranged
in a masterly manner, and invested with a philosophic spirit altogether
superior to anything presented till Prescott's time. On Uie above historians
and some of Cortes' letters are founded the immense array of minor accounts
and summaries on the conquest, both in separate and embodied form, some of
them provided with occasional observations, but for the great part they con-
tain nothing of any value to the student. Those after Prescott's time follow
him as a rule. Mexican accounts might naturally be expected to present
useful features, but such is hardly the case. Alaman, Ramirez, Icazbalceta,
Orozco y Berra, Bustamante, and certain writers in the Boletin of the Mexican
Geographical Society, have brought to light several documents and monographs
bearing on particular incidents and features ; but no complete account of real
value has been written, Carbajal's pretentious version being almost wholly a
plagiarism from Clavigero, Mora's a hasty compilation, and so on. As for
the new bulky Spanish version by Zamacois, it is not only verbose but super-
ficial and narrow in its research, blundering even where Prescott points the
way, and representing more a feuilleton issue than a history.

Bernal Diaz del Castillo is, as I have said, the main historian of the con-
quest, from the exhaustive thoroughness of his material, as compared with
other original writers, and from his participation in all its leading scenes,

COS THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.

including the discovery voyages. For about half a century he survives, and
sees comrade after comrade disappear from the field till but five of CorteV
original company remain, "all of us very old, suffering from infirmities, and
very poor, burdened with sons and daughters to marry, and grandchildren,
and with but a small income; and thus we pass our days in toil and misery."
He is not so badly off, however, as he would have us believe, for a comfortable
encomienda supplies every want, and numerous descendants throng round to
ininister to his comfort and listen to his tales. But as he recalls the great
achievements wherein he participated, he swells with the importance of the
events, and dwelling on the multiplied treasures he has assisted to capture, the
reward sinks to insignificance. It is but the chronic grumble, however, of an
old soldier that half the continent would not satisfy. Springing from a poor
and humble family of Medina del Campo, in old Castile, he had embarked at
an early age with the expedition of Pedrarias in 1514 to seek fortune in
Darien. Failing there, he drifts to Cuba in time to join the discovery parties
of Cordoba and Grijalva. Subsequently he enlists under Cortes as a common
soldier, yet somewhat above the mass in the favor of his chief. "Soldado dis-
tinguido," says Juarros, implying higher birth ; but this is doubtful. There is
hardly a prominent incident of the conquest in which he does not participate,
being present in no less than one hundred and nineteen battles, according to
his enumeration, whereof many a scar remains to bear witness, and many a
trophy to attest his valor. In due time he receives his share of repartimientos
of land and serfs, and settles in Goazacoalco as regidor, with sufficient means
to feed a taste that procures for him the not ill-esteemed nickname of Dandy.
From his life of contentment, though not equal to his claims, he is torn by
the Honduras expedition under Cortes, who gives him at times the command
of a small party, whence comes the sported title of captain. Afterward for
a time he drifts about, and finally settles in Guatemala city with the rank of
regidor perp6tuo, and with a respectable encomienda, obtained partly through
the representations of Cortes to the king. *He marries Teresa, daughter of
Bartolome Becerra, one of the founders of the city, and repeatedly its alcalde,
and has several children, whose descendants survive to witness the overthrow
of the royal banner planted by their forefather. Grandsons figure as deans
of the city church, and an historian of the adopted country rises in Fuentes
y Guzman. Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 604; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 177;
Memorial tie Conquistadores, in Monumentos Admin. Munic, MS.; Juarros,
Gnat., i. 338, 350; Torquemada, i. 351.

The . leisure afforded him in Guatemala, broken by little save the inspec-
tion of his estate, gave opportunity for indulging in the reveries of by-gone
days. Histories of achievements were nearly all connected with the great
Cortes, famed on every lip ; yet that fame had been acquired with the aid
of soldiers who like himself had been consigned to an obscure corner of the
vast domains conquered by them. It did not seem right to the scarred
veteran that the fruits of combined toil should fall to one or two alone;
that he himself should be regarded far less than hundreds of upstarts whose
only deeds had been to reap the field won by him and his comrades. He
would tcH his tale at all events ; and forthwith he began to arrange the notes
formed during his career, and to uplift the curtains of memory for retrospec-

BERXAL DIAZ AND CLAVIGERO. 699

tive views. While thus occupied he came upon the history by Gomara, and
perceiving "his great rhetoric, and my work so crude, I stopped writing, and
even felt ashamed to let it appear among notable persons." But finding that
the biographer of Cortes had committed many blunders, and had colored the
narrative on behalf of his patron, he again seized the pen, with the double
purpose of correcting such errors and of vindicating his slighted comrades.
Faithfully he carried out his plan, recording name after name of brave fellows
who shed lustre on the flag, who freely risked their lives in gallant encounters,
or who gave their last breath for church and king. While dwelling lovingly
on humble companions, whose cause he espoused, he detracts little from the
leaders and cavaliers. He describes their appearance and traits with a graphic
fidelity that seems to bring them before us in person ; he freely accords them
every credit, and if he spares not their vices they are seldom brought forward
in a captious or ill-natured spirit. On the contrary, he frequently covers dis-
agreeable facts in deference to the dead. This general fairness of dealing is
particularly noticeable in regard to Cortes, whom nevertheless he sometimes
severely criticises ; and while Diaz assumes for his side the credit of many a
suggestion and deed, yet he is ever the loyal soldier, and frequently takes up
the cudgel in behalf of the honored leader when others seek to assail him. He
admires the great captain hardly less than kimself. Indeed, to say that the
old campaigner was vain is stating it mildly. Two licentiates who read the
manuscript pointed this out to him, but he replied, "Whom does it harm?
"No one praises an old, broken-down soldier, so I must even praise myself. It
is a duty I owe not only to my fair name but to my descendants." He re-
vives in his narrative and carries us back with him to those stirring days, de-
picting now the hardships of the inarch, now the new countries and races that
appear ; then he enters into the heat of battle with a fidelity that brings the
din and turmoil vividly before us; and anon we see the adventurers in camp,
in their social relations, relieved by pleasing episodes. He enters thoroughly
into their hopes and feelings, deeds and life ; he grows eloquent and pathetic
by turns, and reveals also the undercurrent of piety and zeal which pervaded
the rakish crew. Here is the gossipy frankness of Herodotus, illumined by
many a quaint observation and many a blunt sally. Bernal Diaz had but the
rudiments of education, which nevertheless was above the average among his
fellow-soldiers ; but he had evidently read a little in later years, to judge by
his allusions to classic history, though not enough to acquire more than a
mediocre proficiency in grammar. There is a minuteness of detail at times
wearisome, and garrulous digression and repetition ; but a simple perspicuity
pervades the whole narrative, which makes it easy to follow, while the frank-
ness and frequent animation are pleasing. Much of it appears to have been
dictated, perhaps to some one of his children, "cuyo manuscrito se conserva
en el archivo de esta municipalidad." Jil, in Gaceta Nic, June 24, 1865. It
was given for perusal to different persons, and several copies made; but
none cared to assume its publication. Sixty years later, however, Friar
Alonso Remon, chronicler of the Merced order in Spain, found one set in the
library of Ramirez del Prado, of the Council of the Indies, and perceiving the
importance of the narrative, he caused it to be printed at Madrid in 1632
under the title of Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva-Espaua.

700 THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.

Hemon dying during the publication, Friar Gabriel Adarzo. "nunc Hydrun-
tinus preesul," Antonio, Bib. Hisp. Nova, iii. 224, took it in charge. Several
discrepancies indicate that revisions have been made, and Vazquez, Chron.
Guat., 524, whose jealousy as a friar was aroused by allusions to Father
Olinedo, CorteV companion, compared the print with the original copy and
pointed out several differences. A second edition, bearing the date 1C32,
though published later probably, contains an additional chapter on omens,
which appears in others of the many editions and translations issued in differ-
ent countries, even of late years.

Perhaps the most clear-sighted writer on Mexico during the last century
was Francisco Javier Clavigero, himself a native of that country, and born at
Vera Cruz in 1731. His father was a Leonese, whose official duties called
him to different parts of the country, and young Francisco profited by this
to acquire a knowledge of its resources and idioms. After a novitiate of three
years at the Jesuit college of Tepozotlan, he passed to that at Puebla, and
there studied philosophy and theology, and showed particular fondness for
languages, both classic and native. He taught rhetoric and philosophy in the
principal schools of the country, though restricted somewhat by the superiors
in his too liberal ideas, for which .Mexico was not yet considered ripe. Mean-
while his enthusiasm centred on the study of Aztec history and hieroglyphs,
which received a serious check in the expulsion of Jesuits from America in
1707. He sought refuge in Italy, staying chiefly at Bologna, where he founded
an academy, and having considerable leisure he began to shape the results of
his late studies, impelled in no small degree by the -writings of De Pauw and
Robertson, which grated on his patriotic spirit. They were prepared in
Spanish, but the authorities giving no encouragement for their publication in
Spain, an Italian translation was made and issued in four volumes, as Storia
Antica del Messico, Cesena, 1780, dedicated to the university at Mexico. Sub-
sequently a Spanish version appeared, but not before several editions had
been published in England and other countries. The first volume treats of
resources and ancient history, the second of manners and customs, the third
of the conquest, and the fourth consists of a series of dissertations on the
origin of the Americans, on chronology, physique, languages, and other points.
They have been widely quoted, and Francisco Carbajal de Espinosa has shown
such appreciation of it as to copy almost the whole text in what he calls his
Historia de Mexico, Mex. , 1856, 2 vols. Clavigero's work is based to a great
extent on aboriginal records and personal observation, and the old chronicles
have been largely used ; but their cumbrous and confused material is here
arranged in a manner worthy of the liberal-minded philosopher and rhetorician.
Indeed, no previous work in this field can at all compare with it for com-
prehensiveness and correctness, depth of thought and clearness of expression.
In the former respect he greatly surpasses P^obertson and in the latter he
may be classed as his equal. His death, which took place at Bologna in 1787,
found him in the midst of a number of literary projects, called forth in part
by the success of the Storia, and by the different subjects which he had therein
touched but lightly. Among these works was the Storia delta California,
issued at Venice two years after his death. It will be noticed in due order.

WILLIAM H. PEESCOTT. 701

There can be no more fitting close to this volume on the conquest of
Mexico than a tribute of esteem to William Hickling Prescott. I have
noted in a previous volume his amiable weakness, incident to the times
rather than to the man, of intensifying the character of prominent personages
so as to present the good better and the bad worse than they truly were, in
order to render his narrative stronger and more interesting than it would be
otherwise; but this is nothing as compared with his general fairness, united
with a magnificent style and philosophic flow of thought. I have noted some in-
accuracies and contradictions in his history, but these are nothing as compared
with his general care and correctness as a writer. I have mentioned material
which he lacked, but this is nothing as compared with the great mass of fresh
evidence which he brought to enrich his subject. Words fail to express my
admiration of the man, the scholar, the author. Apart from the din and dust
of ordinary life, he lived as one in the world but not of it, pure of mind, gentle
of heart, and surpassingly eloquent.

Mr Prescott was born at Salem, Massachusetts, May 4, 1796. His father,
a lawyer of rising reputation, then thirty-four years of age, removed his
family to Boston in 1808. At the age of fifteen William entered Harvard
College. While engaged in a boyish frolic one day during his junior year a
large hard piece of bread, thrown probably at random, struck full in his left
eye, forever depriving him of its use. Pursuing his studies with his wonted
cheerfulness, he graduated in 1814, and entered upon the study of law in
his father's office. In 1815 a rheumatic inflammation settled in his right eye,
now his sole dependence, causing him much pain and anxiety. A change of
climate having been determined upon, he embarked for the Azores, on a
visit to his grandfather Hickling, then United States consul at Saint Michael.
There he remained about six months, confined the greater part of "the time
to a dark room. In April 1816 he embarked for London, crossed to Paris,
made the usual Italian tour, and the following year, his eye becoming worse,
he returned home. But hope for the restoration of his sight still lingered,
and the marvellous buoyancy of his spirits never deserted him. A devoted
sister cheered the long hours of his solitude by readings from his favorite
authors. A literary venture made at this time in a contribution to the North
American Review failed; his manuscript was returned, and his sister, alone in
the secret, was enjoined to silence.

Leaving his darkened chamber and mingling again with society, of which
he was ever a bright ornament, he became attached to a daughter of Thomas
C. Amory, a Boston merchant, whom he married on his twenty-fourth birthday.
Mr Prescott now abandoned the hope of the entire restoration of his eye.
If by restrictions of diet and dieting and by persistent open-air exercise he
might preserve a partial use of the organ he would rest content. And thus
he passed the remainder of his life. At times he was in almost total darkness,
but ordinarily he could read and revise his manuscripts ; for the purpose of
writing, however, he was obliged to use a noctograph.

Possessing strong literary tastes, and an aversion to law, Mr Prescott deter-
mined upon literature as a pursuit, and in 1826, with the aid of a secretary, he
began a systematic course of reading for a history of Ferdinand and Isabella.
For three years and a half he pursued this preparatory labor; in 1829 he began

702 THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.

writing, publishing the work in 1837. Ten of the best years of his life Mr
Prescott claims to have devoted to this book ; and for the use of the stereotype-
plates, which Mr Prescott supplied at his own cost, and the right to publish
twelve hundred and fifty copies, the American Stationers' Company agreed
to pay the sum of one thousand dollars. But money was not the author's
object. The publication in London was offered to John Murray and to the
Longmans, and was declined by both. Bentley finally became the London pub-
lisher. The work was well received on both sides of the Atlantic ; it was trans-
lated into several languages, and procured for the author at once a world-wide
reputation. The Conquest of Mexico was a worthy outgrowth of so splendid a
creation as the Ferdinand and Isabella. The year following the publication of
his first work, and after having sent to Spain and Mexico for materials for
histories of the conquests of Mexico and Peru, Mr Prescott learned acciden-
tally that Mr Irving was engaged on similar work. He wrote Irving, acquaint-
ing him of the fact, and the latter retired gracefully from the field. In 1843
the Conquest of Mexico appeared, under the auspices of the Harpers, who paid
$7500 for the use of the plates and the right to publish 5000 copies. The
Conquest of Peru was published in 1847; Philip the Second in 1855-8; and
Robertson's Charles the Fifth in 1856. Mr Prescott died of apoplexy in the
sixty -third year of his age.

For his Conquest of Mexico, besides all printed material extant, Mr Prescott
drew upon a large mass of new information in manuscript, from several sources,
notably from the valuable collection of Muiioz, brought together for an in-
tended history of America'; that of Vargas Ponce, obtained chiefly from
Seville archives ; that of Navarrete, president of the Royal Academy of History
at Madrid ; and the archives of Cortes' heirs, all of which shed new light on
almost every section of the subject. His deep research, manifest throughout
in copious foot-notes, is especially displayed in the very appropriate introduc-
tion on Mexican civilization, which enables the reader to gain an intimate
knowledge of the people whose subjugation he follows. Good judgment is
also attested in the dissertation on the moot question of the origin of this
culture, wherein he prudently abstains from any decided conclusions. The
fact of occasional inaccuracies cannot be severely criticised when we consider
the infirmity under which the author labored. Since his time so great a mass
of material has been brought to light that the aspect of history is much
changed. This new material consists partly of native records, and it is due
to his unacquaintance with these records that a great lack is implied in his
pages. . The fact that Prescott relied too much on Spanish material may ac-
count for the marked bias in favor of the conquerors in many instances where
strict impartiality might be expected, and for the condemnatory and reflective
assertions which at times appear in direct contradiction to previous lines of
thought. At times, as if aware of this tendency, he assumes a calmness that
ill fits the theme, giving it the very bias he seeks to avoid. Yet with all this
it is safe to say that few histories have been written in which the qualities of
philosopher and artist are so happily blended.

i